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        <title><emph rend="bold">The Story of a Confederate Boy in the Civil War:</emph>
Electronic Edition.</title>
        <author>Johnston, David Emmons, 1845
-1917</author>
        <funder>Funding from the Library of Congress/Ameritech National Digital
Library Competition  supported the electronic publication of this
title.</funder>
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        <pubPlace>University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, </pubPlace>
        <date>1998.</date>
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          <p>© This work is the
property of the University of North Carolina
at Chapel Hill. It may be used freely by individuals for research, 
teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability
 is included in the text.</p>
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        <note anchored="yes">Call number  973.78 J72s 1914 
 (Davis Library, UNC-CH)</note>
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in the Civil War</title>
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David Emmons, 1845 -1917</author><imprint><pubPlace>Portland, Oregon</pubPlace><publisher>Glass &amp; Prudhomme</publisher><date>c1914</date></imprint></bibl>
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            <item>Confederate States of America. -- Army. -- Virginia Infantry
Regiment, 7th. -- Company D.</item>
            <item>Virginia -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Personal
narratives.</item>
            <item>Soldiers -- Virginia -- Biography.</item>
            <item>Soldiers -- Confederate States of America -- Biography.</item>
            <item>Confederate States of America. -- Army -- Military life.</item>
            <item>United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Personal
narratives, Confederate.</item>
            <item>United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Regimental
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    <front>
      <div1 type="cover">
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        <p>
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      <div1 type="title page">
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      <titlePage type="main">
        <docTitle>
          <titlePart type="main">The Story of a 
<lb/>
Confederate Boy
<lb/>
in the Civil
<lb/>
War</titlePart>
        </docTitle>
        <byline>By</byline>
        <docAuthor>David E. Johnston
<lb/>
<hi rend="italics">of the 7th Virginia </hi>
<lb/>
<hi rend="italics">Infantry Regiment</hi>
<lb/>
Author of
<lb/>
“Middle New River
<lb/>Settlements”</docAuthor>
        <docEdition>With Introduction by
<lb/>
Rev. C. E. Cline, D. D.
<lb/>
A Methodist Minister and 
<lb/>
Chaplain of the Military Order of the 
<lb/>
Loyal Legion, U. S. A. </docEdition>
        <titlePart type="verso">Copyright, 1914
<lb/>
BY
<lb/>
DAVID E. JOHNSTON<lb/>
PUBLISHED BY
<lb/>
GLASS &amp; PRUDHOMME COMPANY
<lb/>
PORTLAND, OREGON</titlePart>
      </titlePage>
      <pb id="cboyiii" n="iii"/>
      <div1 type="preface">
        <head>Preface</head>
        <p>Some twenty-eight years ago I wrote and
published a small book recounting my
personal experiences in the Civil War, but this book
is long out of print, and the publication exhausted.
At the urgent request of some of my old comrades
who still survive, and of friends and my own family,
I have undertaken the task of rewriting and
publishing this story.</p>
        <p>As stated in the preface to the former volume,
the principal object of this work is to record, largely
from memory, and after the lapse of many years
(now nearly half a century) since the termination of
the war between the states of the Federal Union,
the history, conduct, character and deeds of the
men who composed Company D, Seventh regiment
of Virginia infantry, and the part they bore in that
memorable conflict.</p>
        <p>The chief motive which inspires this undertaking
is to give some meager idea of the Confederate
soldier in the ranks, and of his individual deeds of
heroism, particularly of that patriotic, self-sacrificing, 
brave company of men with whose fortunes and 
destiny my own were linked for four long years 
of blood and carnage, and to whom during that 
period I was bound by ties stronger than hooks of
steel; whose confidence and friendship I fully
shared, and as fully reciprocated.</p>
        <pb id="cboyiv" n="iv"/>
        <p>To the surviving members of that company, to 
the widows and children, broken-hearted mothers, 
and to gray-haired, disconsolate fathers (if such 
still live) of those who fell amidst the battle and 
beneath its thunders, or perished from wounds or 
disease, this work is dedicated. The character of 
the men who composed that company, and their 
deeds of valor and heroism, will ever live, and in 
the hearts of our people will be enshrined the names 
of the gallant dead as well as of the living, as the 
champions of constitutional liberty. They will be 
held in grateful remembrance by their own countrymen, 
appreciated and recognized by all people 
of all lands, who admire brave deeds, true courage, 
and devotion of American soldiers to cause and 
country.</p>
        <p>For some of the dates and material I am indebted
to comrades. I also found considerable information
from letters written by myself during the war to a
friend, not in the army, and not subject to military
duty, on account of sex; who, as I write, sits by me,
having now (February, 1914), for a period of more
than forty-six years been the sharer of my joys,
burdens and sorrows; whose only brother, George
Daniel Pearis, a boy of seventeen years, and a
member of Bryan's Virginia battery, fell mortally
wounded in the battle of Cloyd's Farm, May 9,
1864.</p>
        <closer><signed>DAVID E. JOHNSTON.</signed>
<dateline>Portland, Oregon, May, 1914.</dateline></closer>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboyv" n="v"/>
      <div1 type="introduction">
        <head>Introduction</head>
        <p>The author of this book is my neighbor. He was
a Confederate, and I a Union soldier. Virginia born,
he worked hard in youth. A country lawyer, a
member of the Senate of West Virginia,
Representative in Congress, and Circuit Judge, his
life has been one of activity and achievement.
Blessed with a face and manner which disarm
suspicion, inspire confidence and good will, he
makes new friends, and retains old ones.</p>
        <p>Judge Johnston (having through life practiced the
virtues of a good Baptist), is, therefore, morally
sound to the core. He has succeeded, not by luck or
chance, but because of what he is. Withal, he has
cultivated the faculty for hard work; in fact, through
life he has liked nothing so well as hard work.</p>
        <p>A vast good nature, running easily into jocular
talk, with interesting stories, in which he excels<sic corr=",">.</sic> he
is able to meet every kind of man in every rank of
society, catching with unerring instinct the temper
of every individual and company where he is.</p>
        <p>He is thoroughly American, and though having
traveled extensively in Europe and the East, he is
not spoiled with aping foreigners, nor “rattled” by
their frivolous accomplishments. He is likewise an
experienced writer, being the author of the history
of “Middle New River Settlements, and
<pb id="cboyvi" n="vi"/>
Contiguous Territory,” in Virginia and West Virginia, a
work of great value, which cost the author years of
persistent research.</p>
        <p>This volume, “The Story of a Confederate Boy,” is
written from the heart, with all his might, and all his
honesty, and is characterized throughout by fertility,
sympathy, and magnanimity, in recording his own
personal experiences, and what he saw.</p>
        <closer><signed>C. E. CLINE.</signed>
<dateline>Portland, Oregon.</dateline></closer>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboyvii" n="vii"/>
      <div1 type="contents">
        <head>Contents</head>
        <list type="contents">
          <item>I. Pre-election Statement as to Mr. Lincoln.   -  The
Presidential Election in November, 1860.  -  
Fear and Anxiety.  -  At School with Rev. J. W.
Bennett in Winter 1860 and Spring 1861.  -  
Debating Society.  -  Some Recollections of
Colonel Chambers and Others.  -   Strong State
Rights Ideas.  -  Desire to Become a Soldier.  -  The
Anticipation and the Reality.  -  Return
Home.  -  War Talk and
Feeling . . . <ref n="1" target="cboy1" targOrder="U">1</ref></item>
          <item>II. Giles County, Its Formation and Early Settlers.  - 
Its Geographical Position, Topography and
Population in 1860.  -  State of Political
Parties.  -  Election of Delegate to
the Convention  . . . <ref n="9" target="cboy9" targOrder="U">9</ref></item>
          <item>III. What Will Not Be Attempted Herein.  -  How the
Southern People Viewed the Situation.  -   Virginia
as a Peacemaker.  -  The Peace Conference and Its
Failure.  -  Geographical, Territorial
Position.  -  Assembling of the Convention and Its
Action.  -  Mr. Lincoln's Attitude and Call for
Troops.  -  Adoption of the Ordinance of
Secession.  -  Preparations for
Defense . . . <ref n="15" target="cboy15" targOrder="U">15</ref></item>
          <item>IV. Organization of Volunteer Forces.  -  Giles Not 
Behind Her Sister Counties.  -  A Company Organized at
Pearisburg with James H. French as Captain;
Eustace Gibson, First Lieutenant; William A.
Anderson, Second Lieutenant; Joel Blackard,
Second Junior Lieutenant, and Captains James D.
Johnston and R. F. Watts on the Committee to
Purchase 
<pb id="cboyviii" n="viii"/>
Uniforms, etc.  -  The Ladies of the
Town and Country.  -  In Barracks and on
Drill.  -  Anecdote.  -  Dixie.  -  Our March to
Wolf Creek.  -  Presentation of Bible and
Flag . . . <ref n="25" target="cboy25" targOrder="U">25</ref></item>
          <item>V. The Election for the Ratification of the 
Ordinance of Secession Was Held on the 
Fourth Thursday of May  -  the 23rd. On that Day
Members of the House of Delegates, and
Perhaps Other Officers, Were to Be
Elected.   -  Our Departure.  -  Lynchburg and
to Manassas Junction . . . <ref n="39" target="cboy39" targOrder="U">39</ref></item>
          <item>VI. Stay at the Junction.  -  Organization of 24th
Regiment as Afterwards Completed.  -  March 
to Camp Davis Ford.  -  First Night on
Picket.  -  Alarm.  -  March to the Town of
Occoquan and Back Again.  -  A War of
Words.  -  Serious Fight Imminent.  -  Leaving
the 24th Regiment.  -  Camp Tick Grove and
a Personal Difference.  -  A More Perfect
Union.  -  Camp Wigfall.  -  Blondeau's
Shot.  -   How We Cooked, Ate and
Slept.  -  Shannon's Bob.  -  Rumors Afloat of
Pending Battle.  -  Three Days' Rations
Cooked . . . <ref n="47" target="cboy47" targOrder="U">47</ref></item>
          <item>VII.  -  Breaking Camp at Wigfall.  -  The March to
the Battlefield.  -  General Beauregard and
His Appearance and Advice.  -  First Cannon
Shot.  -  Battle of Bull Run - The
Advance.  -   The Charge.  -  The
Wounded.  -  Isaac Hare and John Q.
Martin.  -  Retreat of the Enemy.  -  Severe
Artillery Duel.  -  The Dutchman and His
Chunk of Fat Bacon.  -  Casualties . . . <ref n="61" target="cboy61" targOrder="U">61</ref></item>
          <item>VIII. Night's Experience on Our First
Battlefield.  -  The Dead and Cries of the
Wounded.   -  Occurrences on the
Field.  -  Sunday, July 21.  -  Shelled by the
Enemy.  -  March to the Field by the Sound of
Battle.  -  The Battle.  -  
<pb id="cboyix" n="ix"/>
Casualties.  -  The Pursuit.  -  To the Outposts.
  -  Incidents.  -  Winter at Centerville . . . <ref n="69" target="cboy69" targOrder="U">69</ref></item>
          <item>IX. Our Daily Duties.  -  In Camp.  -  Among the
Last Rencounters.  -  Lieutenant Gibson,
Corporal Stone and Others Hold a Council of
War and Determine to Advance and Drive
McClellan from Arlington Heights.  -  March
to the Outposts.  -  Graybacks.  -  Religious
Exercises.  -  Incidents of Camp.  -  Depletion
of the Army.  -  Re-enlistments and
Furloughs.  -  Retreat from Manassas Behind
the Rappahannock.  -  Albert and
Snidow.  -  Gordonsville . . . <ref n="83" target="cboy83" targOrder="U">83</ref></item>
          <item>X. The Stay Near Gordonsville.  -  The March to
Richmond and Journey to Yorktown.  -  In
the Trenches.  -  Skirmishing and Night
Alarms.  -  Reorganization.  -  The Retreat
from Yorktown.  -  The Old Lady's Prayer.  -  
Battle of Williamsburg.  -  The Killed and
Wounded.  -  Forces and Numbers Engaged
and Losses.  -  Retreat Up the Peninsula.  -  
Battle of Seven Pines.  -  Casualties . . . <ref n="93" target="cboy93" targOrder="U">93</ref></item>
          <item>XI. Preparations for Active Field Service.  -   
Dress Parade and Speeches of General Kemper
and Colonel Patton.  -  Battles Around
Richmond.  -  Gaines' Mill or Cold Harbor.  -  
Frazier's Farm and Malvern Hill.  -  Testing a
Man's Courage.  -  Casualties.  -  In Pursuit of
the Enemy.  -  In Camp Near the Chickahominy.  -  
Sickness and Death.  -  Threatening Attitude 
of the Enemy in Northern Virginia.   - 
Concentration of the Confederate Army on the
Rappahannock.  -  Pope's Bravado.  -  
Lieutenant Hugh M. Patton Succeeds Stark
as Adjutant, and Sergeant Parke Appointed
Sergeant-Major, Succeeding George S. 
Tansill . . . <ref n="107" target="cboy107" targOrder="U">107</ref></item>
          <pb id="cboyx" n="x"/>
          <item>XII. General Jackson With His “Foot Cavalry.”  -  
On the Flank and in the Rear of General
Pope's Army.  -  Longstreet's Division
Diverting the Enemy's Attention on the
Rappahannock.  -  March Through
Thoroughfare Gap.   -  Haymarket to the
Relief of Jackson's Men.   -  The Fight on the
29th.  -  Battle of August 30, 1862.  -  Kemper
Commands Division, Corse Leads the
Brigade.  -  Pope Defeated.  -  
Casualties.  -  Rainstorm and March Through
Leesburg to White's Ford.  -  Crossing the
Potomac.  -  The Cry “Back to Washington”
and not “On to Richmond.”  -  “Maryland, My
Maryland,” “Bonnie Blue Flag.”  -  Halt at
Monacacy Bridge . . . <ref n="123" target="cboy123" targOrder="U">123</ref></item>
          <item>XIII. A Soldier's Equipment.  -  Washing His
Clothes.  -  How He Ate and Slept.  -  March
Through Frederick.  -  Middletown.  -  Hagerstown.  -  
A Soldier in Active Service in the Field.  -  What 
He Possesses.  -  Indications of Southern 
Sympathy.  -  The Return from Hagerstown.  -  
Battle of Boonsboro and Casualties.
-  Retreat to Sharpsburg . . .
<ref n="135" target="cboy135" targOrder="U">135</ref></item>
          <item>XIV. Number of Men for Action in Kemper's
Brigade.  -  General D. R. Jones' Division.  -  
Confederate Cavalry.  -  General Lee Playing
Bluff with McClellan.  -  The Opening of the
Battle.  -  Burnside's Attack and Repulse.  -  
Casualties.  -  Re-crossing the Potomac . . .
