We note these efforts and their failure right here, as by them we may see God's sovereign will in giving the negro preference, and shall by and by revert to them again.

These humble slave worshippers statedly met at their meeting-house, as it was called; and the good seed sown by the good Lord, through the instrumentality of Brother George Liele, began to spring up and bear fruit. Mr. Bryan, like “Andrew who first findeth his brother Simon and brought him to Jesus,” was instrumental in converting his brother, Sampson Bryan, about the beginning of his ministry, and they, being visited by an aged minister named Thomas Burton, soon after Sampson and seventeen others of Mr. Bryan's converts were baptized, upon a credible profession of their faith in Christ. This number, however, is not an indication of the extent of his success, for many who may have been converted could not receive this ordinance, being so bound by the power of slavery that they required the consent of their masters in writing to enable them to obey God and satisfy this earnest religious desire of the soul. This small beginning seemed to have commenced in the year 1785, about the time that a religious revival was going on higher up in the State, and about the time the first association was organized; and the little nucleus for the church had to learn to labor in patience and to wait. Their progress was slow; there could be no regularity in their meetings; they had to bide their time and opportunity to serve the Lord. Here was the period when the system ever since known as the Society on each plantation was inaugurated, —that is, one brother was appointed as a watchman to open and lead the prayer-meeting at such place as the few believers and seekers after Jesus came together. Sometimes it was in the watchman's house, and often had to be in the swamp, when prohibition was made by the owner or overseer of the plantation; for be it remembered that the majority of those preached to by Mr. Bryan were from and of the rice and indigo plantations along the Savannah River; and only when tickets of permission were given to them to visit the city could they attend these preachings. On these occasions might be seen numbers of cypress log dugouts, called by the Indian name canoe, paddling down and up the river on the Sabbath mornings and evenings. Those of the city and suburban farms had, of course, better opportunities of attending oftener; yet all were under the necessity of procuring passes from their owners or employers, the river and roads being patrolled by the county militia-men, and a severe castigation would be the penalty if found without such pass. Thus the progress of religion may only seem slow when, in 1788, about three years after the visit of Rev. Thomas Burton, they were again visited by Rev. Abraham Marshall, of Kioke, accompanied by a young preacher of color, named Jesse Golphin. Mr. Marshall baptized forty-five more of the congregation in one day, and on the 20th of January, 1788, organized them into a church, and ordained Mr. Bryan to the ministry as their pastor, with full authority to preach the gospel and administer the ordinances of Christ.

Thus was the church struggling in embryo for about five years, and, being now fully and “fitly framed together for an habitation of God through the spirit,”∗ ∗ Eph. ii. 21, 22. their faith was now to be put to a severe test; that “the trial of your faith, being more precious than of gold that perisheth, though it be tried with fire, might be found unto praise and honour and glory at the appearing of Jesus Christ.”‡ ‡ 1 Peter i. 7. Joyous in this only privilege allowed, with much pride they gathered on the Lord's Day in their rough house of worship, in the suburbs of the city, singing the songs of Zion, making melody in their hearts. There had ever been opposition to any other religious worship save the Episcopal and Lutheran, the only existing churches founded with the colony, and the Presbyterians, planted by the Rev. George Whitefield, all Pedobaptists, so that as this Church grew and began to flourish, oft appearing at the Savannah River administering the ordinance of baptism, they met with various annoyances at first, which was patiently borne almost in silence; but the opposition grew stronger and their trials greater. Frequent, then, became the whipping of individual members by the patrol on the plea of not having proper tickets-of-leave, which finally culminated in the arrest and punishment of a large part of the members, all of whom were severely whipped; but Rev. Andrew Bryan, their pastor, and his brother, Sampson Bryan, one of the first deacons, were inhumanly cut, and their backs were so lacerated that their blood ran down to the earth, as they, with uplifted hands, cried unto the Lord; and this first negro Baptist pastor, while under this torture, declared to his persecutors “that he rejoiced not only to be whipped, but would freely suffer death for the cause of Jesus Christ.”

The brothers, Andrew and Sampson, with their backs bleeding, accused of evil designs against the whites or of plotting insurrection, as charged by their accusers, were with some fifty others locked up in prison and their meeting-house taken away from them. This was about the year 1789 or 1790. Mr. Jonathan Bryan, the master of Andrew and Sampson, interceded for these persecuted Christians, fully believing that they were martyrs to prejudice and wickedness.

Many of these native Africans became eminent Christians according to their sphere of life, and several served in positions in the church as deacons and upon the plantations as householders (as some of the leaders of the branch society were called); and in nearly every instance their moral and religious character was equal to the best among their brethren of American birth. And this feature, we doubt not, early suggested the idea to our white brethren of designating a church composed wholly of colored persons as an African Church.

It will be remembered that this church became a member of the old Georgia Association in 1790, and so continued as the only strictly negro church in that body until 1794, when the meeting was held at “Powell Creek Meeting-house,” near Powelton, when, in response to letters from several churches requesting a division, “it was agreed that all the churches in the lower part of our union who see fit to form another meeting of this nature have our consent; and that one be called the Upper District Georgia Baptist Association and the other the Lower District Georgia Baptist Association. The first meeting of the Lower District Association to be on Saturday before the fourth Lord's Day in September, at Buckhead Davis Meeting-house, the brethren John Thomas, Jephtha Wining, and Silas Mercer to attend as messengers. The meeting of the Upper District Association to be at Kiokee New Meeting-house, on Saturday before the third Lord's Day in October, which Association is to hold the present Constitution and records.” Rev. Silas Mercer was appointed to preach the Association sermon when they met in 1795, and the Saturday before the fifth Sabbath in September was set apart as a day of fasting and prayer. We copy this almost verbatim as recorded in the Georgia Baptist history, to show the careful manner in which our elder brethren in a division formed new interests for the Master, so as not to break the union of the churches or associations. It is further said that “twenty-two churches were withdrawn at this time, among which was the colored church at Savannah, which then contained three hundred and eighty-one members, their pastor being Andrew Bryan.”∗ ∗ On page 34, “History of the Baptist Denomination in Georgia,” there is a misnomer. It was Andrew Bryan and not Marshall, as Andrew Marshall was not then a member of the church.—[ED.]

The new interest organized in 1785 departed from the advice of the parent body so far as adopting a title, which was called Hephzibah. It does not appear that this church was represented in the lower or new body, and we may account for this in the fact that her sister churches (white) over in South Carolina failed also to attend, and likely they were all considering the propriety of organizing a like association for themselves nearer home,—for we well remember that the white brethren of our city were then erecting a building and endeavoring to constitute another Baptist church in Savannah; but, as we have said, failed in the undertaking then, but did at a later day succeed in doing so.