<ref n="145" target="cboy145" targOrder="U">145</ref></item>
          <item>XV. From Winchester to Culpeper.  - 
Reorganization of the Army.  -  What Happened 
at Culpeper.  -  To Fredericksburg and Battle 
There.  -  In Winter Quarters.  -  Incidents of
the Camp . . . <ref n="163" target="cboy163" targOrder="U">163</ref></item>
          <item>XVI. Leaving Camp.  -  March Through
Spottsylvania.  -  Louisa.  -  Hanover, Petersburg.  -   
First North Carolina Campaign.  -  Heavy 
Snowfall and Battle.  -  Accident to Anderson
<pb id="cboyxi" n="xi"/>
Meadows Near Chester.  -  Camp Near
Petersburg.  -  Gardner Exchanges Hats.  -  
Lieutenant Stone in a Box.  -  To Weldon, 
Goldsboro and Kinston.  -  At Suffolk, Virginia; 
Return via Petersburg, Chester, Richmond, to 
Taylorsville.  -  John, the Drummer Boy.  -   
Professor Hughes, Frank Burrows, and 
Others.  -  Across the Pamunky, Return and 
to Culpeper . . . <ref n="177" target="cboy177" targOrder="U">177</ref></item>
          <item>XVII. Pennsylvania Campaign of July, 1863.  -  
Culpeper and Snicker's Gap.  -  Fording the
Potomac.  -  Shooting a Deserter.  -  Pennsylvania
Invaded.  -  Chambersburg.  -  My Dream. 
  -  Willoughby Run.  -  Roll Call . . .
  <ref n="191" target="cboy191" targOrder="U">191</ref></item>
          <item>XVIII. Finishing Roll Call.  -  March to the Field.
 -  Inspection of Arms.  -  Fearful Artillery
Duel.  -  The Charge.  -  Killed and Wounded. 
-  Army Retires.  -  Crosses the Potomac . . .
<ref n="199" target="cboy199" targOrder="U">199</ref></item>
          <item>XIX. Sketches and Incidents While a Wounded
Prisoner.  -  How Long in the Field Hospital.
-  The Walk to Gettysburg and Kindness
Shown Me By a Federal Captain.  -  In Box
Cars and Ride to Baltimore.  -  What Occurred 
in Baltimore.  -  To Chester, Pa.  -  Dr. Schafer 
and Another.  -  Paroled and Back to 
Dixie . . . <ref n="221" target="cboy221" targOrder="U">221</ref></item>
          <item>XX. Return to My Command.  -  Long Stay at
Taylorsville in November and December,
1863, and Part of January, 1864.  -  Dr.
Blackwell's Address.  -  Our Second North
Carolina Campaign.  -  General and Mrs.
Pickett and Baby George.  -  Back in
Virginia.  -  The Advance to Newbern.  
-  Capture and Execution of Deserters.  
-  In Camp at Goldsboro.  -  Shooting a 
Confederate Deserter.  -  The Shoemaker's 
Letter.  -  Wilmington and Mouth of Cape 
Fear.  -  Return and to Tarboro.  -  The 
Capture of Plymouth, N.C.  -  
<pb id="cboyxii" n="xii"/>
To Washington and Newbern.  -  Return to
Virginia . . . <ref n="231" target="cboy231" targOrder="U">231</ref></item>
          <item>XXI. Battle of Dreury's Bluff.  -  The Forces 
Engaged.  -  Casualties.  -  The Pursuit of General 
Butler's Troops.  -  Bombardment at Howlett's 
House.  -  The Wounding of Lieutenant 
John W. Mullins.  -  His Death.  -  Withdrawal 
from Howlett's House . . .
<ref n="247" target="cboy247" targOrder="U">247</ref></item>
          <item>XXII. To Richmond.  -  Captured Flags.  -  Affair at
Milford.  -  Tom Yowell's Yarn.  -  Hanover
Junction.  -  North Anna.  -  Cold Harbor.  -  
John A. Hale and His Prisoner.  -  Malvern
Hill . . .
<ref n="259" target="cboy259" targOrder="U">259</ref></item>
          <item>XXIII. From Malvern Hill to the South of the
James.  -  Engagement at Clay's House.  -  
Bermuda Hundred Line.  -  Christmas
Dinner.  -  Our Southern Women.  -  Close of
1864 . . . <ref n="267" target="cboy267" targOrder="U">267</ref></item>
          <item>XXIV. Religion in the Army.  -  Doctors Pryor, 
Fontaine<corr>,</corr> Stiles.  -  General Pendleton.  -   
Young Men's Christian Association.  -   
Frazier, our Preaching-Fighting 
Chaplain . . . <ref n="285" target="cboy285" targOrder="U">285</ref></item>
          <item>XXV. From January, 1865, to Close of Battle of 
Five Forks.  -  Gloomy Outlook at the Opening of the
Year.  -  The Peace Commissioners.  -  Spirit of the
Army.  -  A. L. Fry as Regimental Clerk and
Historian.  -  Trouble in Company D.  -  Activity
Within the Federal Lines.  -  General Pendleton's
Speech.  -   Early's Small Force Defeated at
Waynesboro.  -  Sheridan's Raid . . .
 <ref n="297" target="cboy297" targOrder="U">297 </ref></item>
          <item>XXVI. South of the James.  -  Battles of Dinwiddie 
and Five Forks . . . <ref n="307" target="cboy307" targOrder="U">307</ref></item>
          <item>XXVII. The Retreat.  -  Battle of Sailor's Creek.  -  
Captured . . .  <ref n="321" target="cboy321" targOrder="U">321</ref></item>
          <pb id="cboyxiii" n="xiii"/>
          <item>XXVIII. To Prison at Point Lookout, Maryland.
  -  Prison Life.  -  Release.  -  Home . . .
  <ref n="335" target="cboy335" targOrder="U">335</ref></item>
          <item>XXIX. The Conclusion.  -  War Ends.  -  The 
Return to Civil Pursuits.  -  The Confederate 
Soldier . . .
<ref n="349" target="cboy349" targOrder="U">349</ref></item>
        </list>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboyxiv" n="xiv"/>
      <div1 type="portraits">
        <head>Portraits</head>
        <list type="illustrations">
          <item>David E. Johnston, 16 years old, in Confederate
uniform and off for the war . . .
<ref n="1" target="frontis" targOrder="U">Frontispiece</ref></item>
          <item>Captain James H. French . . .
<ref n="2" target="figure2" targOrder="U">32</ref></item>
          <item>Lieutenant Eustace Gibson . . .
 <ref n="3" target="figure3" targOrder="U">64</ref></item>
          <item>Captain Robert H. Bane . . .
<ref n="4" target="figure4" targOrder="U">80</ref></item>
          <item>Lieutenant Elisha M. Stone . . .
 <ref n="5" target="figure5" targOrder="U">112</ref></item>
          <item>Lieutenant John W. Mullins . . .
<ref n="6" target="figure6" targOrder="U">144</ref></item>
          <item>Corporal Jesse B. Young . . .
 <ref n="7" target="figure7" targOrder="U">208</ref></item>
          <item>Lieutenant Thomas S. Taylor . . .
 <ref n="8" target="figure8" targOrder="U">240</ref></item>
          <item>Rev. J. Tyler Frazier . . .
<ref n="9" target="figure9" targOrder="U">272</ref></item>
          <item>David E. Johnston, Brigadier-General, Confederate
Veterans, and David E. J. Wilson,
Captain and Aide-de-Camp . . .
<ref n="10" target="figure10" targOrder="U">304</ref></item>
        </list>
      </div1>
    </front>
    <body>
      <pb id="cboy1" n="1"/>
      <div1 type="chapter1">
        <head>Chapter I</head>
        <pb id="cboy2" n="2"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>Pre-election Statement as to Mr. Lincoln.</item>
            <item>The Presidential Election in November, 1860.</item>
            <item>Fear and Anxiety.</item>
            <item>At School with Rev. J. W. Bennett, in Winter
1860 and Spring 1861.</item>
            <item>Debating Society.</item>
            <item>Some Recollections of Colonel Chambers and
Others.</item>
            <item>Strong State Rights Ideas.</item>
            <item>Desire to Become a Soldier.</item>
            <item>The Anticipation and the Reality.</item>
            <item>Return Home.</item>
            <item>War Talk and Feeling.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy3" n="3"/>
        <p>AS A BOY, but little more than fifteen years
of age, I heard and learned much of
the pre-election news, as well as read
newspapers, by which I was impressed with the
thought that Mr. Lincoln was a very homely,
ugly man, was not at all prepossessing, some of
the newspapers caricaturing him as the “Illinois
Ape,” “Vulgar Joker of Small Caliber,” and much
other of the same kind of silly rubbish was said
and published. Some of the negroes inquired if
he was sure enough a black man. They had
heard him spoken of as a “Black Republican.”</p>
        <p>At the election in November, 1860, Mr. Lincoln,
the Abolition-Republican candidate, was
chosen President, which caused great anxiety
and alarm throughout the Southern states  -  in
fact, in other parts of the country. This fear was
intensified later by Mr. Lincoln's utterances in
his inaugural address, of which more will be said
in later chapter.</p>
        <p>Late in the Fall of 1860, and in the early Spring
of 1861, I was at school on Brush Creek, in the
County of Monroe, Virginia, under the preceptorship
of Rev. James W. Bennett, a ripe scholar
and genial Christian gentleman. I do not think
I progressed as rapidly as I might, most probably
<pb id="cboy4" n="4"/>
on account of some things that tended to distract 
my attention from my studies. Toward the
ending of the school there was much talk about
secession and war; in fact, it was the theme of
every-day conversation. Even the boys in the
school talked learnedly about the questions, and
were divided in opinion much in the same proportion 
as their fathers, guardians and neighbors.</p>
        <p>As day after day passed and something new
was constantly happening, the feeling and excitement 
became more intense. As the war clouds
began to arise and seemingly to overshadow us,
the mutterings of the distant thunder could be
heard in the angry words of debate and discussion
in the councils of the country, and at home among
the extreme advocates of secession on the one
hand, and those holding extreme views opposed
to the principle and policy of secession on the
other. This was not confined to the men alone,
but, as before stated, the school boys were would-be 
statesmen, and in Mr. Bennett's school organized 
a debating society, in which was most frequently 
discussed the question, “Shall Virginia
Secede from the Union?”  -  the question being
generally decided in the negative.</p>
        <p>The meetings of the society were frequently attended 
by some of the men of the neighborhood,
and among them were Col. William Chambers,
<pb id="cboy5" n="5"/>
Major Arnett, and Captain Shue. Colonel Chambers was a 
fierce, bold, determined, and uncompromising Union man, 
opposed to secession in any and every form or name in 
which it could be presented, while Major Arnett and Captain Shue
were much of the same way of thinking, but more
conservative in their utterances. These men and
others frequently took part in the debate and sometimes 
sat as judges.</p>
        <p>When I took part in the discussion it was generally 
on the affirmative, in favor of secession,
my sentiments and convictions leading me in that
direction, though as a matter of fact my ideas
were very crude, as I knew little of the matter, not
having at that time attained my sixteenth year.
I had only caught from my uncle, Chapman I.
Johnston, who had been educated and trained in
the State Rights school of politics, some faint
ideas of the questions involved in the threatened
rupture.</p>
        <p>Naturally following my early impressions, I
became and was a strong believer in and an 
advocate of State Rights, and secession, without fair
comprehension of what was really meant by the
terms. My youthful mind was inspired by the
thought that I lived in the South, among a southern 
people in thought, feeling and sentiment, that
their interests were my interests, their assailants
<pb id="cboy6" n="6"/>
and aggressors were equally mine, their country
my country,  -  a land on which fell the rays of a
southern sun, and that the dews which moistened
the graves of my ancestors fell from a southern
sky; and not only this, but the patriotic songs, and
the thought of becoming a soldier, with uniform
and bright buttons, marching to the sound of
martial music, a journey to Richmond, all animated 
and enthused me and had the greatest tendency 
to induce and influence me to become a
soldier. Grand anticipations! Fearful reality!</p>
        <p>When thinking of this, I am reminded of the
story of Bill Douthat of our Company, who,
after trying the realities of war and soldier life
for a part of one year, returned home, and being
strictly inquired of as to what war was, what it
meant, or how he liked it, answered, “Well, 
gentlemen,  I have seen the elephant; don't want to
see him any more.” And after having tried it,
I think I can truthfully say that Bill expressed
fully our views on the subject.</p>
        <p>Leaving school about the last days of March
or the first days of April, I returned to my
uncle's house.</p>
        <p>Although Virginia had not yet seceded, there
was an abundance of war talk, and some of the
people were rapidly coming to the conclusion that
war was inevitable, and that the only way the
<pb id="cboy7" n="7"/>
controversy could or would be settled was by
resort to arms, an appeal to the King of Battles,
  -  a submission to the arbitrament of the sword.</p>
        <p>Volunteer military organizations already 
existed in  various parts of the state; perhaps there
was scarcely a county or city in the Commonwealth 
that did not have at least one organized
volunteer company.</p>
        <p>Many overzealous persons declared their 
purpose to unite their fortunes with the states which
had already seceded, whatever the course of Virginia 
might be, and many of these zealots were
so much afraid that there would be no war, or
none in Virginia, that they hurried south; however, 
the ardor of at least some of them became
somewhat frigid as the war became flagrant, until it 
is believed it fell below the freezing point,
and some of them going over to the enemy; helped
stir up the strife, then ran away, and let the
other fellows do the fighting.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy9" n="9"/>
      <div1 type="chapter2">
        <head>Chapter II</head>
        <pb id="cboy10" n="10"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>Giles County, its Formation and Early Settlers.</item>
            <item>Its Geographical Position, Topography and
Population in 1860.</item>
            <item>State of Political Parties.</item>
            <item>Election of Delegate to the Convention.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy11" n="11"/>
        <p>GILES COUNTY, named for Hon. William 
B. Giles, once Governor of Virginia, was created in 1806
out of the territory of Montgomery, Tazewell, and
Monroe counties; the county town or seat of
justice, Pearisburg, being named in honor of Col.
George Pearis, a soldier of the American
Revolution, who donated to the county the land on
which the town is located. Colonel Pearis was a
descendent of a French Hugenot, and was born in
the State of South Carolina, February 16, 1746. In a
battle with the Tories at Shallow Ford of the
Yadkin, North Carolina, on the 14th day of
October, 1780, he was wounded in the shoulder,
which disabled him for further military service,
and on reaching Virginia sought shelter with some
relations on the New River, at a place since
known as Pepper's Ferry.</p>
        <p>The settlement of what is now the territory of
Giles County began at a period anterior to the
American Revolution, perhaps as early as 1755, if
not a few years before that date. Among the early
settlers of Giles County were the Lybrooks,
Snidows, Harmans, Halls, Napiers, McComas',
Clays, Pearis', Peters,' Hales<corr>,</corr> McKenseys, Chapmans, 
Frenches, Johnstons, Shumates, Hatfields,
<pb id="cboy12" n="12"/>
Adkins', Hares, Pecks, Hughes', Wilburns,
Shannons, and Banes, who were of Scot-Irish,
German, Hugenot and English blood, many of them
suffering much from Indian incursions.</p>
        <p>The population of this county, in 1860, was 6816, of
whom 6038 were free white persons. The county is
situate in the midst of the great Appalachian chain
or range of mountains, distant from Richmond some
three hundred miles. Its length, thirty, by a mean
width of twenty miles. New River flows through it in
a northwest direction, the chief tributaries of which,
in Giles County, are the Sinking, Walker's, Wolf, Big
Stony, and Little Stony creeks. Its principal
mountains, Walker's, Sugar Run, Angel's Rest, Wolf
Creek, East River, Peters' and Salt Pond, which are
high, rugged, and precipitous. The streams are rapid,
and the surface of the country, other than the river
and creek bottoms, generally rough and broken, but
the soil rich and fertile. The population in 1861 was
made up of sturdy, liberty-loving, hardy
mountaineers, engaged chiefly in agricultural
pursuits, where brave men are bred, accustomed to
the chase and the use of firearms, which fitted them
for the hardships and privations of soldier life.</p>
        <p>Politically, in 1860 and the early part of 1861, 
 the county was fairly evenly divided between the
<pb id="cboy13" n="13"/>
democratic and whig parties, with perhaps a slight
preponderance in favor of the democrats, the great
body of whom, with the State Rights whigs, being
intensely southern in character, but opposed to
extreme measures, or hasty action.</p>
        <p>In January, 1861, the legislature ordered an
election for delegates to a convention to consider
the critical condition of the country, said election to
be held on the 4th day of February, at which in
Giles County Mr. Manilius Chapman was elected
over Mr. Charles D. Peck by a small majority. The
convention assembled in Richmond on the 13th of
February, of which more hereafter.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy15" n="15"/>
      <div1 type="chapter3">
        <head>Chapter III </head>
        <pb id="cboy16" n="16"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>What Will Not Be Attempted Herein.</item>
            <item>How the Southern People Viewed the Situation.</item>
            <item>Virginia as Peace Maker.</item>
            <item>The Peace Conference and Its Failure. </item>
            <item>Geographical, Territorial Position.</item>
            <item>Assembling of the Convention and Its Action.</item>
            <item>Mr. Lincoln's Attitude and Call for Troops.</item>
            <item>Adoption of the Ordinance of Secession.</item>
            <item>Preparations for Defense.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy17" n="17"/>
        <p>IT IS not herein attempted to record the causes
which led to the withdrawal of the Southern
States from the Federal Compact of Union
framed by the Deputies of twelve of the Thirteen
Original States, in the City of Philadelphia on the 
17th day of September, 1787, afterwards acceded to
and ratified by the states acting by and through
conventions of the sovereign people of the states
entering into and forming the Compact. Neither will
it be discussed whether Secession is a violation of
the Constitution, nor whether it is or is not prohibited
to the states and no power granted or delegated to
the Federal agent to prevent it. It seems no longer a
practical question, hence no good purpose could be
subserved by a discussion thereof. Some of the
arguments, however, of the Southern people are
reproduced to show how they viewed the question
at the period of which I am writing, - especially what
Virginia people said and thought on the subject.</p>
        <p>In his inaugural address, Mr. Lincoln had
declared his purpose to repossess the forts which
had been seized by troops of the seceded states,
reading to the Virginia Commissioners on April 13th
a paper setting forth his views declaring his purpose
to coerce the seceded States. By the
<pb id="cboy18" n="18"/>
Southern people this declaration by Mr. Lincoln was
construed as a purpose to wage immediate war of
subjugation against the South; in fact, no other
meaning could be given to what he said.</p>
        <p>Many of the Southern states did not want to leave
the Union, <sic corr="abhorred">abhored</sic> war, and especially was this true
of Virginia. She therefore hesitated before taking the
step which was to separate her from that Union she
had contributed so much to create. Virginia,
therefore, made overtures to the government at
Washington for an amicable and peaceful solution of
the questions agitating the country, which, if not
adjusted, would soon plunge the nation into the
dreadful war to which we were rapidly drifting.
Virginia took the lead in the matter of pacification, by
a resolution of her legislature passed early in the
month of January, 1861, recommending each of the
states to appoint commissioners to a convention, the
object of which should be “to adjust the present
unhappy controversies.” This proposition met the
approval of President Buchanan. Most of the states,
save those which had then seceded, responded by
appointing delegates. In pursuance of this call, the
convention met in Washington, February 4, 1861, 
choosing John Tyler of Virginia, chairman of the
convention. After some three weeks' deliberation,
this “Peace Congress” submitted 
<pb id="cboy19" n="19"/>
a number of propositions, amendments to
the Constitution. These propositions, together with
most, if not all overtures, came to naught, were
rejected by the congress and the party then in
control of affairs at Washington.</p>
        <p>On December 20th the State of South Carolina
had seceded from the Union, affirming and claiming
that she, with her sister Southern states, could no
longer live on equal terms and in peace in that Union
and under that Constitution which many of the
Northern states did not hesitate to violate whenever
it suited their interests; and further insisting that
there had been a powerful party organized in the
North, upon principles of ambition and fanaticism,
whose purpose was to divert the Federal
Government from the external, and turn its power
upon the internal interests and domestic institutions
of the Southern states; that they had thus in the
Northern states a party whose avowed object not
only threatened the peace but the existence of nearly
one-half of the states of the Republic; that this same
party in the North proposed to inaugurate a
president, at the head of the Army and Navy, with
vast powers, not to preside over the common
interests and destinies of all the states alike, but upon
partisan issues of avowed hostility, with relentless
war to be waged
<pb id="cboy20" n="20"/>
upon the rights and peace of half the states of the
Union.</p>
        <p>This is but a faint picture of what awaited the
Southern states, as they saw it, upon the coming into
power of a sectional party, with Mr. Lincoln as
chief magistrate, whose inaugural address clearly
foreshadowed war.</p>
        <p>After repeated demands made by South Carolina, 
and after several ineffectual attempts by
negotiation for the surrender of Fort Sumter, and a
Federal fleet had sailed and was then off the harbor
of Charleston, for the reinforcing and provisioning
of the garrison, it is claimed that treachery and
duplicity of the Federal government had been used
to deceive the state authorities of South Carolina as
to the surrender of the fort.</p>
        <p>It was therefore decided to reduce the fort;
hence, on the 12th day of April, 1861, the
bombardment commenced, the news of which fired
the Northern heart, notwithstanding the well known
principle that it is not always he who strikes the first
blow that is the aggressor, but he who by his
conduct or act forces that blow to be given.
However, the shot had been fired which aroused the
whole country to the highest pitch of excitement,
with seemingly no way to allay it. The war was on.</p>
        <pb id="cboy21" n="21"/>
        <p>Let us return to the Virginia convention which
assembled in Richmond February 13th. These were
momentous days. This historic body, composed of
the ablest and best men from the Commonwealth
of Virginia, carefully considered the grave issues
involved, the fearful consequences of civil strife.
Upon the best authority it is averred that two-thirds
of the men composing this convention were opposed
to secession, and preferred to remain in the Union.</p>
        <p>A committee on Federal Relations was appointed,
which, on the 10th day of March, reported fourteen
resolutions, as follows: protesting against all
interference with slavery; declaring secession to be
a right; defining the grounds on which Virginia
would feel herself to be justified in exercising that
right, namely: the failure to obtain guarantees; the
adoption of a warlike policy by the government of
the United States, or to reinforce, or recapture the
Southern forts. These resolves clearly defined the attitude 
of Virginia at this critical moment. After serious
discussion pro and con, all but the last of these
resolves had passed the convention, when the news
was received that the bombardment of Fort Sumter
had begun.</p>
        <p>Virginia was still for peace and the Union,
endeavoring by every means within her power to
<pb id="cboy22" n="22"/>
avert the awful calamity of civil war. Her territorial
limits were extensive, reaching from the northeast
point of North Carolina northwestward nearly five
hundred miles to a point within about one hundred
miles of Lake Erie, practically separating the eastern
from the western states of the Union; hence her
geographical position entitled her to and gave her
great power and influence toward a settlement of the
impending trouble. It was then claimed,  -  which was
no doubt true,  -   that the Federal Administration was
anxious to see her shorn of her power, which in a
measure was accomplished by her dismemberment,
by the formation of West Virginia out of her territory,
and this by the aid of the Federal power.</p>
        <p>Virginia's son was foremost in fanning the flames
of revolution, leading to the overthrow of British
tyranny and the establishment of American
independence. Her son had written the Declaration
of Independence. Her son had led the Continental
armies during the Revolution, and her son was active
in the framing and ratification of the Federal
Constitution. Virginia had been among the first to
suggest and to assist in creating the compact of
union.</p>
        <p>To the Confederated states and in the spirit of
patriotism and confidence in the continuance of
good will, she had given to the Union her northwest 
<pb id="cboy23" n="23"/>
territory, an empire within itself, out of which
six or more states have been formed. She had
furnished seven presidents to the Republic.</p>
        <p>It was on the 15th day of April that Mr. Lincoln
issued his call for seventy-five thousand troops.
Virginia's quota, 2400, were to rendezvous at points
in <sic corr="Virginia">Virgina</sic>, thus placing armed soldiers in her
territory, though still in the Union, her convention a
few days previous having refused to secede by a
vote of 89 to 45. This act of Mr. Lincoln was
construed by our people as an act of war, and
without authority, that power being vested in
Congress alone.</p>
        <p>Thus it will be seen that all the efforts made by
Virginia to preserve the Union and peace had been
defeated, Mr. Lincoln having pronounced secession
unlawful and void. Virginia was a Southern state, in
sympathy with her sister states of the South, and
could not be induced to make war on them, nor on
the Northern states of the Union. The conduct of
the Federal Administration had not only forced her
out of the Union, but to take sides in the impending
crisis. It was not a Southern Confederacy that Virginia 
sought or her people fought for, but to uphold and 
maintain the integrity and sovereignty of the state,
and this necessarily meant separate government.
I am sure at no time did the people of Virginia
<pb id="cboy24" n="24"/>
think of becoming the aggressors upon the rights of
the other states of the Federal Union.</p>
        <p>The issue was, therefore, squarely presented.
Virginia must decide on which side she would stand.
“Choose ye this day whom ye will serve,” was the
alternative. There was no middle ground, no neutral
position, no evading the issue. Against her persistent
attachment to the Union, the strongest appeals and
bitterest denunciations, Virginia remained unmoved.</p>
        <p>When her voice and her pleadings were no longer
heard, the news of the bombardment of Fort
Sumter, and Mr. Lincoln's call for troops, reached
the convention, the supreme moment had come.
The die was cast. There could be no further
hesitation. On April 17th the Ordinance of
Secession, amid anguish and tears, was adopted by
a vote of 81 to 51.</p>
        <p>The call for troops by the President brought an
immediate change in the current of public opinion in
Virginia from the mountains to the sea.</p>
        <p>The Ordinance of Secession was ratified by the
people on the 23d day of May by a majority of
96,750 out of a total vote of 161,018.</p>
        <p>Virginians having now made their decision to
defend themselves and their state, hastened to arms
with ardor and a determined spirit of resistance.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy25" n="25"/>
      <div1 type="chapter4">
        <head>Chapter IV</head>
        <pb id="cboy26" n="26"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>Organization of Volunteer Forces.</item>
            <item>Giles Not Behind Her Sister Counties.</item>
            <item>A Company Organized at Pearisburg, with James
H. French as Captain; Eustace Gibson, First
Lieutenant; William A. Anderson, Second
Lieutenant; and Joel Blackard, Second Junior
Lieutenant; Captains James D. Johnston and R. F.
Watts on the Committee to Purchase Uniforms, etc.</item>
            <item>The Ladies of the Town and Country.</item>
            <item>In Barracks and on Drill.</item>
            <item>Anecdote.</item>
            <item>Dixie.</item>
            <item>Our March to Wolf Creek.</item>
            <item>Presentation of Bible and Flag.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy27" n="27"/>
        <p>ON LEARNING of the adoption of the 
Ordinance of Secession by the convention,
the country was ablaze with the wildest
excitement, and preparations for war began in
earnest. Volunteer organizations of troops were
forming all over the state. Why and wherefore, may
be asked. Not to attack the Federal Government, to
fight the Northern states, but only to defend Virginia
in the event of invasion by a Northern army. There
was at this time in the county, already organized and
fairly drilled, the volunteer company of Capt.