It is greatly to be regretted that the illiterate condition of this bulwark of grace was such that we can find no records or date of its work from 1795 to 1799; but it is a well-established fact that the church kept on the even tenor of her way; and it is worthy of remark that while our more favored white Baptist brethren affiliated under certain circumstances with Pedobaptists, yet this humble fold of Christ (though surrounded by Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Lutherans, and despite an earnest effort by Bishop Asbury to establish Methodism about this period) stood firm as the rock upon which she was planted. Orthodox in the Baptist faith, Jesus himself opened a door to the New Testament dispensation of grace in baptism by immersion, and which must ever remain the door to communion. Her pastor standing firm in this position, immovably preaching this doctrine; not that they or he was learned in the doctrines, but by a spiritual intuition that this was the way the apostles went, and on Sundays of their quarterly meetings (using the then common phrase) they might be seen in solemn procession, the whole church marching as if actually going to a burial of the dead; their sweet, plaintive voices heard as they went to the river at the foot of what is now known as Farm Street, singing the great commission given by their loving Lord, as paraphrased by Dr. Watts, and lined by one of the brethren or the pastor: “Go preach my gospel, saith the Lord;Bid the whole earth my grace receive:He shall be saved that trusts my word,And he condemned who'll not believe.” And while this honored servant of God fervently appealed to the throne of grace for blessings upon this land and country, the prosperity of the city, and the upbuilding of the kingdom of grace here, and that the candidates for immersion may receive the kingdom of glory by and by, the solemnity and impressiveness of the scene were at times awful and inspiring. In these earlier days of our fathers' worship at the water-side, it was a custom to sing some of the songs of Zion while the ordinance was being administered; and, oh! it was soul-cheering, indeed, to hear them break out in joyous acclamation, as the first subject was immersed and rose up from under the water,— “I am bound for the promised land,I am bound for the promised land;Oh, who will come and go with me?I am bound for the promised land.” This was sung as a chorus to subject or sentence from the Bible, and kindred to the occasion, paraphrased by some one of the brethren, many of whom had wonderful, though crude, poetical gifts, remarkable in their conception and application. Numerous were those spiritualizing songs; but this is sufficient as an example of the times, though very many of the hymns from the then popular edition of “Watts and Rippons” were used in regular church services, recited from the book by their pastor or some of the members blessed with the ability to read. Two lines of a stanza were given out between the period of singing; and such was their religious love, memory, and zeal that it was common in the prayer-meetings of the plantation societies to hear these hymns repeated and sung with considerable exactness, though ignorant of letters, even by some of Africo-American tongue; and while it is also true that the attempt, in some instances, would seem to excite ridicule, yet it was very comforting to kindred souls. The same may be said of the sacred Scriptures, many passages of which were read from memory, and by some whole chapters were accurately retained and intelligently commented upon; in broken language, perhaps, but to a great degree sound in doctrine and logic. While the church was in the fullest sense evangelical in faith and missionary in spirit, its strict principle on the communion question was ever conspicuous,—none were invited, or, if known, permitted to come to the communion-table who were not baptized by immersion, coming through the door Christ Jesus, as he laid out the way of faith in Jordan.

Another evidence of the orthodox principle in the church was the marital relations of its members. Mr. Bryan required candidates for baptism to give the fullest proof of their being already married according to the tenets of the Bible; or, had they simply lived together loosely as the slave-custom too commonly permitted, to come before him and have this solemn service administered; and all members of the church intending to enter into conjugal relations were strictly required to report the same to their leader, if on the plantations, and to the deacons, if in the city, to be reported to the pastor, who read out the banns in public church service, that these relations, so far as in the church were possible, should be kept inviolate, as Christ has taught they should be. The State recognized no such lawful relations among the slaves or persons of color, and constantly was the church perplexed by the cruel separation of men and wives, members of the mystical body of Christ being sold away from each other, in some instances, with no apparent hope of ever meeting again on earth; and which naturally entailed upon the man or woman, as the case might be, remaining with the church, the necessity of contracting new relations of the kind; but even in such cases the church required sufficient time to elapse, that they might be satisfied there was no hope of return, before marrying again; thus guarding with all the power delegated to the church the sacred commands of Jesus, and throwing the onus wholly upon those who dispensed God's laws so unrighteously against a people purchased to himself with the precious blood of his only and well-beloved Son. Of course, many conflicting circumstances arose that baffled their reason to remedy. However, the church yet stood acquitted of what it was not in her power to cure, and could but in patience submit to and endure. Thus are noted these practices, which are the more remarkable among a people having nothing but the Bible as their guide, which but few of them were able to read, and that very imperfectly; yet by using the means of grace given them, and with the Holy Spirit's unction upon them, inspiring a desire to do simply the will of God, proved themselves equal to the interpretation of the Scriptures aright, and acting according to the mind of the spirit, and in faith and practice orthodox Baptists.

Unfortunately, we have no way of knowing what progress the church at this time made in numbers, from the report made to the Georgia Association, in 1790, of three hundred and eighty-one members; but there is no doubt that, so far as circumstances permitted, the gain of the church spiritually was equal to the blessings she had temporally. God had given them all they possessed, and their pastor, though purchasing through his white friends and in his individual name, yet knew it all was the gift of God to his believing, trusting people, and on the 3d day of July, 1797, “conveyed in trust, for the use and better security, to the members of his church, to Messrs. Thomas Polhill, William Matthews, David Fox, and Josiah Fox, one equal moiety being the half of all that lot of land (most part of said lot) . . . known as No. 7, in the village of St. Gall, fronting on Bryan or Odingsell Street.” So states the deed in part, which will be found in full hereafter. The consideration named was the same as that originally paid for the land, thirty pounds sterling; the terms of the trust being perpetual, the survivors having power to fill vacancies whenever they should occur. It will be noticed that the first named in the trust, Major Polhill and wife, were converted by the preaching of Mr. Bryan in his yard at Newington, in Effingham County, eighteen miles above Savannah, in 1789, and were both baptized by Rev. Alexander Scott, of Black Swamp, South Carolina, who, by his zeal for the cause, was instrumental in the constitution of the Newington Church, in 1798; being the oldest white Baptist church in the lower part of Georgia. Thus God blessed his seed of grace sown in the hearts of these humble slaves even to whites, wherefore he saith, God resisteth the proud but giveth grace to the humble.