William Eggleston, of New River White Sulphur
Springs. Pearisburg and the region roundabout in the
most part received the news of the secession of the
state with apparent relief and gladness, and
immediately James H. French, Esq., of Pearisburg,
a lawyer and staunch, bold Southern man in 
education, sentiment and feeling, assisted by others,
commenced the enlistment of a company of
volunteer infantry to serve for the period of twelve
months from the date of being mustered into
service, believing that war, if it should come, would
not last longer than one year. Enlisting men for war
was something new; people are always ready to try
something new, and as our people were
<pb id="cboy28" n="28"/>
possessed of a martial spirit, this, together with the
excitement and enthusiasm of the occasion, made it
no difficult matter to enroll a full company in an
incredibly short time. Names were readily obtained,
among them my own. I had to go with the
boys,  -  my neighbors and schoolmates, little thinking,
or in the remotest degree anticipating, the terrible
hardships and privations which would have to be
endured in the four years which followed. The idea
then prevalent among our people was that we were
not to be absent a great while; that there would
probably be no fighting; that Mr. Lincoln was not
really in earnest about attempting to coerce the
seceded states, and if he was, a few Southern men
would suffice to put to rout the hordes of
Yankeedom. If, however, the Northern people were
intent upon war, our people were ready to meet
them, because thoroughly aroused.</p>
        <p>Our people had by this time arrived at the 
conclusion that war was inevitable; no settlement on
peaceable and honorable terms could be had. They
had therefore left the Union, which seemed to them
the only alternative. Consequently we felt obliged to
appeal to the sword for the settlement of questions
which statesmanship had failed to solve; yet always
willing to make a child's bargain with the Northern
people,  -  “You leave
<pb id="cboy29" n="29"/>
us alone and we will leave you alone.” Extravagant
utterances and speeches were made as to Southern
prowess. It was even said that one Southern man
could whip five Yankees; that the old women of the
country with corn-cutters could drive a host of
Yankees away; but the people who made these
assertions knew little of what they were saying, for
ere the war had long progressed we found we had
our hands full, and it soon became evident that we
might like to find someone to help us let go.</p>
        <p>The organization of the company which
afterwards became Company D, 7th Virginia
regiment, took place April 25, 1861. The only contest
for office worth relating was for the captaincy,
which was between James H. French and Andrew
J. Grigsby, and resulted in the election of the
former. The following is a complete roster of the
company, with dates of enlistment, rank, etc., to be
followed later by a tabulated statement of losses in
battle, by disease, desertion, discharge, etc.:</p>
        <div2 type="roster">
          <head>ROSTER OF COMPANY D, 7TH VIRGINIA
<lb/>INFANTRY.</head>
          <list type="roster">
            <head>Date of enlistment.  Name.   Rank.</head>
            <item>1861 - April    James H. French. . . .Captain</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Eustace Gibson . . . .First Lieutenant </item>
            <item>1861 - April    W. A. Anderson,. . . .Sec. Lieutenant</item>
            <item>1861 - April    J. Blackard,. . . .Second Jr. Lieutenant</item>
            <pb id="cboy30" n="30"/>
            <item>1861 - April    Allen C. Pack. . . .First Sergeant</item>
            <item>1861 - April    John W. Mullins,. . . .Second Sergeant</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Joseph C. Hughes,. . . .Third Sergeant</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Wm. D. Peters. . . .Fourth Sergeant</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Hamilton J. Hale,. . . . Fifth Sergeant</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Allen L. Fry. . . .First Corporal</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Elisha M. Stone,. . . .Second Corporal</item>
            <item>1861 - April    T. N. Mustain. . . .Third Corporal</item>
            <item>1861 - April    John W. Hight. . . .Fourth Corporal</item>
            <item>1861 - April    David C. Akers. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    George W. Akers. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    William R. Albert. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    Daniel Bish. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    Allen M. Bane. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    Robert H. Bane. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Joseph E. Bane. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    Jesse Barrett. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Alexander Bolton. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    Travis Burton. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    William H. Carr. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    James M. Collins. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    John R. Crawford. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1863 - March    William Crawford. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    James B. Croy. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    James Cole. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1865 - January    D. E. Dulaney. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    M. J. Dulaney. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    Tim P. Darr. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    John S. Dudley. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    William H. Douthat. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Thomas Davenport. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    David Davis. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Elbert S. Eaton. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Elisha D. East. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    John W. East. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Joseph Eggleston. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    James H. Eggleston. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Francis H. Farley. . . .Private</item>
            <pb id="cboy31" n="31"/>
            <item>1861 - April    William C. Fortner. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    James H. Fortner. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Jacob Tyler Frazier. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    William Frazier. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    Creed D. Frazier. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    William A. French. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    John S. W. French. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    Andrew J. French. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    James H. Gardner. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    Francis M. Gordon. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Andrew J. Grigsby. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Charles A. Hale. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    John A. Hale. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    John D. Hare. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Isaac Hare. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    James B. Henderson. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    John Henderson. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - Mar. 1862    Baldwin L. Hoge. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April 1861    James Hughes. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    James J. Hurt. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    George W. Hurt. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    John F. Jones. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Manelius S. Johnston. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    George Johnston. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    David E. Johnston. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    George Knoll. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Charles N. J. Lee. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Joseph Lewy. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Henry Lewy. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    William H. Layton. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    James Lindsey. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Patrick H. Lefler. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    Anderson Meadows. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    Ballard P. Meadows. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    John Meadows. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Newton J. Morris. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1862 - March    Christian Minnich. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    George A. Minnich. . . .Private</item>
            <pb id="cboy32" n="32"/>
            <item>1861 - April    John H. Minnich. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Absalom D. Manning. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Raleigh Merricks. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Tapley P. Mays. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    John Q. Martin. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    John H. Martin. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    Wiley W. Muncey. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    George C. Mullins. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1862 - March    James J. Nye. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    John Palmer. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    Charles W. Peck. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    John W. Sarver. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Demarcus L. Sarver. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Josephus Southern. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Samuel B. Shannon. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Joseph C. Shannon. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    William H. H. Snidow. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    John P. Sublett. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    William T. Sublett. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Lewis R. Skeens. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Alexander Skeens. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Joseph Skeens. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Amos L. Sumner. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    Thomas J. Stafford. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    William H. Stafford. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1863 - January    Ralph M. Stafford. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Andrew J. Thompson. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    Adam Thompson. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    Alonzo Thompson. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Thomas S. L. Taylor. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Lee E. Vass. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Washington R. C. Vass. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Elijah R. Walker. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Lewis N. Wiley. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Gordon L. Wilburn. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Ballard P. Watts. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Hugh J. Wilburn. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    William I. Wilburn. . . .Private</item>
          </list>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="figure">
          <p>
            <figure id="figure2" entity="johnst32">
              <p>CAPTAIN JAMES H. FRENCH </p>
            </figure>
          </p>
        </div2>
        <pb id="cboy33" n="33"/>
        <div2 type="list">
          <list type="roster">
            <item>1861 - April    Edward Z. Yager. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Thomas J. Young. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - August    Isaac Young. . . .Private</item>
            <item>1861 - April    Jesse B. Young. . . .Private</item>
            <lb/>
            <item>Whole number of enlisted officers and men, 122. </item>
          </list>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <p>Upon the company being organized, a committee 
was appointed by the county court to purchase uniforms 
and blankets. This committee, which was composed, 
as now recollected, of Captains James D. Johnston
and R. F. Watts, acted promptly, and the materials 
for the uniforms were soon on hand. The ladies of 
the town and surrounding country went to work in 
earnest and with energy to make our 
outfits. Herculean as was the task, they 
accomplished it in an incredibly short time, and we 
soon donned our bright new clothes, with nice brass 
buttons, and began to think ourselves soldiers in 
fact. We occupied as barracks the large frame 
building on the southeast side of the town, the 
same lately owned and occupied by Capt. James D. 
Johnston as a residence. While here we usually 
had daily squad and company drill, conducted by the 
accomplished Captain W. W. McComas, then a 
practicing physician, who had been a soldier in the 
Mexican War, and who, after the departure of our company, 
raised and organized a company of which he 
was made captain. He fell at his post in the
<pb id="cboy34" n="34"/>
forefront of the battle of South Mills, North
Carolina, April 19, 1862. He, like many others, died too
soon for his country's good, and his friends were
greatly grieved and distressed over his untimely
death.</p>
          <p>During the period which elapsed between the
organization and departure for Lynchburg, the
designated place of rendezvous, and while in
barracks, “the boys,” as we were wont to call
ourselves, played many pranks upon each other, one
of which is worth relating. A sham or mock election
was held for the election of a fifth Lieutenant, the
choice falling on a very credulous member of the
company, who, after the announcement of his
election, became quite anxious to know what the
duties of his office required of him,  -  which we,
also ignorant of military duties, were unable to
answer. With his consent, it was agreed to refer the
solution of the matter to Lieutenant Anderson, who
was always full of wit and humor, ever ready with
answer, and always enjoyed a good joke. Upon the
arrival of the Lieutenant, the question was promptly
referred to him, and without pausing he promptly
answered, “His duties are to carry water and catch
fleas out of the soldiers' beds.” This seemed
satisfactory to the newly elected Lieutenant, and
doubtless, as was afterwards demonstrated  -  for
<pb id="cboy35" n="35"/>
he always obeyed orders and did his duty  -  he
would have proceeded to perform his prescribed
duties as explained by Lieutenant Anderson, had not
some one told him that it was all a joke and a sell.</p>
          <p>Early in May we were invited to a dinner
prepared for us by the good people living at and
near the mouth of Wolf Creek, whither we
marched, partook of a bountiful repast, and returned
to our barracks. During our stay in barracks at
Pearisburg, as before stated, we were frequently
drilled by Captain McComas, who attempted to
teach us to keep the step and to cheer, or huzzah.
The latter was no easy task, for in fact we never did
learn uniformity in the “huzzah,” but gradually drifted
into that wild “rebel yell,” as it was called, which so
often sent a thrill of horror into the Yankee ranks,
and the memory of which brings a cold chill over
those fellows yet! “Dixie,” “Bonnie Blue Flag” and
other patriotic songs, sung by the choir of the
company, greatly enthused us, but “Dixie” had more
music in it than all others put together, and it has
ever been so, even to this good day.</p>
          <p>As all people of all lands are more or less fond of
“flag worship,” it was altogether fit and proper that
the company should have a suitable emblem or flag,
and the women, always first in every
<pb id="cboy36" n="36"/>
good work, determined to present to the company a
flag and a Bible. Both were soon ready, and it was
determined to have a formal presentation of each.
Miss Mary Woodram, now the widow of Dr. James
O'Keiffe, presented the flag, and the pupils of
Pearisburg Academy the Bible, which was placed
in the custody of Jacob Tyler Frazier, who had
been selected as chaplain, the flag being delivered
to Joseph Edward Bane, the company's ensign. J.
Smoot Dennis, a boy of only seven years of age, a
pupil of the school, presented the Bible, in the
following little speech:</p>
          <p>“The teachers and pupils of Pearisburg Academy
beg leave to present this copy of the Holy
Scriptures to our magnificent ‘Mountain Boomers’
as an expression of our confidence in their
Christian faith and patriotism.”</p>
          <p>To which the chaplain responded:</p>
          <p>“On behalf of the ‘Mountain Boomers’ I accept
this book, knowing it to be the Word of God. I shall
read it with care and diligence, and on all suitable
occasions will endeavor to explain and enforce its
claims. Should any of our band fall sick in camp,
or be wounded on the field, then from the great
treasure of its precious promises I will bring balm
for the suffering, and point them to Him whose
mission to earth was to bind up the broken-hearted
and save that which was lost.
<pb id="cboy37" n="37"/>
If the Pale Horse and his Rider should overtake
any of us in a distant land, we will rest in hope of
the glorious appearing of Him who is the
Resurrection and the Life, and with whom we
shall be gathered into that land which no foe
invades, and where friends are parted no more.”</p>
        </div2>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy39" n="39"/>
      <div1 type="chapter5">
        <head>Chapter V</head>
        <pb id="cboy40" n="40"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>The Election for the Ratification of the
Ordinance of Secession Was Held on the Fourth
Thursday of May, the 23d. On That Day Members
of the House of Delegates, and Perhaps Other
Officers Were to be Elected.</item>
            <item>Our Departure.</item>
            <item>Lynchburg and to Manassas Junction.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy41" n="41"/>
        <p>THE total vote (1033) in Giles County was 
cast in favor of the ratification of the
Ordinance of Secession. Captain William
Eggleston was elected to the House of Delegates
over Dr. John W. Easley by a majority of 234 votes.
Our departure for the rendezvous was delayed for
the purpose of giving such members of the
company as were entitled to vote the opportunity
to do so. To avoid delay and to furnish means to
carry us to the railway station twenty-one miles
away, preparations were made in advance to
transport us in wagons.</p>
        <p>The day arrived at last. It was a lovely May
morning; the sun shone in all his splendor, the
birds sang, all nature seemed to smile, and there
was nothing to indicate that this should be the last
farewell for many noble Giles County boys to
home, friends, and loved ones. We seemed to be
going on a holiday journey, to return in a few days.
But alas! when the time of departure arrived, what
a change of scene! The town was being filled with
people,  -  the fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters,
wives, relatives, friends and lovers of the men and
boys who were starting on the errand of war. Here
was a fond and loving mother clinging to her baby
boy, weeping, sobbing, 
<pb id="cboy42" n="42"/>
praying the Father of all Mercies to protect
and preserve the life of her darling child, amidst
the fury and storm of battle. There stood the
patriotic, gray haired father, the tears trickling
down his cheeks, giving to his beloved son words of
comfort, begging that he act the man, be brave, do
his duty, refrain from bad habits, and to shun all
appearance of evil. A loving sister might be seen
with her arms around a brother's neck, reminding
him of her love and attachment, and her grief and
sorrow at parting from one with whom she had
been associated from childhood's days, upon whom
she had leaned for protection, and upon whom her
fondest hopes for the future rested, and whose face
she was, in all probability, gazing upon for the last
time. Ears were not deaf to the mutual promises
and plighted faith of lovers, of what they hoped one
day should be realized. Nor were eyes dim to the
parting glances and silent tears, for scarcely could
be found an eye that was not bathed in tears on
this occasion. It was weeping, shaking of hands,
“goodbye,” and “God bless you;” and thus the scene
continued until the long train of wagons drove us
away.</p>
        <p>On reaching the residence of that hospitable
gentleman, Thomas Shannon, ten miles away, we
found in his orchard near the spring a long table
<pb id="cboy43" n="43"/>
on which was spread a splendid dinner. After
partaking thereof, and resting a short time, we
resumed our journey towards Dublin, arriving
there at sunset. Assembling near the station, we
were addressed by Colonel Pogue and Mr. Frank
Wysor, whose speeches were well timed and
patriotic, which, together with the good supper
furnished us, had the effect to dispel in some degree
the gloom and sadness of the morning. At eleven
o'clock P. M. we boarded the train for Lynchburg,
arriving there at sunrise next morning. With us
were Robinson and Hurt, drummer and fifer, who
kept us well supplied with music during that long
night's ride. Crowded closely in the coaches,
unaccustomed to riding on the cars, and sleeping
none, we found ourselves on reaching Lynchburg
pretty badly used up. Falling into line at the
station, we marched up Bridge street to Main, then
to a back street above, going into quarters in a
tobacco warehouse, where we remained but a day
and night; then to the fair grounds, or Camp
Davis, as it was called. There we were joined by
Captain Eggleston's company, the Mercer company
under Captain Richardson, with several companies
from the counties of Franklin, Henry, Patrick,
Floyd, Montgomery, and Carroll, which later
formed the 24th Virginia regiment of infantry,
commanded by Colonel, afterwards 
<pb id="cboy44" n="44"/>
Lieutenant-General Jubal A. Early, Peter
Hairston, Lieut.-Col., and J. P. Hammett as
Major. Colonel Early was not in camp with us at
Lynchburg and did not join us until we reached 
Manassas. The camp was in charge of Lieut.-Col.