The close of the century found this church doing a good work for the Lord, and is also memorable in the loss to her of the first and ever-faithful deacon, Sampson Bryan, own brother to the pastor, and one among the first fruits of his ministry who became a deacon upon the constitution of the church, suffered severely like his brother in their great trials, passed with him as through fire, and came out but more purified and strong, never faltering or failing in any duty to his master, Jesus. He lived and rejoiced to see the old ship of Zion riding prosperously upon the sea of time, having safely weathered many gales; and then, on the 23d of January, 1799, his Lord called him home, to enter into that rest that remaineth to the people of God; and though his death to him was no doubt great gain, the loss to the church and to their pastor, his elder brother, can hardly be told in words. He was buried in the colored persons' cemetery of the city, his grave vaulted over with bricks, and a large marble stone laid upon it with this inscription, which remains to this day: “Here lies the body of Sampson Bryan, who departed this life January 23d, 1799, aged 53 years. He was the first deacon of the First Colored Baptist Church in this city, and served faithfully in that office until his death.”

The feeble but earnest struggle of the Newington interest was all the Baptist strength east of Burke County, in this State; when, in 1799, Rev. Henry Holcombe was invited to Savannah by the pewholders of the congregation worshipping on Franklin Square, consisting of Presbyterians and a very few Baptists, who had built the house of worship, yet were not sufficiently strong to constitute a church; and so were jointly worshipping together, when Dr. Holcombe accepted the call to supply them.

His relation to and influence upon this church, as also of the Baptist interest of the whole State, warrants us in giving him more than a passing notice in this history. “Rev. Henry Holcombe, D.D., was born in Prince Edward County, Virginia, September 22, 1762. While he was yet a child his father moved to South Carolina, where (to use his own words) at eleven years of age he completed all the education he ever received from a living preceptor.”∗ “Georgia Baptists, Historical and Biographical,” by J. H. Campbell. As a young man he served in the Revolutionary war as a captain of cavalry. He was converted to Christ while so serving, and joined the Presbyterian Church at the age of twenty-two. He immediately began to preach the gospel, and, it is said, his first sermon was preached in the saddle, at the head of his command, on the 11th of September, 1785. Not long after he became convinced that the Baptist principles of religion were right, and he rode twenty miles on horseback to be baptized by immersion. He was soon ordained, and became a distinguished preacher, meeting with extraordinary success in his work. Among his converts were his wife and an only brother of hers, and their mother; also his own father, Grimes Holcombe, was converted from Pedobaptist views. All these he had the pleasure of baptizing.

He was pastor of the Euhaw Baptist Church of South Carolina, though he resided at Beaufort, when in 1799 he was invited to Savannah; and we repeat, truly his coming into the State rendered great service to the Baptist cause in general and this church and Savannah in particular; and from the time he became acquainted with Rev. Mr. Bryan, and the history of his church and people, ever manifested the deepest interest in their welfare, both moral and religious, as will be seen in history, and as long as he remained in the State, and even after removing to Philadelphia, where he went in 1811.∗ ∗ Benedict's “History of the Baptists,” vol. ii. p. 186.

So much success attended his ministry that in 1800 it was judged proper to organize a Baptist church of his white brethren in Savannah. The constituent members were twelve,—three males and nine females. Dr. Holcombe soon after was called as the pastor, and served as such eleven years. There is no doubt but that this First Colored Church was remarkably successful in its humble sphere, and some of its past history coming to the doctor's notice, in his late field of service just across the boundary in Carolina, had made an impression, and he was not long in seeing in it a means of spreading the Baptist influence in this section of the State.

The constitution of this Savannah church gave three to the eastern part of the State: the First Colored, organized January 20, 1788; the Newington, 1793; the Savannah, 1800. They met in convention at Savannah in 1802, and organized the Savannah River Association. Who the officers were we have no knowledge, as the file of minutes has been lost, it appears; but this we are certain of, that the churches were enrolled according to the date of constitution, and the First Colored Church stood at the head of the roll;∗ ∗ Benedict's “History of the Baptists,” vol. ii. p. 186. its membership was reported at 850, and to strengthen the body it was resolved that two more colored churches be constituted out of the membership of the First, and that two more colored ministers be ordained as their pastors. While we may see clearly the wisdom and zeal of our fathers to enlarge and strengthen our Baptist field, no doubt suggested by the acute mind of Dr. Holcombe, it does also appear that the character and standing of the pioneer in this section, Rev. Bryan, stood out strongly insisting that in justice, as well as the eternal fitness of the purpose, he should have some ministering colleagues of his own race, and that the claims and fitness of some of the young men whom he had led to Christ by his preaching should be considered; and it appears that the old pastor also held that his church should be consulted in the premises and give her consent; and he carried his point. Subsequent events proved that this was the will of God to perpetuate colored churches.

Among the male members of this church showing gifts were Henry Cunningham, Henry Francis, and Evans Grate, deacons; but of the three, Cunningham's gifts and circumstances seemed to favor him above his fellows. Yet it appears that the minds of both church and pastor were different, for soon after the adjournment of the Association the church called a council and ordained Brother Henry Francis, May 23, 1802. Rev. Jesse Peters, of Augusta, preached from Mark xv. 16; prayer by Rev. A. Bryan; charge by Dr. Holcombe. This seemed, of course, to give him preferment over his other brethren for the new churches under contemplation; and as to Brother Cunningham he must have so felt it, for he requested his letter,—which, being granted, he put in the Savannah Baptist Church (white) and was received into fellowship as a member,—as did also several others who followed him, among whom, as has been named to us, were Brother Thomas Anderson and Sisters Betsey Cunningham, Silvia Whitfield, Silvia Monax, Charlotte Walls, Leah Simpson, Susan Jackson; Brethren Scipio Gordon and Richard Houston,— all of when afterwards became active organizers of the Second Church.∗ ∗ “Reminiscences,” by Samuel Cope, a young member at this period. This seemed to have been the first serious misunderstanding among themselves as a church, and requests for letters became so numerous that the old pastor refused to grant any more, and threatened to expel them for insubordination; yet all who were dismissed, residing in the city, joined Dr. Holcombe's church and augmented his small body considerably. This showed also conclusively that it was the early intention of our white brethren to encourage and foster a mixed membership of white and colored, which in after years, as will be seen, completely checked the constitution of churches wholly of the negro race, and the ordination of negro preachers.