Hairston, a tall, slender, sandy-haired, blue-eyed
man, good natured, but, as we then thought,
evidently better qualified to manage his farm down
in Henry County than a green military force
composed of Virginia gentlemen, unused as they
were to restrictions or restraints upon their
personal liberty, and not to be broken into harness,
so to speak, in a few days.</p>
        <p>Our quarters were rude plank sheds with
inclined rough floors; our bedding not of feathers,
but of a little straw and blankets. As no one in the
company knew anything of the art of cooking, what
little was done as a matter of course was badly
done; the cooking vessels consisting of a tin cup,
camp kettle, and frying pan. Bread was generally
furnished from the bakers' shops of the city, while
meat, rice, beans, peas, etc., had to be dumped into
a camp kettle and boiled together  -  so that it
requires no strong stretch of the imagination on
the part of the reader to realize that we had a real
mess. However, “necessity, the mother of
invention,” compelled us to learn how to cook, and
we were right apt scholars.</p>
        <pb id="cboy45" n="45"/>
        <p>In a few days after taking up quarters at Camp
Davis, there were issued and delivered to us
Springfield muskets, bayonets, scabbards,
cartridge boxes, but no ammunition. With these
muskets we performed quarter guard, the chief
objects of which seemed to be to keep the men out
of the city, and to give us some knowledge as to the
handling of arms. In accomplishing the first
named purpose it was vain; the guards had
muskets, but no powder and ball, therefore if
anyone were desirous of passing the lines into the
city, he had only to wait until the sentry turned on
his beat to walk away, then glide quickly across
the line; but when the sentry did catch a fellow, he
usually made him stand at the point of his
bayonet, marking time, until the corporal of the
guard could answer the call and conduct the
prisoner to the guardhouse. Consequently a
different remedy was resorted to by the officers,
<foreign lang="la">viz.</foreign>: The frequent call of the roll, by which the
absentees were readily ascertained. This had the
effect of lessening the practice of going into the city
without permission.</p>
        <p>We remained in Lynchburg eight days,
breaking camp at Camp Davis Friday the 31st day
of May, 1861, and departing that evening in freight
cars over the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, for
Manassas Junction, a distance of one hundred
<pb id="cboy46" n="46"/>
miles or more. After a long, tiresome, all-night
ride, we reached Manassas at sunrise on the
morning of June 1st, the morning on which
occurred, at Fairfax Court House, a skirmish
between the Federal and Confederate outposts, in
which Capt. John Q. Marr, of Fauquier, was killed
and Major Ewell wounded. The Confederate post at
Manassas was named “Camp Pickens” in honor of
Governor Pickens of South Carolina.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy47" n="47"/>
      <div1 type="chapter6">
        <head>Chapter VI</head>
        <pb id="cboy48" n="48"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>Stay at the Junction.</item>
            <item>Organization of Twenty-fourth Regiment as
Afterwards Completed.</item>
            <item>March to Camp Davis Ford.</item>
            <item>First Night on Picket.</item>
            <item>Alarm.</item>
            <item>March to the Town of Occoquan and Back Again.</item>
            <item>A War of Words.</item>
            <item>Serious Fight Imminent.</item>
            <item>Leaving the Twenty-fourth Regiment.</item>
            <item>Camp Tick Grove, and a Personal Difference.</item>
            <item>A More Perfect Union.</item>
            <item>Camp Wigfall.</item>
            <item>Officers of the Seventh Virginia Regiment.</item>
            <item>Blondeau's Shot.</item>
            <item>How We Cooked, Ate and Slept.</item>
            <item>Shannon's Bob.</item>
            <item>Rumors Afloat of Pending Battle.</item>
            <item>Three Days' Rations Cooked.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy49" n="49"/>
        <p>THE day, or second day, after arriving at
Manassas, began the organization of the
24th Virginia Regiment of Infantry, with
companies from the counties of Carroll, Floyd,
Montgomery, Henry, Franklin, Patrick, Mercer
and Giles, including our company, the regiment
numbering about one thousand men. In our
company were J. Tyler Frazier, the company
Chaplain, Thomas S. Taylor, James B. Henderson,
the Eggleston boys, and perhaps others not now
recalled, whose custom and habit was not to retire
at night until they had held devotional exercises,
thanked God for His past mercies and blessings,
and asked His care and protection during the
night. This they had not failed to do since leaving
home. Taps were sounded at nine o'clock, when all
lights must be extinguished. One night at
Manassas taps sounded while the boys were at
their devotions. Colonel Hairston, seeing the light
in their tent still burning, had the boys marched
to the guard house; but they were soon released.</p>
        <p>After two or three days at the Junction, we
marched seven or eight miles to Davis' Ford on the
Occoquan river, a stream formed by the junction
of Cedar Run, Broad Run, and Bull Run,
<pb id="cboy50" n="50"/>
where we went into camp, pitching tents in a field
on the right of the road, behind a skirt of pines
which lined the northeast bank of the
stream. The Occoquan here is small, with high
banks. The field where we camped was barren, not
even covered with grass. Our beds were mother
earth, our rations were cooked in frying pans and
camp-kettles, and we had to wash our own clothes,
often without soap.</p>
        <p>Company drill was our dally avocation, and
when well and closely followed was quite irksome,
especially in warm, sultry weather. We also
performed quarter guard and did picket duty, the
latter by detachments from the various companies,
under the command of a commissioned officer,
arranged by alternate service. The picket post was
nearly a mile in advance of the camp, the small
stream flowing between.</p>
        <p>No one but a soldier can form any proper
conception of the feelings and imaginations of a
green boy performing his first night's picket duty
on the outpost, and in order to give some meager
idea of such a situation, the writer will here relate
his personal experience during his first night on
the outpost.</p>
        <p>It must be kept in mind that the private soldier
is supposed to be a mere machine, which, if not in
working order, may somewhere along the line produce 
<pb id="cboy51" n="51"/>
friction. This machine is supposed to know
nothing but his duty and obey orders,  -  the
instructions of his superiors. If placed on outpost
duty and told that there is nothing in front of him
but the enemy, to keep a sharp lookout, and to
warn of the approach of danger, he is not expected
to ask questions. My time came to go on duty at
ten o'clock at night. The night was cloudy and
dark, but pleasant. I was placed on the road by
which it was supposed the enemy might come, and
given the countersign. From ten o'clock to twelve,
midnight, was the time I had to remain, unless the
enemy captured or ran me away. What a long two
hours! The silence was oppressive. I stood peering
through the darkness, away a half a mile or more
from any human being, so far as I knew,
imagining that every noise or bush shaken by the
passing breeze was a veritable foe.</p>
        <p>The long two hours had nearly passed away,
when  -  hush! in the distance, on the hard beaten
road, not two hundred yards away, came the
sound of approaching hoof-beats. Yankees, of
course! Who else could they be? I had no
information that any of our troops were on the road
in front of us. What should I do? To fire before
challenging and alarm the camp would be highly
improper; to run away without challenging or
firing would be an act of cowardice. So, nerving myself 
<pb id="cboy52" n="52"/>
as well as I could under the circumstances,
remembering the instructions and countersign, I
awaited the coming of the party with all the
courage I then seemed to possess. Supposing them
to have approached to within some fifty
yards,  -  though it was most likely a hundred
yards  -  I challenged the party, and was answered,
“Friends, with the countersign.” Then the
rejoinder, “One of you dismount, come forward and
give the countersign,” which was quickly done, and
the party passed on; and you, gentle reader, may
be assured there was one on his first night's picket
duty who breathed with more ease. The spell was
broken,  -  thereafter I had less trouble when on the
outpost.</p>
        <p>A few nights after this occurrence, the soldier on
duty at this same post discharged his musket,
which aroused the camp nearly a mile away. Such
excitement was scarcely ever witnessed. The long
roll sounded, officers cried out, “Fall in! Fall in!
The enemy is coming!” Had this been true, there is
little doubt that in the confusion and darkness of
the night there would have been a stampede.</p>
        <p>On the 10th of June we struck tents, taking up
the line of march for the village of Occoquan, in
the direction of the Potomac River. Our march was
only about twelve miles,  -  hot, dry and dusty, through
a country scarce of water. Many
<pb id="cboy53" n="53"/>
a scuffle at wells that we passed took place among
the men famishing for water. Our march by the
route step was rapid, much too rapid for troops
unused to marching and carrying guns,
accouterments, knapsacks, blankets and canteens,
which, together, weighed from fifty to seventy-five
pounds, and which, with our heavy, close fitting
coats, made the march burdensome and cruel in
the extreme; this in part because the commandant
refused to halt for rest or to allow the men to get
water. About sunset camp was reached, all hands
broken down and exhausted. Next day we marched
back, our boys in disgust, some of them quoting
the King of France, who with fifty thousand men
marched up the hill and then marched down again.</p>
        <p>On the tramp to Occoquan occurred a difficulty
between Lieutenant Hairston and our Lieutenant
Gibson, the two high bloods squaring themselves
in the road for battle, but the prompt intervention
of Major J. P. Hammett of the regiment prevented
the trouble, which threatened to involve not only
the two officers but their respective companies,
and which difficulty was the cause of the transfer
of our company from the 24th to the 7th Virginia
regiment.</p>
        <p>We rested for a few days in camp in a grove of
pines not far from Manassas, to which we gave
<pb id="cboy54" n="54"/>
the name of “Camp Tick Grove,” from the fact of
our being nearly eaten up by the seed-ticks that
infest that region. Nothing of interest transpired
while in this camp further than that the writer
had a small personal difference with a great burly
fellow, which but for the timely interference of a
comrade might have resulted in somebody getting
threshed. It was a trifling affair, soon over and
forgotten. Our transfer to the 7th Virginia
regiment being duly effected, we left the “camp of
terror” and at Camp Wigfall formed a more perfect
union with our new regiment, commanded by
Colonel James L. Kemper of Madison County; of
which regiment Lewis B. Williams of Orange was
lieutenant-colonel, and W. T. Patton, of Culpeper,
major.</p>
        <p>This regiment was formed of ten companies, two
from Madison, two from Rappahannock, one from
Albemarle, one from Greene, one from Orange, one
from Washington, D. C., one from Culpeper, and
one from Giles  -  designated by letters as follows:</p>
        <list type="regiments">
          <item>Co. A, Capt. John Welch, Madison County.</item>
          <item>Co. B, Capt. Thos. B. Massie, Rappahannock
County.</item>
          <item>Co. C, Capt. John C. Porter, Culpeper County.</item>
          <item>Co. D, Capt. James H. French, Giles County.</item>
          <pb id="cboy55" n="55"/>
          <item>Co. E, Capt. John Taylor, Culpeper and Orange
Counties.</item>
          <item>Co. F, Capt. F. M. McMullen, Greene County.</item>
          <item><ref id="ref1" n="1" target="note1" targOrder="U">*</ref>Co. G, Capt. Austin Walden, Rappahannock County.</item>
          <item>Co. H, Capt. William Cleary, District of
Columbia.</item>
          <item>Co. I, Capt. Isaac Winn, Albemarle County.</item>
          <item>Co. K, Capt. William Lovell, Madison County.</item>
          <item>Dr. C. Bruce Morton, Surgeon.</item>
          <item>Rev. Mr. Bocock, Chaplain.</item>
          <item>Rev. Mr. McCarthy, Chaplain.</item>
          <item>Rev. Mr. J. Tyler Frazier, Acting Chaplain.</item>
          <item>Captain Crisler, Quartermaster.</item>
          <item>Captain Graves, Quartermaster.</item>
          <item>Captain J. W. Green, Commissary.</item>
        </list>
        <p>The adjutants who served in the 7th Virginia
were:</p>
        <list type="adjutants">
          <item>Charles C. Flowerree, 1861 to April, 1862.</item>
          <item>E. B. Starke, April, 1862, to June 30, 1862.</item>
          <item>Hugh M. Patton,  - , 1862, to August 30,1862.</item>
          <item>John H. Parr, September, 1862, to April, 1865.</item>
        </list>
        <p>Sergeant-Majors:</p>
        <list type="sergeant-majors">
          <item>George S. Tansill, to June 30, 1862.</item>
          <item> -  Park, to August 30, 1862.</item>
        </list>
        <note id="note1" n="1" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref1">This company joined the regiment on the morning of
the day of first battle of Manassas.</note>
        <pb id="cboy56" n="56"/>
        <list type="sergeant-majors">
          <item>David E. Johnston, from November, 1862 to
April, 1865.<ref id="ref2" n="2" target="note2" targOrder="U">*</ref></item>
        </list>
        <p>Camp Wigfall was situate on a beautiful upland
grass plot, a short distance southeast of Manassas,
and not far from Bull Run. Here we spent the time
rather pleasantly, engaging in daily company and
battalion drill and doing picket duty on two old
country roads leading in the direction of Bull Run.</p>
        <p>Blondeau, the Frenchman, belonging to
Company H, caused quite a stir and excitement
one night by firing his gun at an imaginary foe,
which turned out to be a cow browsing in the
brush near him. The long roll was sounded, the
camp aroused, the regiment put into line, but
before this was accomplished the camp was in an
uproar, one had lost his boots, another his
trousers, another his gun, etc. On the companies
reaching their positions in regimental line, ten
rounds of ammunition were ordered given each
man, and non-commissioned officers directed to
make the distribution. It was often told of our
Corporal Stone that while dealing out ammunition,
on the occasion referred to, one of the men
remarked
<note id="note2" n="2" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref2">I recall the names of some of the officers who came in
later as well as men, to wit: Captains W. O. Fry, Thomas
Fry, F. McMullen; J. W. Almerid, Thos. Harris, Phil S.
Ashby, Thos. G. Popham, Jas. G. Tansill; Lieutenants
Porter, Jas. Brown; Sergeants Wm. Aylor, Apperson,
Parrott, Billy Fray, H. C. Burrows and Frank Burrows.</note>
<pb id="cboy57" n="57"/>
to him that he was giving him more than ten caps,
to which the Corporal replied in quick, sharp tone,
“Oh, it's no time to count caps now!” Of course no
one knowing the Corporal attributed his remark to
a want of courage, for no cooler, truer, braver man
belonged to the company. Such signification as it
had was simply that men unused to “war's
alarms,” aroused from slumber at the dead of
night, would, despite themselves, become excited
and impatient, and especially so when they
momentarily expected the enemy to pounce upon
them; but no enemy came. We, however, rested on
our arms the remainder of the night; and though
no foe appeared, some of the men were credited
with having seen some in the distance  -  on the
hills, in the open fields, but on the coming of light
they were found to be merely harmless bushes. On
such occasions the imagination is naturally fertile.</p>
        <p>The camp becoming quiet, we settled down to old
habits. Rations were abundant, more thrown away
than we consumed. Inaction was not good for us,
and numbers of men became sick and were sent to
hospital. Our soldiers, like other people, loved to
sleep. If their rest was broken or disturbed at
night, by picket, quarter guard, duty, or otherwise,
they were sure to take a nap the next day, if the
flies, of which there were swarms,
<pb id="cboy58" n="58"/>
would allow them to snooze. If they failed to get
their nap during the day they were pretty sure to
have their nocturnal slumbers disturbed by gnats
and <sic corr="mosquitoes">mosquitos</sic>, especially during the warm nights.</p>
        <p>Two members of our company, Samuel B. and
Joseph C. Shannon, sons of Thomas Shannon, had
with them a negro servant, Bob, as their cook. Bob
was noted for his propensity for laughing, and
when in a good glee he could be heard half a mile.