It may be here remarked that the members who took letters and became members among the whites were mostly of the house-servants in the city, whose condition and circumstances were highly favorable at that day. Many of this class in after years, like their pastors, purchased their freedom, having, in some instances, previously been permitted to hire their time and work in various occupations for wages. Their surplus over the amount charged by their owners was often larger than what they paid. Such persons would very naturally have, as members of the church, some independence of feeling and judgment, innate in a Baptist mind from the very nature of their faith and its teachings. Thus feeling ran high and much excitement was felt, if but little could be expressed, in making this division of the parent body and selecting the brethren who were to take the leading part in these new interests. However, it seems that Dr. Holcombe threw his influence in favor of Brother Henry Cunningham; and when, on December 26, 1802, the first of the two new churches was organized, Mr. Cunningham was called to the pastorate, though Mr. Francis had been already first ordained with that view.

In making the division it seems that as one of the churches was to be located in the city, it was planted at its east end, in the midst of the residences of some of the wealthiest white citizens. Most of the members composing this church were those residing in the city, —intelligent domestic servants and some mechanics,— who were ever under the eye of their owners, which gave them great protection and peaceable worship; and so that church became the pride of the young colored people of Savannah. The other church was planted on the Ogeechee for the accommodation of the slaves upon the plantations along that river, some fourteen miles south of the city. To the Second Colored Church in the city were given about 200, and to the Ogeechee 250 members from this parent church, all regularly dismissed from her, and Rev. Henry Francis was given the pastorate. So there were now five Baptist churches in the Association, as follows: First Colored, Savannah, Rev. Andrew Bryan, membership 400; Newington, Effingham County, Rev. John Goldwire, 16; Savannah Baptist Church, Rev. Henry Holcombe, 67; Second Colored Church, Savannah, Rev. Henry Cunningham, 200; and Ogeechee Baptist Church, Rev. Henry Francis, 250 members. So they were reported at their associational meeting in 1803. Two other churches above Savannah, in Georgia, united with them that year also,—namely, Black Creek Baptist Church, Rev. J. Peacock, pastor; and Lot's Creek Baptist Church, Rev. Henry Cook, pastor, 45 members.

To show the comparative growth of this First Church, we give them as reported again in January, 1804, in their order: First Colored, membership 476; Newington, 23; Savannah Baptist, 77; Second Colored, 230; Ogeechee, 276; Black Creek, 96; Lot's Creek, 59. Such were the blessings of God showered upon the denomination this year that the Association adjourned to meet again in November, when five other churches from across the river in South Carolina joined them. This church reported at that meeting having baptized 107; membership, 544; lost by death, 33, 21 of whom perished in a storm that winter. The other two churches she organized were also blessed with increase. The Second Colored had baptized that year 29, and the Ogeechee, 47. These figures will simply show that in the zeal inspired by this union of churches and ministers of Christ our Lord seemed to show his purpose to keep this old mother-church of the seaboard of Georgia in the van of the army of Christian progress, —even at this early day's dawn of hope for the race in America.

Mr. Bryan's decline was gradual. Gently the hand of his God led him down through the valley of the shadow of death, and from his ninetieth year he was constantly looking for and speaking of his departure, which came not until he was, as he supposed, ninety-six. Yet he had made all the preparation a man of his years and circumstances could, and when the time came it found him ready, willing, and waiting.

He fell asleep in Jesus October 6, AD 1812.

To comprehend the death of this man of God properly, and its effect and feeling upon a people whom he led in religious principles, is to consider the parallel in the history of Moses and the Israelites; and it is perhaps the first time in the history of the State that one of this despised race commanded the respect of a community and an acknowledgment that in the negro character, even under the conditions of slavery, there is true manhood and virtue developed by Christianity. The city and neighboring plantations turned out to honor this noble man, whose life was spent inculcating charity in the servant class, to the extent that the men with no other education save imitating their masters and the maids their mistresses produced a class and society in the community that was remarkably interesting, to say the least. As servants, their integrity was a security to the master in his goods, and their warm and affectionate character infusing itself in the white children whom they nursed, produced a type of manhood and womanhood in both races that is not seen in this day. Truly, in planting this church, the seed of grace sown in this man's heart (Mr. Bryan's) was good, and the tree and the fruit good. “The tree is known by its fruit.”

In the plain, humble house of worship which he built for God, his body lay encased in a neat but plain black coffin constructed by the hands of his own race and members of his church, and like his Master, Jesus, “he made his grave with the wicked, and with the rich in his death; because he had done no violence, neither was any deceit in his mouth.”∗ ∗ Isaiah, liii. 9.

Rev. Henry Kollock, D.D., pastor of the Independent Presbyterian Church, and Rev. Mr. Johnson, of the Savannah Baptist Church, condescended to enter his pulpit, and bore testimony to his worth, and made suitable addresses to his people. He was followed to his grave by over five thousand persons; and at that spot, in the common cemetery for colored persons (located then where now stands a principal part of the city, and notably St. Joseph's Hospital), other addresses were delivered by Thomas Williams, Esq., a distinguished white citizen, and Rev. Henry Cunningham, who committed the sacred remains to their last resting-place, reciting the beautiful and impressive funeral service of the Episcopal Church, his weeping members and friends singing one of the songs of Zion appropriate to the occasion. And so ended the glorious life, death, and burial of Rev. Andrew Bryan, one who had “fought a good fight, finished his course, kept the faith, and received a crown of righteousness.”

His demise being reported to the Association that year, “I find in their minutes,” says Dr. Benedict, “the following article:

“‘This Association is sensibly affected by the death of the Rev. Andrew Bryan, a man of color, and pastor of the First Colored Church in Savannah. This son of Africa, after suffering inexpressible persecutions in the cause of his divine Master, was at length permitted to discharge the duties of the ministry among his colored friends in peace and quiet; hundreds of whom through his instrumentality were brought to the knowledge of the truth, as it is in Jesus. He closed his extensive, useful, and amazingly luminous course in the lovely exercise of faith and in the joyful hope of a happy immortality.’”∗

In after years his grave was neatly bricked over, and a large tabulated marble stone was laid thereon, with this inscription, no doubt composed by his nephew, Andrew C. Marshall.

Born a slave near Goose Creek, sixteen miles from Charleston, South Carolina, Mr. Bryan had purchased his own freedom,—for how much we do not know,— also that of his wife and an only daughter; besides, the estate which he left was valued at about three thousand dollars.