He was very patriotic, and declared his purpose to
go into battle with his young masters; that he
could and would fight as well as we, and shoot as
many Yankees. In this Bob was in earnest, as he
believed; but ere long his courage was to be put to
a practical test, for rumors were already afloat in
the camp that the enemy was advancing and a
battle impending.</p>
        <p>The private soldier knows little of what takes
place, other than that which comes under his
immediate observation. His general was supposed
to keep his own counsels, not allowing his left
hand to know what he intended to do with his
right. Later on, the private soldier of the Civil War
became often as wise about what was on hand as
his superior.</p>
        <p>An order came to cook three days' rations, pack
haversacks, and be ready to move at a moment's 
<pb id="cboy59" n="59"/>
notice. From this, we knew something was
up. Just what, we could not tell; however, we
learned that the enemy was advancing, and a
battle to be fought. All was now activity and
preparation in the camp, and the men in high
spirits and ready for the fray.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy61" n="61"/>
      <div1 type="chapter7">
        <head>Chapter VII</head>
        <pb id="cboy62" n="62"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>Breaking Camp at Wigfall.</item>
            <item>The March to the Battlefield. </item>
            <item>General Beauregard and His Appearance and 
Advice. </item>
            <item>First Cannon Shot. </item>
            <item>Battle of Bull Run. </item>
            <item>The Advance. </item>
            <item>The Charge. </item>
            <item>The Wounded.</item>
            <item>Isaac Hare and John Q. Martin. </item>
            <item>Retreat of the Enemy. </item>
            <item>Severe Artillery Duel.</item>
            <item>The Dutchman and His Chunk of Fat Bacon. </item>
            <item>Casualties.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy63" n="63"/>
        <p>BREAKING camp at Wigfall Wednesday
noon, July 17, the 7th regiment marched 
in the direction of McLean's ford on Bull 
Run, halting on the high land nearly a mile from 
the Run, and going into bivouac, or rather lying 
down in an uncultivated field, where we rested
quietly during the night. Moving next morning 
a short distance, we halted on an eminence, 
overlooking Mitchell's, Blackburn's and McLean's 
fords, and the country beyond, whence about noon
we observed clouds of dust to the north. Very 
soon after this came the sound of brisk skirmish 
firing, and the roar of cannon from the direction
of Mitchell's ford.</p>
        <p>The 24th Virginia, 7th Louisiana, and 7th Virginia 
regiments constituted a brigade commanded 
by Col. J. A. Early. Longstreet's brigade, holding
Mitchell's ford, against which the enemy directed 
his principal attack, consisted of the 1st, 
11th and 17th Virginia regiments.</p>
        <p>The 7th Virginia moved towards the firing 
along a narrow country road and over a field 
which had been planted in corn, in which field 
near the road, in charge of a guard, was a Federal
prisoner. We eyed him closely, Bob, the
<pb id="cboy64" n="64"/>
colored cook, especially observing him with
interest.</p>
        <p>At McLean's gate, as we passed, stood General
Beauregard, the commander of the Confederate
forces,  -  slim, strong shouldered, five and a half
feet high, of swarthy complexion, and lightish
mustache. He appeared calm, and collected, saying
as we passed, in a quiet, low tone: “Keep cool, men,
and fire low; shoot them in the legs.”</p>
        <p>I am reminded to state here that in the earlier
battles of the war I have seen men in their
excitement fire their muskets into the air at an
angle of probably forty-five degrees, and others so
lowering their guns that the ball would strike the
ground but a few feet in front of them. This,
however, was soon corrected, and the men took
good aim.</p>
        <p>Pushing forward from this point some two
hundred yards, we halted on the left of the road under 
cover of a belt of pines, which sheltered us
from the view of the enemy. Soon came the boom of
a cannon, the ball whizzing and buzzing over our
heads. All eyes turned in the direction of the noise
of the ball, which struck the house near where
General Beauregard was standing. A second shot
came, the ball cutting away an apple tree near the
house referred to, causing a team of horses to take
fright and run away, as well as the
<figure id="figure3" entity="johnst64"><p>LIEUTENANT EUSTACE 
GIBSON</p></figure>
<pb id="cboy65" n="65"/>
colored man, Bob, who, musket in hand, had
halted at the house, and the last seen of him that
day he was making rapid speed for Manassas. Bob
never expressed any regret for the run he had
made, satisfied with his experience. The rattle of
musketry in our front made strange music,
affecting some of the men very peculiarly,
especially John W. East, of our company, who, on
account of a severe pain in the region of his
stomach, clasped both hands across that locality,
becoming almost doubled, which wholly disabled
him for the fight.</p>
        <p>The order for the advance came, and forward we
went along the narrow country road, through the
pines, with a wild yell, and at double quick,
accompanied by a section of the Washington
(Louisiana) artillery, commanded by Lieutenant
Squires. Meeting on the way some wounded men of
the 1st Virginia regiment, pale and bleeding, had
any other than a pleasant and happy effect upon
our nervous systems, tending somewhat to dampen
the ardor.</p>
        <p>Emerging into an open field two hundred yards
from Bull Run, by a movement by the right flank,
we were in line advancing towards the stream, the
banks of which were covered with timber, the
opposite bank sloping from the stream, high and
precipitous. Within one hundred yards
<pb id="cboy66" n="66"/>
of the stream, from the opposite bank the enemy
poured into our ranks, or rather at us, a volley of
musketry, which, thanks to his bad
marksmanship, went high, doing little or no
damage, but causing us, by common impulse, as is
usual with soldiers in their first battle, to fall flat
on the ground, and down we went. On the side next
the enemy, in front of Isaac Hare, was John Q.
Martin, who sprang over Ike, leaving him next the
enemy. Ike, with a curse and threatening gesture,
compelled Martin to resume his former position.
The men of the regiment were immediately upon
their feet. As they rose, Lieutenant Squires, whose
section of artillery had unlimbered immediately in
our rear, gave the command, “Fire!” which
command, being mistaken by our men for that of
our own officer, caused us to let fly a terrific volley
at the enemy in the woods in our front, and this
was followed by a rush with fixed bayonets for the
stream, behind which the enemy was posted,
forcing him to retreat in confusion, leaving his
dead and wounded, knapsacks, haversacks, hats
and part of his small arms. Reaching the bank of
the stream, the regiment lay down, and there
followed for more than an hour a fierce artillery
duel between the Federal batteries and the
Confederate, the latter under Lieutenant Squires,
which resulted in the withdrawal of the
<pb id="cboy67" n="67"/>
former. During this bombardment, shell, shot and
shrapnel fell around and among us, wounding a
few men of the regiment, but all were quiet, and
continued to hug the ground. This was about five
o'clock in the afternoon.</p>
        <p>George Knoll, “Dutchman,” as we usually called
him, being in his characteristic mood, but hungry,
took from his haversack a chunk of fat bacon,
stuffing himself while the artillery fire was in
progress.</p>
        <p>Quiet now reigning, we began to look after the
wounded and prepare for spending the night in
battle line in front of the enemy, who had retired
from our immediate front, but still hovered near
by.</p>
        <p>The troops engaged on the Confederate side, save
the artillery mentioned, were principally the 1st,
11th and 17th Virginia of Longstreet's brigade, with
the 7th Virginia of Early's. The losses in
Longstreet's regiments, as reported, were: Killed
and mortally wounded, 15, and slightly wounded,
53. Of these casualties 40 were of the 1st Virginia.
Seven were wounded in the 7th Virginia of Early's
brigade, one killed and five wounded of the
artillery. In Company D of the 7th regiment Isaac
Hare and James H. Gardner were slightly
wounded by spent balls. H. C. Burrows of E
Company got a musket ball through his hand; a
<pb id="cboy68" n="68"/>
man of B Company had his hand or fingers
mangled by a piece of shell.</p>
        <p>The Federal force that attacked us was
Richardson's brigade, of Tyler's division, consisting
of the 1st Massachusetts, 2d and 3d Michigan, and
12th New York regiments; Ayers' battery, and
Brackett's cavalry. The Federal loss, as reported,
was 19 killed, 38 wounded, and 26 missing.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy69" n="69"/>
      <div1 type="chapter8">
        <head>Chapter VIII</head>
        <pb id="cboy70" n="70"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>Night's Experience on Our First Battlefield.</item>
            <item>The Dead and Cries of the Wounded.</item>
            <item>Occurrences on the Field. </item>
            <item>Sunday, July 21.</item>
            <item>Shelled by the Enemy. </item>
            <item>March to the Field by the Sound of Battle. </item>
            <item>The Battle. </item>
            <item>Casualties.</item>
            <item>The Pursuit. </item>
            <item>To the Outposts. </item>
            <item>Incidents.</item>
            <item>Winter at Centerville.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy71" n="71"/>
        <p>RETURNING to the battle line, we found
ourselves groping around in the dark.
Knowing the enemy to be close by, we
quietly went to work throwing up temporary
breastworks of logs. The cries of the Federal
wounded, and the groans of the dying, the
occasional volleys of musketry fired by some of our
troops at imaginary foes, with the hooting of owls,
made the night hideous and weird, deeply
impressing the nature of a lot of young Virginia
boys reared in Christian homes. The regiment
behaved, however, with great coolness during the
entire night, encouraged by the example, presence
and good conduct of our brave Lieutenant-Colonel
Williams, then in command, Colonel Kemper being
absent on public service.</p>
        <p>With the coming of daylight, the Confederate
scouts crossed the Run, brought in the Federal
wounded, and quite a number of muskets,
knapsacks, blankets, canteens, cartridge boxes,
and hats, thrown away or dropped by the enemy in
his flight. By an examination of the dead in front
of our regiment, it was ascertained that we had
fought the 1st Massachusetts regiment.</p>
        <p>This action of the 18th was preliminary to the
real battle which came on Sunday the 21st, but on
<pb id="cboy72" n="72"/>
different ground, seven or eight miles northwest of
the engagement of the 18th as just described.
During Friday and Saturday all was quiet, the
Confederate line of battle extending from Union
Mills to Stone Bridge, several miles in length; the
enemy in the meantime keeping up a showing of
force, threatening our front at McLean's,
Blackburn's and Mitchell's fords, while his main
column was moving or preparing to move
northwest to strike the Confederate battle line in
flank and reverse on its extreme left.</p>
        <p>Our regiment remained Friday night and until
late Saturday evening at the same place at which
it had halted on Thursday; being then relieved by
other troops, retired to a pine thicket close by,
where we received a bountiful supply of rations,
some in boxes from home,  -  a thing that makes
glad the heart of a homesick boy.</p>
        <p>On Saturday evening we were joined by Colonel
Kemper, the commander of the regiment. At
sunrise on Sunday morning, July 21, the
enemy's batteries near Blackburn's opened fire, on
account of which we marched to the cover of the
pines, between McLean's and Blackburn's fords,
remaining but a short time. Our regiment,
together with the 7th Louisiana, crossed the Run
at McLean's ford for the purpose of attacking the
enemy's batteries, which were annoying us, occasionally 
<pb id="cboy73" n="73"/>
throwing shots into our ranks, without,
however, doing any serious damage. It will be
recalled by those present that while lying down
behind the pines a shot struck near the center of
our company, scattering dust and dirt over us.</p>
        <p>While getting into battle line, preparatory to
assault upon the batteries, an order came to
retrace our steps to the cover of the pines. This
was near 12 M. By this time we distinctly heard
the roar of heavy guns far to our left, and the great
Battle of First Manassas was on.</p>
        <p>Near one o'clock P. M., we moved by a rapid gait
with the head of the column directed northwest,
guided by the sound of the battle. The distance
from our starting point, McLean's, by the route we
marched to the extreme Confederate left, was fully
eight miles, which distance was covered in two
hours, notwithstanding the scorching rays of the
sun, stopping not for rest or water, for want of
which we suffered. The three regiments of Colonel
Early's brigade, 7th Louisiana, 7th Virginia, and
13th Mississippi, (the latter substituted for 24th 
Virginia) passed to the extreme Confederate left,
reaching there at near 3:20 P. M., finding
themselves face to face with the foe at the Chinn
house and in open ground.</p>
        <p>Approaching the scene of action, a wild cheer
was heard, following which a man on horseback
<pb id="cboy74" n="74"/>
at full speed, hatless, face flushed, covered with
perspiration and dust, brandishing his sword over
his head, and shouting, “Glory! Glory! Glory!” rode
rapidly by. In answer to inquiry as to what was
the matter, he said, “We have captured Rickett's
battery and the day is ours.” This was the first
glad news we had received, and all were thrilled
with new courage. Cheering wildly, the men
pressed forward at double quick. Passing in rear
and beyond a wood into which Smith's Confederate
brigade had just entered, we encountered the fire of
the enemy, mostly United States Regulars. The
7th Virginia here formed quickly, the 7th
Louisiana and 13th Mississippi forming on the left,
thus completing the battle line with three
regiments front. Nor had we arrived a moment too
soon, for the enemy was pressing our left flank
sorely. There they were, in full view on our front,
and to the left of us on the higher ground. Here
Colonel Early<ref id="ref3" n="3" target="note3" targOrder="U">*</ref> ordered us not to fire, saying that
they were our friends: a grievous blunder upon his
part, the result of misinformation not easily
explained. Captain Massie, whose company was
armed with rifles, called out, “Colonel, they may be
your friends, but they are none of ours. Fire, men!”