It is commendable to the spirit of all that there was no bad feeling engendered by the defeat of Mr. Grate, as he continued an assistant in this church, and performed evangelistic work many years after; and no division or dissension ever arose out of this or any later work of the ministry on his part. The church at this period was strong and prosperous. Many young men and women of natural ability and intelligence became connected with the church, and the number of her members largely increased. Yea, this seems to have been a time when the Lord favored his Zion, the set time had come, though we can only draw these facts from the figures given at a subsequent period, having no statistics to guide us until 1818, when it became necessary for the Savannah River Association to dissolve the union which was organized in 1802. The division was mutual, the South Carolina churches withdrawing to form an organization of their own in that State, and the Georgia churches to meet at Sunbury, in Liberty County, on the 7th of November, 1818, to organize a new Association, which took the name of the village in which it was held and the church with whom they met, the Sunbury Baptist Church, Rev. Charles O. Screnen being the pastor. The churches at this organization were the First Colored, the Savannah (white), Second Colored, Great Ogeechee, and Sunbury, mixed membership.

This church was represented by Deacons Adam Johnson and Josiah Lloyd, and reported her membership as 1712. The Second Colored Church reported 538, and the Great Ogeechee 460. The First was represented by Rev. Henry Cunningham, Deacons Thomas Anderson and George Carter; the latter by Deacon John Cubbage. So we may clearly see that this church had continued increasing her numbers; doubtless the largest portion were from the river plantations near the city, but her popularity as the mother church—the Jerusalem of the colored race—kept her, of course, in the lead, as has been said; so that in 1810, when the three colored churches' membership combined was about 1500, this church comprised over half. So now it may be seen by comparing the figures above,— which continued for many years,—as the records of the Sunbury Association, which we have in full, will show.

At the time of organization of this Association Mr. Marshall had been the pastor of this church about three years. He seems to have inherited the power and popularity of his uncle; was prosperous in his ministry of the gospel and in his temporal affairs; was dearly beloved by his own people, and was greatly respected by the whites, among whom he had many warm and influential friends, who aided him materially in his business as a drayman of their mercantile goods. Thus favored of God and man, is it not natural that he should become a shining mark for the adversary's spirit to shoot at? Yet we will see that his “bow abode in strength, though the archers have sorely grieved him, and shot at him, and hated him.”∗ ∗ Genesis xlix. 23. Mr. Marshall ever showed great deference for the laws and institutions of the country, combined with a high measure of self-respect, and frequently held to his own opinions with decision and inflexibility. With no education, having barely by his own persistent efforts learned to read, but never being able to write, he became by practice a good reader, and procuring such books as he could, under the circumstances, became an earnest student, as we have often heard him tell. A lover of truth, he sought it with his soul. “Get wisdom, get knowledge, but with all thy getting get understanding,” was his motto; thus he essayed to dive deep into theology, and the Bible became his principal study, and Dr. Gill's Commentaries one of his main guides. It will be observed that he did not represent the church at the organization of the Sunbury Association and for several years after. This was about the time when he became somewhat unpopular with the white brethren of his own denomination, on account of what they termed his extreme views of theology, or the doctrines which he then preached, which bordered on Antinomianism, or, in the plainer sense of the term, against law,—a doctrine which held that the law is not a rule of life to believers under the gospel dispensation. The appellation is generally given to those who carry the doctrine of justification by faith without works to such extreme as to separate practical holiness from true believing, and injure, if not wholly destroy, every obligation to moral obedience. This was not the purpose of Mr. Marshall, by any means; but the construction his jealous opponents put upon his efforts to explain to his people the difference between the law and the gospel of faith in the atoning merits of Christ, by which we obtain salvation. Of course, while among the white people he was unpopular on account of the doctrines he essayed to preach,—and which only the learned in the Scriptures could understand,—he became the more popular among his own race and people, because he was able to preach such doctrines, whether sound or not. They felt a just pride in his ability to compete with the whites, to the extent that they were jealous of his power in expounding the Scriptures, and so drew his church so near to him that they were willing to suffer all things with him rather than give him up. But this was not the only trial the tempter made him undergo. About the same period (from 1819 to 1821), while engaged in his secular avocations, and having accumulated a goodly portion of money (he was building himself a two-story brick house,—a rather lofty undertaking for a man of color in that day), in an unguarded moment he violated the law (unintentionally, no doubt) by purchasing from slaves having no tickets with permission to trade or sell; and though many white people had laid the foundation of great success in business before, as many others have done since, by contraband trade with the blacks, the advantage was taken of Mr. Marshall's inadvertency, it happening at the period of his temporary unpopularity, and he was prosecuted for buying some bricks said to have been stolen from Mr. McAlpin, and was sentenced to be publicly whipped in the marketplace. But here also we may witness the power of God and the means of his grace to save, by using man against man, even as steel will foil steel. Mr. Richard Richardson, the partner in commercial business with Mr. Robert Bolton, to whom Mr. Marshall belonged about the time he was converted, had bought him that he might become free, and now further showed his true friendship and deep interest in him by coming forward at this time of trouble. He interceded in the courts, and put in his claim as master in behalf of a valuable servant whose interests he was determined to see should not suffer; and though he failed in an effort to release him by the payment of money, as he was fully able and willing to do, seeing it was the determined purpose of the prosecutors to punish and disgrace this servant of God, Mr. Richardson, by his influence, enlisted the sympathy of several of the best citizens, who declared they would not allow him to be cruelly punished, and they went to the place of execution of the sentence, and the constable was instructed that he should not scratch his skin or draw his blood. His old master stood at his side to see that these precautions were faithfully and humanely carried out,∗ ∗ “Memoirs of A. Marshall,” by J. P. Tustin, D.D. and thus the whipping was only a semblance.

These severe trials of his own faith, and the attempt made by the devil and his agents to injure the church through his disgrace, wholly failed; she stood firm in these evil days. The people said but little on so momentous an occasion, but drew nearer together, it seems, and shielded him with prayer; and he soon came forth again brighter and stronger for having come through the fire, as his old uncle and revered predecessor had done before him, and to whose memory he and the church this very year erected the tablet and wrote the epitaph mentioned in the last chapter. Doubtless this trial called his mind to the duty he and they owed to the memory of Mr. Bryan after nine years,—now that “He knew what sore temptations meant,For he had felt the same.”