and fire they did.</p>
        <note id="note3" n="3" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref3">See Colonel Early's Report, Rebellion Records,
Series 1, Vol. II, pp. 555-6.</note>
        <pb id="cboy75" n="75"/>
        <p>As we formed, the enemy at long range kept up
an irregular fire, inflicting upon our men
considerable loss in killed and wounded, and all
this while we were too far away from them to pay them
back in their own coin. As we pushed forward
towards the enemy, they retreated pell-mell, we
chasing them over the hill towards Bull Run,
considerably in advance of the general Confederate
battle line forming across a peninsula created by a
sharp curve on Bull Run between Stone Bridge and
the mouth of Catharpin creek.</p>
        <p>Up to this time we had little realization of the
utter defeat of the Federal army, the evidence of
which we saw a few days after, when, following his
line of retreat, we found guns, caissons, muskets,
ambulances, spades, picks and knapsacks
abandoned in his flight. The only reason seemingly
the enemy had for running as he did was because
he could not fly.</p>
        <p>The casualties in the 7th Virginia for the limited
time it was under fire were severe  -  nine killed and
thirty-eight wounded, our Company D losing
Joseph E. Bane, a brave and gallant soldier, killed;
Robert H. Bane, A. L. Fry, Manelius S. Johnston,
Charles N. J. Lee, Henry Lewy, John P. Sublett,
and Samuel B. Shannon wounded. The loss of the
Confederates in the battle was 387 killed, 1582
wounded, and 13 captured.</p>
        <pb id="cboy76" n="76"/>
        <p>The Federal loss was 2896 men, of which 460 were
killed, 1124 wounded, and 1312 captured or missing,
besides 26 pieces of artillery, 34 caissons and sets of
harness, 10 battery wagons and forges, 24 artillery
horses, several thousand stand of small arms,
many wagons and ambulances, large quantities of
army supplies of all kinds.</p>
        <p>The Confederate army remained on the field
after the battle for two days, amidst a terrific
rainstorm; then marching beyond Centerville, six
miles to the east, went into camp in a body of
woods, where we remained for some weeks; thence
moved a short distance beyond Fairfax Court
House. Here we laid out our camp and pitched
tents, which was barely done when the long roll
sounded and we were quickly on the march in the
direction of Alexandria and Washington, whither
we should have been pushing the day after the
battle; for if vigorous pursuit had been made,
Washington would have fallen into our hands.</p>
        <p>The march referred to took us to Munson's hill;
learning on the way that a brisk skirmish between
the enemy and some Confederate troops had
occurred during the day, which had only ended
with the approach of darkness. Halting near
Munson's hill, an order was given to load
muskets, and again we moved forward. John W.
<pb id="cboy77" n="77"/>
East, from sheer cowardice  -  constitutional  -  he
could not avoid it  -  fell at full length in the road.
John turned up in camp a few days after, in fair
health and clothed in his right mind. The
regiment passed on a few hundred yards to the
base of the hill, going into camp. The following
morning, Company K, together with Company D,
under Captain Lovell, on the right and front of the
hill had quite a sharp skirmish with the enemy.
Next morning, Saturday, August 30, Major
Patton, with Companies B and D, advanced to
Bailey's Corners, three-quarters of a mile or so,
where they engaged in quite a fusillade with a
portion of the Second Michigan regiment, in which
a lieutenant of B Company was wounded, and one
man of the Michigan regiment was mortally
wounded.</p>
        <p>In a few days after the skirmish just described,
we returned to our camp, where we found peace
and plenty. Lieutenant W. A. Anderson, who at
Camp Wigfall had been detailed to go back home
and secure additional men to fill up the loss in the
ranks, caused by sickness, had returned with the
following men, to wit: George W. Akers, William
R. Albert, David Davis, Creed D. Frazier, A. J.
French, Francis M. Gordon, John Henderson,
George Johnston, P. H. Lefler, Anderson Meadows,
Ballard P. Meadows, Winton
<pb id="cboy78" n="78"/>
W. Muncey, George C. Mullins, Charles W. Peck,
Thomas J. Stafford, William H. Stafford, Adam
Thompson, Alonzo Thompson, William I. Wilburn
and Isaac Young.</p>
        <p>With the exception of company and regimental
drill, some picket duty, and quarter guard, we did
little but cook, eat, write letters and sleep. The
weather was hot, the water bad; this, with an
overabundance of rations, and insufficient
exercise  -  in fact, a life of almost entire inactivity  -  
were the fruitful sources of disease, and many of
the men were sick, a number of them finding their
way to the hospital; among them, Allen C. Pack,
Ed Z. Yager, William Sublett, John Henderson,
William Frazier, H. J. Hale, and doubtless others,
not now recalled. Frazier, Henderson, Sublett and
Hale died, as did Alonzo Thompson, whose deaths
and loss were much regretted. Strange, yet true,
that many of our strongest men fell victims to
disease, while those apparently much weaker stood
the service well.</p>
        <p>While on picket duty at Fall's Church, a
Captain Farley, with smooth face, fair skin and
blue eyes, claiming to be  -  and was  -  a South
Carolinian, and an independent scout, approached
our outpost and proposed that some of the men go
with him into the timber in front of the picket and
run the Yankees out. Our boys regarded
<pb id="cboy79" n="79"/>
this as preposterous, and on went Farley. He had
not been in the woods long till firing began, and he
soon returned with blood streaming from his ear:
he had a close call.</p>
        <p>During the months of August and September we
served on frequent picket duty at Munson's,
Upton's and Mason's hills, and at Annandale. Our
lines were fairly well connected. The enemy, not
being able to discover by their scouts what we were
doing  -  what movements we were making, or what
force we had, resorted to the use of balloons. On
one occasion our people fired at a balloon with
cannon shot, and down came the balloon. A short
while after this, the balloon was up again, when
our boys concluded to at least give the man in the
basket  -  Professor Lowe   -  a scare; so, rigging up
the rear gears of a wagon with a stovepipe, ran the
improvised artillery to the hilltop, in full view of
the aeronaut, pretending to load. The Professor
descended quickly, only to appear again at a safer
distance.</p>
        <p>On one of our tramps to picket we went to
Annandale and remained a day or so with Captain
Harrison's Goochland Dragoons, which did outpost
duty during the day and we at night. We lived
largely, while on picket, on green corn, potatoes,
and sometimes other vegetables, a relief 
<pb id="cboy80" n="80"/>
from fresh beef, bacon and hardtack, the
regular diet of camp life.</p>
        <p>As the enemy perfected his lines, he became
bolder, pressing closer. This led to frequent
collisions between the troops on outpost duty.
These conflicts were by general orders discouraged,
and called petty warfare. Nor were these without
their casualties  -  if not caused by the enemy,
sometimes by accident, or mistake  -  careless
handling of firearms in passing through the brush,
carrying of arms at a trail and catching the
hammers against some obstacle. One such
accident is recalled by which a man by the name of
Link, of Captain Eggleston's Giles company, lost
his life.</p>
        <p>During the sojourn at Fairfax, a detachment
under Lieutenant Allen of the 28th Virginia, was
sent to the station on the railway to guard some
baggage and stores deposited there. Of this
detachment was John R. Crawford, of our
company, who for true physical courage, bravery
and self-possession, had scarce an equal; indeed, it
was often said of him that he knew no fear  -   did
not know what it meant  -  never dreamed nor
imagined what danger was; that he felt as much at
ease in the storm of battle as when resting quietly
in the camp. The reader doubtless has heard of
the “Louisiana Tigers,” who in the first
<figure id="figure4" entity="johnst80"><p>CAPTAIN 
ROBERT H. BANE</p></figure>
<pb id="cboy81" n="81"/>
battle of Manassas, when closing with the enemy,
threw down their muskets and rushed upon the
enemy with their bowie-knives. They were a
dangerous, blood-thirsty set  -  at least so reputed.
It was two of these same “Tigers” who found
Crawford on guard over the baggage and stores
above referred to, which they proposed to
appropriate. Crawford warned them to stand off
and go away. They paid no heed to the warnings,
but persisted in their purpose. Crawford then
reversed his musket and downed the man
nearest to him, who fell trembling and bleeding at
his feet; whereupon his companion quickly
advanced to his rescue, but Crawford's belligerent
attitude caused him to beat a hasty retreat.</p>
        <p>The Winter of 1861-1862 was spent at Centerville
in camp, our quarters being constructed of log
huts with wooden chimneys. The Winter was cold
and dreary, and we had some difficulty in keeping
a supply of rations, which had to be transported
from the junction six miles away by wagons over
a road deep in mud and mire.</p>
        <p>Owing to the difficulty of distinguishing our
Virginia state flag from many flags of other states
carried by the enemy in the battle of Manassas,
whereby we had been threatened with serious
consequences, such as occurred with our own
brigade on that field: it became necessary
<pb id="cboy82" n="82"/>
to have a flag uniform in design for all the 
Confederate army. Such a flag was designed by
Colonel Miles, of South Carolina, and presented by
General Beauregard to the army. This flag was
about twenty-two inches square, the field red,
with blue stripes from corner to corner at right
angles, with thirteen white stars; and was ever
after our battle flag.</p>
        <p>Again we were on picket, Crawford on outpost,
with instructions to keep a sharp lookout, as the
enemy was near, but not to shoot without calling
“halt” the usual three times, and if no halt made,
to shoot. Shortly after Crawford took post, his cries
of “Halt! Halt! Halt!” were heard, and bang! went
his gun. The corporal ran to see what was the
matter: he found Crawford standing quietly at his
post as if nothing had happened  -  a stray fat hog
had wandered to the post and had not halted at
Crawford's command, consequently was dead.
Crawford's only explanation was, “I obeyed orders.”
The hog was roasted, with many compliments for
Crawford, and all had a feast.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy83" n="83"/>
      <div1 type="chapter9">
        <head>Chapter IX</head>
        <pb id="cboy84" n="84"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>Our Daily Duties. </item>
            <item>In Camp.</item>
            <item>Among the Last Rencounters.</item>
            <item>Lieutenant Gibson, Corporal Stone and Others 
Hold a Council of War and Determine to Advance 
and Drive McClellan from Arlington Heights.</item>
            <item>March to the Outposts. </item>
            <item>Graybacks.</item>
            <item>Religious Exercises. </item>
            <item>Incidents of Camp. </item>
            <item>Depletion of the Army. </item>
            <item>Re-enlistments and Furloughs.</item>
            <item>Retreat from Manassas Behind the Rappahannock.</item>
            <item>Albert and Snidow. </item>
            <item>Gordonsville.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy85" n="85"/>
        <p>OUR duties in camp during the Winter were not
onerous, save quarter guard inclement 
weather, especially rain and extreme
cold, for it will be remembered that we had no
shelter on quarter guard post  -  that is, none while
on post and on the beat, as a guard must always be
in the open, both as to weather and to the foe. The
guards were divided into three reliefs: the first
went on at 9 o'clock A. M., the second at 11, the
third at 1. This order was observed during the
twenty-four hours. When off post we were required
to remain at the guard house, unless by special
permission of the officer of the guard. The quarter
guard were supposed to be the special custodians of
the quiet and safety of the camp. The mode of
placing guard on post was as follows: A sergeant or
corporal commenced at the top of the roll, the
number of men being equal to the number of posts.
Beginning with post number one, we marched
around the entire camp, relieving each sentinel
with a new man. When this was to be performed at
night, the countersign (a pass word adopted at
army headquarters and transmitted to the various
subordinates) was delivered in a whisper to the
guards by the officers thereof, so that as the
<pb id="cboy86" n="86"/>
sergeant with the relief guard approached the
sentry, he was required to halt and give the
countersign.</p>
        <p>Colonel Kemper, still a member of the General
Assembly of Virginia, was absent for the greater
part of the Winter. Lieutenant-Colonel L. B.
Williams, a rigid disciplinarian, who was left in
command, endeavored by watchfulness, to have
everything done in strict military style; frequently
visiting the guard house, having the officer turn
out the guard, call the roll, and woe to the man
absent or out of line when his name was called.
Punishment was sure to follow in the way of
double duty or otherwise. On one occasion
Lieutenant Anderson and W. H. Layton, having
both imbibed too freely, took a jaunt to the guard
house, where they had no business, and here
Colonel Williams, on one of his visits, found them.
Layton was placed in the guard house and the
lieutenant in arrest.</p>
        <p>During this stay in Winter quarters, Privates
Mays, Farley, Thompson and John W. East had an
altercation, the last (save two) which occurred in
the company. It was not an uncommon thing for
the soldiers to discuss the conduct of the war, the
remissness and failure of commanders, the
probabilities and improbabilities of success, peace,
the plan of battles, and the war policy, offensive
<pb id="cboy87" n="87"/>
and defensive. A discussion of this kind is well
remembered as having occurred between
Lieutenant Gibson, then officer of the day; Corporal
Stone, Sergeant Peters, Sarver, Hare and others,
in the quarters of my mess, while at Centerville. It
was at night; the boys had gotten in a little
stimulant. Lieutenant Gibson dropped in, and with
the others, imbibing freely, began in a very serious
way the discussion of the surest and quickest way
or mode of ending the war, and restoring peace to
our distracted country. After much discussion pro
and con, which lasted practically throughout the
night, Corporal Stone submitted a plan to which all
readily assented, and which was as follows: To
“attack immediately General McClellan's army,
drive it from Arlington Heights, capture the
Federal capital, then propose an armistice and
congress of the states.” Stone was for starting that
night, for prompt and aggressive action, but Peters
favored postponement until morning, which was by
this time at hand. Just then the long roll sounded
to arms, and a march toward Washington, sure
enough, began, but with only our regiment. And,
oh! such headaches as Stone, Peters, Gibson and
the others in the war council had, and how
formidable and impregnable now appeared
Arlington, which a few hours before was to them
but a mole
<pb id="cboy88" n="88"/>
hill. Our mission was to relieve a Louisiana
regiment then on picket near Fairfax, where we
remained for a week, occupying the quarters just
vacated by the Louisianians. Here it was that we
formed our first acquaintance with the
“graybacks,” which filled our clothing and
blankets, much to our discomfort. Oh! the digging
under the shirt collar, under the arm pits, and
every point where the cruel pest found the flesh of
the poor soldier. It was a difficult matter to rid
ourselves of them  -  they seemed over anxious to
remain with us. Nothing short of boiling them
hard in water got rid of them. The next Summer
on the peninsula, in the swamps of the
Chickahominy, and around Richmond, we had
them in abundance, the boys often saying that they
had stamped upon their backs the letters, “I. F.W.,” 
which, interpreted, meant “In for the war.”</p>
        <p>During our stay in Winter quarters at
Centerville, there was little, if any, preaching or
religious exercises, as there was no place to have
public services, and the weather was too severe to
hold services in the open. The mess of J. Tyler
Frazier, in which were Thomas S. Taylor, James
B. Henderson, F. H. Farley, John F. Jones,
William C. Fortner, Joseph Eggleston, James
Eggleston, and perhaps others, never neglected
their
<pb id="cboy89" n="89"/>
religious duties, and in quarters invariably read a
chapter of the Bible, sang a hymn, and prayed
before retiring at night. These men, by their
upright conduct, observance of their religious
duties, their Christian character and conversation,
had great influence over their comrades, and
especially upon the conduct and morals of the
company.</p>
        <p>The expiration of the term of service, twelve
months, of most of the men was rapidly
approaching; the ranks having been much depleted
by sickness, death and other causes. No adequate
provision had yet been made for the retention of
those already in the field, or for the filling of the
ranks. It was evident that if the war was to be
prolonged, and the contest maintained, we must
have an army. With one year's service many were
satisfied; the fever had worn off, enthusiasm was
on the wane. The government, to induce 
re-enlistment, was offering fifty dollars bounty and
thirty-day furlough. Quite a number availed
themselves of an opportunity to go home by
accepting the bounty and re-enlisting. Some
eighteen of Company D took advantage of the offer,
among them E. M. Stone, John D. Hare, J. W.