This may seem a very summary proceeding to some Baptists, considering that an Association has no ecclesiastical powers over Baptist churches; but it will appear less strange when we remember that under the then existing laws of the State of Georgia our white brethren were held somewhat responsible for our good conduct, and that they came and sat in the conferences or any other meetings when they thought it necessary, and the courts of jurisdiction would not give our colored ministers a license to preach or officiate in the ordinances of the Church unless they were endorsed by two or more white Baptist ministers. Thus virtually all the colored churches were wards. It is also true that most generally these actions were done kindly and with a desire on the part of some white brethren only to guard us for good under the circumstances; yet, too, there were at times some severe exceptions.

The church property being under a perpetual trusteeship, the Association no doubt then looked to the continuation of an orthodox colored church upon this spot, in its recommendation to reorganize the same as a branch of the white Baptist church, and that it would be in harmony with the trust and yet be controlled under some white minister appointed by them, and in interviews with the deacons such action was proposed. Yet there is no evidence that the resolution ever was effectual in the way contemplated by that body.

While the church last reported two thousand seven hundred and ninety-five members, not more than about two-fifths were residents of the city, the other three-fifths being scattered upon the plantations along the Savannah River, and had no voice in the disciplinary part of the church; therefore not more than about eleven hundred were engaged in this dispute or division, and a majority of this number took sides according to their preference for the leading parties in the dispute and not upon any merits of the questions at issue. There was a very distinct and grave question involved, and that question was, Did Mr. Marshall say from his pulpit that he favored the peculiar doctrines of reform preached by Mr. Campbell to his people? Deacons Adam Johnson, Jack Simpson, and a large body of the members, and some of the whites visiting on the occasion, held that he did, judging from the associational report; and we learn that a council had been called which decided that such was the fact, and resolved that Mr. Marshall be not allowed to preach, as they considered his views of Baptist doctrine as erroneous as Mr. Campbell's. However, while this adjudication was taking place, whether legal or not, the parties to the issue were not idle. The minority, under Mr. Johnson's leadership, continued to meet in the old church building, and held such services as were permitted by the city authorities. The white Baptist church had this year (1832) completed and moved into their new brick church edifice on Chippewa Square, and their wooden building on Franklin Square, in which they had worshipped since 1800, was vacant. Mr. Marshall, through the intercession of some very influential white friends, purchased this building from the white church, which was much more commodious than the old house built by Rev. A. Bryan. This bold effort on his part gave him a great advantage over his opponents, and drew the people to him in means and numbers; and they met with him and prayed, if they could do nothing else; but he was careful to keep within the bounds of the law by having some friendly white person always present on the occasion of his meetings.

In this division the strongest portion of the male members sided with the minority, and so did all of the ordained deacons,—namely, Johnson Sheftall, Simpson Wall, and Ross; and among the males of note, William Campbell, Isaac Beard, Jack Cohen, Sampson Whitfield, Joseph Clay, Josiah Lloyd, Benjamin Verderee, Adam Anderson, William Monger, and others; and with Mr. Marshall, acting deacons Benjamin King, Patrick Williams, with Brethren Jack Burke, Emanuel Wand, Robert McNish, Bing Frazer, James Mills, Lenan Brown, and others. Of course, with few exceptions, the wives and children went with their husbands and fathers; but the generality of the females, who have ever been in the majority, went with Rev. Mr. Marshall. On both sides the feeling ran very high, and much of crimination and recrimination existed for some time before it subsided. Several of the male members vacillated from one side to the other, as circumstances seemed to favor, and a few who could even left the country and went to Liberia, Africa; others took letters and joined the Second African Church, not desiring to have any part in the dispute. Such was the status of both sides at the beginning of the year 1833.

It will be borne in mind that in 1832 the church was not represented in the Sunbury Association, though it had been a member from the organization of that body and at the time the resolutions relative to the church and pastor were adopted; but at the session of 1833 she sent as delegates to represent her Rev. Thomas Anderson, who had been called as the pastor this year, with Deacons A. Johnson and J. Simpson. The membership, as then reported, was 398; of course, this representation could be but circumstantial, for in 1831 her membership was 2795. Where had they gone? was certainly a question; and to account for them we must consider the fact that but about two-fifths of the church's membership resided in the city, —which would be in round numbers about 700,—a majority of whom, as has been said, followed Rev. Mr. Marshall; and if the number here reported by the church (398) is near correct, the other 702 were with him, and there must have been about 1700 baptized members of the church upon the plantations who were now “scattered abroad, as sheep having no shepherd.”∗ Matthew ix. 36.

When we consider the persecutions of the church in its earliest days, the history of which has come down to the members of this period from their parents,— some of those who had suffered with Mr. Bryan being yet alive,—it is easy to see that these people, unable to understand the true merits of the questions that distracted and separated the church, should believe that Mr. Marshall was being persecuted, like his uncle had been, simply for the cause of Christ, and in order to prevent him from enlightening them as poor, persecuted slaves. We do not wonder, then, that the majority were with him, right or wrong, in this difficulty: their condition and circumstances would justify them in this belief.

3d. There is no evidence that there was a new organization of the church when Rev. Thomas Anderson, Deacons Adam Johnson and Jack Simpson attended the session of the Association as representatives in 1833, the year after the schism. They went as a part of the same body of which they had ever been consistent members, stating their position, and asking true Baptist recognition; but they allowed their designation to be made by the white brethren, who, of course, controlled all these details, and who, having already declared that strongest and most popular of all the Baptist churches in the Association corrupt and demoralized, and having by resolutions shown their purpose to revolutionize the African churches, changed the title of recognition of this church. It is plain that the stigma upon the First African Church and the desire to control the religious privileges of colored preachers hereafter advised this apparent new organization and new number, for it was still called African by them; but in fact it was the old First Colored Church who assisted in their organization as an Association, and whose faith, principles, order, and city location had never changed for any time since it had been founded to the present day.

4th. It is true that this church as an independent body, as every Baptist church properly is, might have demurred or protested or made demands for what they knew were their rights in the premises. Among our white brethren this could be done at that day; but with colored delegates it was very different. We presented our letters of credence, petition, or statistics, and took a back or separate seat in the body. We had a vote, and at most times timidly used it, but never had a voice in the body unless answering some question asked. The church was in great trouble now, and wanted the union she ever held with her white brethren for that protection from the laws of the State which menaced her religious liberties continually. Her independence was nothing without union, and our colored brethren, no matter what they knew of their rights as Baptists, would think it prudent for their people's benefit, whom they represented, not to oppose the will of these white brethren of power in the land. They desired to have another colored pastor, and unless recognized by the Association in some way, they could not get his recommendation to the courts signed or indorsed by these white ministers, as required by law, as here given.

If some of these brethren of the Association felt more respect for the independent usages of Baptists than was accorded the colored brethren, the fear of the slave censorship and of being suspicioned of having a secret principle of abolitionism would keep them from expressing their true Baptist sentiment in their behalf. Thus the representative brethren of this church could but passively submit to what they were advised, and this was certainly the state of the case at that time, but which could not take place in this day, under any circumstances, among intelligent Baptist brethren; but the circumstances then governed the case. The advice of a white council in any of our colored churches, or from the Association, was then equivalent to a command.

5th. The resolutions as passed by the Association, and referred to in the last chapter, of minutes of 1833 (page 6, pars. 27 and 28), and reiterated in 1834, give us the spirit and intent of a majority of the Association, at least, and but for the strong Baptist principle ever held by this old church in all her previous history, which must have strongly appealed to their sense of justice and charity, the hopes of all the colored churches were gone; but our brethren no doubt privately appealed to such old and influential brethren as J. S. Law, H. O. Wyer, and a few others like them, with high Baptist principles and some charity, which saved them, and modified the tone of their resolution of 1834 (on page 5, par. 30). They say, “This Association being an advisory body, and having no power to dictate to or bind any church or churches of which it is composed, Resolved, That it be respectful for any church differing as to the expediency or propriety of any resolution of this Association to submit their views in their annual letter or instruct their delegates with regard to the ground of their objections.”

At the period when this change of purpose is seen this church was again in the Association, represented by Anderson, Johnson, and Simpson. The church had again procured a license for her pastor, Rev. Mr. Anderson, to preach for her, by her acquiescence in the advice given. These licenses had to be renewed each year as evidence of good behavior on the part of pastor, preacher, and people, and so this favorable change affected all the colored churches who had negro pastors. It is to be noticed, too, that during the year of this modification, Rev. J. S. Law, the best friend the colored churches and pastors ever had in this Association, became pastor of the Savannah Baptist Church, and was thus often in counsel with our brethren, and, having an opportunity of observing the true state and needs of our churches, could do much to aid in the troubles and soften the feelings against their freedom. All are willing to bear testimony to his noble, loving heart and sympathetic feelings towards HIS COLORED BRETHREN, as he often expressed it, and this feeling extended even to Mr. Marshall, though he was under interdiction for heterodoxy and schism. So that, in 1835, Mr. Marshall made bold to send a delegation with a letter to the Association, asking that they be recognized and received; and though they were refused, they nevertheless had a committee appointed, all of whom resided in Savannah, with Rev. J. S. Law as chairman, to endeavor to remove the difficulties in their way.

6th. The astute mind of Dr. Marshall was not idle. Among his friends were some of the most wealthy, wise, and influential citizens, some of whom were merchants who patronized him in business, he having bought the property for his people through their aid. He held it under a new trusteeship; two of these trustees (Messrs. John P. Williamson and William H. Stiles) greatly aided and protected him at this time, and their influence and power in the community were excelled by none at that day. His religious independence, which he exhibited in bringing about these very troubles, gave him some popularity among other denominations in the city. He was not a man to remain passive under his interdiction, and thus we see him at the Association in 1836, not in person, but by a letter from one of his trustees, that commanded the admiration of the committee who reported upon the contents of that letter and the petition accompanying it, and which also drew from them affectionate advice (page 5, par. 20); and while the letter did not alter his condition at that session, it nevertheless had great influence in bringing about a settlement later; and while this grand but mistaken old man and minister was struggling to extricate himself from the dilemma in which he had placed himself and people, panting to use that great power he felt moving within his heart, and, like a caged eagle, beating itself against the bars of the cage that confined it, so he, looking from the bars of the interdiction which his own Baptist brethren had placed around him because he essayed to deviate from sound doctrine, and seeing other colored ministers of less ability and influence in possession of those ministerial privileges he could not use, he then yielded to the inevitable, and sought reconciliation with this church and his late officers.

The committee of the Association's appointment— namely, Messrs. J. S. Law, J. McDonald, and Abram Harmon, with Rev. F. R. Sweat, Deacons Adam Johnson, Jack Simpson, and Adam Sheftall, of this church, Dr. Marshall, Benjamin King, Robert McNish, and Samuel Cope, from the second party—met in the Savannah Baptist Church. There were a few other brethren present, yet these were principals in the council. After the usual preliminaries, this church, through Deacon A. Johnson, reiterated the charge against Mr. Marshall, of proclaiming from his pulpit the erroneous doctrines of Mr. Campbell, thereby creating a schism in the church and all the attending evils arising in the church and among the people since; that Mr. Marshall had denied that he had so preached from the pulpit, and that from said denial a question of veracity existed, which, as the representatives of this church, he and his brethren thought should be settled; that they had no malicious feeling against him, neither did they desire to hinder the good among his people that he was so capable of doing; that they appeared there simply in the defence of truth, and all they asked, on their part, was that Mr. Marshall would make confession that they had not misrepresented or wronged him. The clear, profound, and dignified manner in which Mr. Johnson delivered his charge made a deep impression upon the whole council, and was spoken of by the fathers many years after this event.

Mr. Marshall, being called upon by the council to answer, rose with grave submission and, with his native eloquence, confessed. He said that what Brother Adam and the other brethren had said about this matter was true, only with this difference,—that he did not say from his pulpit that he agreed with Mr. Alexander Campbell's doctrine, but that being favorably impressed from hearing him expound them, when he had examined the doctrines for himself, if he found them true according to Mr. Campbell's views of them, then he should join him; but upon a more thorough examination of the Scriptures, he saw no reason to change his faith in the doctrines as now held by his Baptist brethren. With this confession Mr. Johnson rose and stated that himself and brethren present, to whom the church had intrusted the settlement of this long-pending difficulty, were now satisfied, and had only desired the peace of the churches and the progress of the Lord's Zion, and that they might prove that the Church of God is the pillar and ground of truth. These two brethren, Marshall and Johnson, by far the ablest colored Baptists of their day, and then standing as the leaders at the head of separate parts of the First Colored Baptist Church, then approached each other and extended the hand of fellowship and peace; and the matter, so far as this church was concerned, has so remained settled; and it was upon this basis that, at the session of 1837, the committee reported to the Association, “That they have reason to believe the long-existing difficulties between the several African churches are brought to a close. . . . Andrew Marshall having made full renunciation of holding the peculiar sentiments of Alexander Campbell with which he has been charged, there seems to be no difficulty in his holding full fellowship in the church to which he belongs.”

It will not fail of notice, the peculiar wording of this report and its vagueness. Mr. Marshall and one of his deacons presented a letter asking to be readmitted as members, and stating that the difficulties heretofore existing were removed. The committee of the Savannah white church said: “After laborious service we are now able to report;” but with all that their labor has removed there remain some important questions in this difficulty not settled, and which ought to have been at the time,—abstruse questions, it must be admitted, but yet susceptible of a solution by earnest Christian brethren, zealous for truth and the glory of God. Which is the original body or church? The majority, who withdrew and set up in another place, upon new doctrines, or the minority, who remained and held the faith of the church? The divergence has been clearly shown from the testimony and reports; yet they were left untouched so far as we know or from anything we have seen in the records of this difficulty and its settlement. It will not suffice here only to see that a majority went away. In our Baptist polity the majority rules; but if they would rule, they must stay. Can they run away and rule? If in the right they can well afford to stay. Majorities are not always God's power, or carry out the divine purpose. Ten out of the twelve tribes of Israel seceded, but the sceptre still remained with Judah until Shiloh came; and unto him is the gathering of the people, and in the history of this church we shall perhaps see a parallel.

7th. The right to the use of the property held in trust for this church since the third day of July, 1797, as shown in a preceding chapter, had some bearing upon this question of the original church. By right of succession under the original conveyance of Father Bryan, in 1824, Moses Cleland, Josiah Penfield, and Edward Coppee became co-trustees with the one survivor of the original number, William Matthews, and so held the trust through all the period of these difficulties. They seem never to have been called in question during that time, except, it may be, by individuals in a private way; but after the settlement, Mr. Marshall laid claim to the property as heir and successor of his uncle, Andrew Bryan, and employed able counsel; but he failed to recover on his own account or that of his church. The trustees decided that the property was held for this church, as it had ever been in possession and was peaceably enjoying its use at the time; and it has so continued to the present day, as will appear in a new charter received from the State at a later period. From these several points of fact must the impartial judgment of our brethren of the present day, and posterity hereafter, decide for themselves the question, and when they have so done the verdict is of small import, save for the truth of history.

Rev. Thomas Anderson served the church as pastor but two years, and in 1835 the church called Rev. Stephen McQueen, and was represented in the Association by himself and Brother Sampson Whitfield, who reported baptized, 10; received by letter, 8; and the total membership, 224, a gain for the year of 28. In 1836, Rev. S. McQueen, S. Whitfield, and John Harris; baptized, 10; by letter, 16; membership, 183. In 1837, Rev. S. McQueen; baptized, 6; membership, 189. In 1838 represented by Rev. S. McQueen, Deacons Lloyd and Sheftall; membership, 223. In 1839, Rev. S. McQueen, July Ward; membership, 240. In 1840, Rev. S. McQueen and A. Sheftall; membership, 234.

In 1841 the church was again without a regular pastor, but was represented in the Association by Deacons A. Johnson, Charles Newell, and July Ward. Rev. John Devoux, a former deacon of the Second African Church, was called to ordination by this church as its pastor, and in 1842 represented the church in the Association, with Deacons Samuel Boles, A. Sheftall, and Brother Benjamin Verderee; membership, 212. In 1843 the delegation was John Cuthbert and Quives Frazer; membership, 252, a gain, this year, of 40. In 1844, Rev. J. Devoux, J. Cuthbert, and S. Boles; membership, 272, a gain of 20 for the year. In 1845, Delegate J. Cuthbert; membership, 282, a gain of 10. Rev. J. Devoux resigned the pastorate, and the church called Rev. Isaac Roberts, also a member of the Second African Church, to the pastorate; and it is remarkable that this church, peacefully organized in 1802 with members of this parent body and those who had received letters of dismission, has furnished her with pastors each time from the death of the old patriarch, Father Andrew Bryan. This year (1846) the delegates to the Association were Rev. I. Roberts, the fifth pastor called from the Second Church, and Deacons A. Johnson and July Ward; the membership, 300, a gain of 18. In 1847, Rev. I. Roberts, A. Johnson, S. Boles; membership, 298, a loss of 2. In 1848, Roberts, Boles, and Frazer; membership, 305, a gain of 7.

Rev. Mr. Roberts was the most energetic of all the pastors since Rev. Mr. Marshall. In the second year of his pastorate he made a change in the house of worship, by making an entrance on Bryan Street, and the building was put in thorough repair and painted, for, from its erection, in 1794, it had never received any paint until 1848. The pulpit was remodelled, the inside ceiled and painted, galleries were put in, and the Old Jerusalem, as the old church was then familiarly called, had put on her new dress, which revived her greatly. In addition to Mr. Roberts's energetic spirit, he was a man of much intelligence and a bold and spirited preacher, and in all his duties of pastor was very acceptable to the people. Unfortunately for this church, the pastor of the Second African Church, Rev. Thomas Anderson, who had also been pastor here, and had left to accept a call from that congregation, died this year, and the Second Church was without a pastor. Much to the regret of this mother-church, and against her earnest entreaties, Rev. Mr. Roberts resigned the pastorate and returned to the Second Church in the belief that that church would tender him the pastorate whenever she again made a call, and again this church was left without a pastor. Thus, in 1849, she was represented only by Deacon S. Boles; her membership being 301, a loss of 4 for the year. The church now made a call for Rev. Brister Lawton, a brother from Beaufort District, South Carolina, who accepted the call, and preached for her only about a year. The delegates for 1850 were Rev. B. Lawton and S. Boles, and the membership 315, a gain of 14 for the year. The Second African Church made a call for a pastor also this year, but chose Rev. John Cox, another of her sons, greatly disappointing Brother Isaac Roberts. He and Brother Cox were business partners. The effect upon him was such that he soon after left the country and emigrated to Liberia, Africa. Thus this church had to suffer for the second time from the ambitious pride of her pastors. Rev. B. Lawton was only called for a year, and the church did not renew the call at its expiration, and in 1851 the church, for the seventh time since the demise of Father Bryan, was without a pastor, but was represented in the Association that year by Deacons S. Boles and Q. Frazer; membership 205, a loss of 110. In November of this year they called to the deaconship Grant Simpson, Alexander Harris, Ulysses L. Houston, and Lewis Ross, four of her sons of zeal and ability, which gave much strength to the cause and aid to the old senior deacon, Johnson.