Mullins, A. L. Fry, J. W. Hight, John W. East, R.
H. Bane, J. B. Young, Tom Young, W. H. Layton,
Tom Davenport, John
<pb id="cboy90" n="90"/>
Palmer, and the writer. Tom Young, Davenport,
Layton and Palmer never returned  - deserted. </p>
        <p>On our return to the army we were accompanied
by Christian Minnich, who enlisted in the company,
having two sons therein. The question of re-enlistment 
was soon settled by an act of Congress,
which placed every man in the Confederate states
between the ages of 18 and 35 in the army for three
years, or until the close of the war, retaining all that
were under 18 and over 45 for ninety days,
continuing the organizations then existing, with the
right to elect regimental and company officers.</p>
        <p>March 1, or thereabouts, in 1862, the enemy
began to push his lines closer up, and to make more
frequent reconnaissances, and to extend his lines
toward Aquia Creek on the Potomac, on the right
flank of the Confederate army, causing our
commander uneasiness, no doubt, as to the
tenableness of our position, and hence on or about
the 10th of the month orders were issued to cook
rations, and be prepared to march. The movement
began three days later, with the head of the column
directed toward Warrenton and the Rappahannock
River, which was crossed the second or third day.
At Centerville we left burning immense quantities of
provisions and army
<pb id="cboy91" n="91"/>
supplies, of which later we stood in dire need, the
inadequacy of transportation being the excuse for
the destruction.</p>
        <p>At a point either in Culpeper or Rappahannock,
near where we one night encamped, was a
distillery, of which some of our men took
possession, procuring Old Man Riley Albert to
make a run of applejack, with which they tanked up,
then filled their canteens, with no way to transport
the residue. Harry Snidow and others from a
nearby store procured jars, with which they trudged
along until the jars were emptied. No one was
drunk, but the boys were happy and jolly.</p>
        <p>Gordonsville, in Orange County, near the junction
of what was then the Central and Orange and
Alexandria railroad, was reached, where we went
into camp.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy93" n="93"/>
      <div1 type="chapter10">
        <head>Chapter X</head>
        <pb id="cboy94" n="94"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>The Stay Near Gordonsville. </item>
            <item>The March to Richmond and Journey to Yorktown. </item>
            <item>In the Trenches.</item>
            <item>Skirmishing and Night Alarms.</item>
            <item>Reorganization. </item>
            <item>The Retreat from Yorktown. </item>
            <item>The Old Lady's Prayer. </item>
            <item>Battle of Williamsburg. </item>
            <item>The Killed and Wounded. </item>
            <item>Forces and Numbers Engaged and Losses. </item>
            <item>Retreat up the Peninsula. </item>
            <item>Battle of Seven Pines. </item>
            <item>Casualties.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy95" n="95"/>
        <p>OUR stay in the vicinity of Gordonsville was of
short duration  -  only for a few days  -   for on or
about April 1 we set out for Richmond, distant about
seventy-five miles. The route taken lay through the
counties of Louisa, Hanover and Henrico, a low,
flat, swampy territory, and in March and April knee
deep in mud. The people along this march were
unaccustomed to seeing large bodies of armed men
marching. The negroes, especially, gazed upon us
with seeming astonishment. How long we were
making this march to the capital city is not now
recollected, but as we carried heavy burdens at that
day, it is probable we did not reach Richmond
before the 8th or 9th of April.</p>
        <p>On the 10th of the month last mentioned, the 7th
regiment left Richmond aboard a steamer on the
James River, disembarking at King's Landing, ten
miles from Yorktown, inland, whither we marched
the evening of our debarkation. We took position in
and near the trenches for the purpose of preventing
the Federal army from marching up the peninsula.
Now and then a brisk skirmish would occur on
some part of the lines, scarcely a night passing
without picket firing and alarms; one of which
occurred during
<pb id="cboy96" n="96"/>
a heavy rainstorm, in which the men stood to their
guns throughout the night and were thoroughly
drenched by the rain.</p>
        <p>The time for reorganization of the army had
arrived, and this was accomplished quietly on
Saturday, April 26, 1862, in the face of the enemy.
Before giving in detail the result of the
reorganization, will state that a very decided
change had taken place among the men as to their
estimates of the character and ability of their
officers, field and company. Many were moved by
their dislikes and prejudices, engendered by contact
in their first year's service, against officers who had
endeavored to enforce obedience and strict military
discipline, prompted by no other motive than the
good of the service; yet these acts, done in
accordance with military law, and inspired by
patriotism, were often misconstrued by men born
freemen, wholly unaccustomed to having restraints
placed upon their personal liberty; such acts, the
exercise of such authority, being regarded by our
volunteer citizen soldiery as tyrannical.
Consequently those who had been foremost in
rushing to the country's rescue in the early days of
her peril, bravely leading their men to the forefront
of the battle, were displaced, to the detriment of the
service; but patriotic and good men are oftentimes
only
<pb id="cboy97" n="97"/>
human. The organization was, however, effected
apparently without injury to the public service.</p>
        <p>Captain James H. French, of my company, was
taken sick on the march from the Rappahannock,
and was left in Richmond; consequently he was not
present at the reorganization, and perhaps was not
a candidate for re-election. Had he been present and
a candidate, it is more than probable he would have
been again chosen captain without opposition, as no
one could have had any personal grievance against
him. He had proven himself a man of unflinching
courage, and as much in this respect could be said
of the other company officers. Save one, Lieutenant
Joel Blackard, all were displaced. Blackard, in the
reorganization, was elected captain; Sergeant R. H.
Bane, first lieutenant; Orderly Sergeant John W.
Mullins, second lieutenant; Corporal E. M. Stone,
third lieutenant. The non-commissioned officers
elected were: A. L. Fry, first sergeant; W. H. H.
Snidow, second sergeant; William D. Peters, third
sergeant; Joseph C. Shannon, fourth sergeant; this
scribe, fifth sergeant; A. J. Thompson, first
corporal; Daniel Bish, second corporal; George C.
Mullins, third corporal, and J. B. Young, fourth
corporal.</p>
        <p>Comment as to the choice of the men will not
here be made, nor the character of the new officers, 
<pb id="cboy98" n="98"/>
as ample opportunity will be afforded in
these pages to judge their conduct. It suffices to
say now that the company had no cause for regret.</p>
        <p>Of the regimental officers, Colonel James L.
Kemper was chosen to succeed himself; Major W.
T. Patton was elected lieutenant-colonel; Adjutant
C. C. Flowerree, major; Lieutenant Starke was
appointed adjutant; George S. Tansill, sergeant-major. 
Dr. C. B. Morton was regimental surgeon,
with Dr. Oliver assistant, and upon the promotion
of Dr. Morton to brigade surgeon, Dr. Oliver
became regimental surgeon, with Dr. Worthington
as assistant.</p>
        <p>As recollected, Company H, from the District of
Columbia, having served its one year, for which it
had enlisted, disbanded shortly after
reorganization.</p>
        <p>Lieutenant-Colonel Lewis B. Williams, than
whom no braver man wore the gray, was elected
colonel of the 1st Virginia regiment. Prior to the
battles of Bull Run and Manassas, the 7th
regiment had been brigaded with the 24th Virginia
and 7th Louisiana, under Colonel J. A. Early. After
these battles, we were commanded by General
Ewell. Subsequently, the 1st, 7th, 11th and 17th
Virginia regiments formed General Longstreet's
brigade. On reaching Yorktown, 
<pb id="cboy99" n="99"/>
Brigadier-General A. P. Hill became our
brigade commander, General Longstreet having
been made a major-general, to whose division our
brigade was attached.</p>
        <p>At this juncture we were still at Yorktown, with
the enemy bold and threatening in our front. It
was evident, therefore, that a collision was
imminent, either where we were or near by. The
order came to move on Saturday evening, May 3.
We were soon on the road, in the mud, floundering
and pushing toward Williamsburg, about twelve
miles distant, reaching there early next morning,
after an all night march. The command halted in
front of the grounds of the Eastern Hospital for the
Insane. The enemy, evidently determined we
should not get away without trouble, followed
closely, skirmishing briskly with the rear guard,
which was continued throughout the afternoon.
Then came the monotonous standing in line of
battle from early dawn till near midday  -  a thing
that always tries the patience of a soldier. The
booming of artillery, and the rattling of small arms
could be distinctly heard. As we passed over the
street leading to William and Mary College, an
elderly lady appeared on her porch, with clasped
hands and eyes lifted heavenward, uttering for us,
in simple,
<pb id="cboy100" n="100"/>
pathetic tones, a prayer to God for the protection of
our lives in the coming conflict.</p>
        <p>Beyond the College the column filed to the right
into an open field, piled baggage, and then in battle
line moved forward into the timber, receiving as
we entered therein a shower of balls at close range,
wounding a number of men. This onslaught was
answered by a charge from us, which broke up the
lines of the enemy, consisting in part of New York
regiments, and drove him for more than a half
mile through the woods into a body of fallen
timber, in which was encountered a fresh line of
battle. Some doubt at first existed as to who these
people were. This was settled by the unfurling of
their flag. At close quarters, the fight was
desperate for more than two hours, in which our
ammunition was expended, when General A. P.
Hill ordered a charge with fixed bayonets, upon
which the enemy (New Jersey men,) were driven
from the field; for a hand-to-hand charge is
something fearful to contemplate. Being relieved by
other troops, Hill's brigade retired to the line from
which it had moved in the charge, from whence we
withdrew during the night, continuing the retreat;
for it will be remembered that the task in hand for
us was the holding in check of the enemy  -  a force
vastly superior to our own. In
<pb id="cboy101" n="101"/>
this day's work I fired 36 charges, by which my
shoulder was pounded so that it was for a
time completely disabled. This battle was fought
for a safe retreat for our trains and for the army,
and accomplished this purpose. We had beaten the
enemy in our center, and on the right wing, while
a portion, two regiments, of General Early's
brigade had been repulsed by General Hancock's
Federal brigade.</p>
        <p>The forces engaged were, as stated by General
Longstreet: Federals, 12,000; Confederates, 9,000.
The casualties: Federal, 2,288; Confederate, 1,565.
This engagement was called the Battle of
Williamsburg, and will be remembered by the
survivors whose eyes may fall upon these lines.</p>
        <p>In Hill's brigade the loss was 326, of which 67
were killed, 245 wounded, 14 missing. The 7th
Virginia lost 13 killed, 64 wounded, aggregate 77.
In Company D, of the 7th Virginia, the loss was
one killed, 14 wounded, as follows: Killed, William
H. Stafford; wounded, Lieutenant E. M. Stone, and
the following men of the line: Allen M. Bane,
Charles W. Peck, Andrew J. Thompson, John A.
Hale, John W. East, Isaac Hare, George Knoll,
Anderson Meadows, Demarcus Sarver, William I.
Wilburn, Edward Z. Yager, John Meadows, and
the writer  -  who
<pb id="cboy102" n="102"/>
knows what it is to have a hot buckshot in his
hand. Baldwin L. Hoge had the belt of his cartridge
box severed and cut from the belt; several of the
men had holes shot through their clothing.
Sergeant Tapley P. Mays, of Company D, the
ensign of the regiment, who bore the flag aloft
throughout the battle, had the staff severed three
times and the flag pierced by twenty-three balls,
Mays escaping unscathed. For his gallant conduct
on this field, he received the thanks of the
commandant of the regiment, and his conduct was
made the subject matter of a complimentary letter
to him from the Governor of the state, promising
that he should receive a fine sword for his gallant
conduct.</p>
        <p>The mud was deep, the movement slow, and
when morning dawned we were only a few miles
from the battlefield, halting occasionally in battle
line in order to hold the enemy in check until our
long train of wagons and artillery could get away.
It must not be supposed that because we were
wearied, covered with mud and hungry, that we
were dispirited and gloomy. Such mental
conditions could not then well exist among such a
jolly set of fellows, for we had in each company one
or more who would have their amusement, in a
joke, a laugh, or a song, especially Bolton and
George Knoll (the Dutchman), who were
<pb id="cboy103" n="103"/>
clownish and full of fun. In passing along the roads
and through the towns and villages, if a citizen
with a high silk hat appeared, these clowns would
call out: “Mister, come out of that hat; I know you
are in there, for I see your feet!” Another would
likely call out: “Mister, my bees are swarming;
lend me your hat to hive them in.” They
sometimes ran across a man with high top boots.
Then it was: “Come out of them boots! I know you
are in them, for I see your head above.”
Occasionally they were paid back in their own
coin. An old preacher, white-haired, with long
white flowing beard, one day rode into camp, when
one of these wags called out: “Boys, here is old
Father Abraham,” whereupon the old preacher
said: “Young men, you are mistaken. I am Saul,
the son of Kish, searching for his father's asses,
and I have found them.” The preacher had won,
and nobody enjoyed the joke better than the fellows
who had been beaten at their own game.</p>
        <p>The Chickahominy was crossed by our troops
May 9, when we went into camp at Clark's farm,
and later near Howard's Grove, on higher and
dryer ground, with better water. Here inactivity
and hot weather brought on much sickness. It was
from this camp that A. L. Sumner of Company D
took “French furlough”  -  went without
<pb id="cboy104" n="104"/>
leave, to see his family, was arrested, brought
back, <sic corr="court-martialed">courtmartialed</sic>, and sentenced for a term to
Castle Thunder, a Confederate prison in Richmond
for Confederate delinquents. On his return he
made up for his delinquency. A. L. Fry, 
orderly-sergeant, was summoned as a witness against
Sumner at his trial, and was thereby absent at the
battle of Frazier's farm.</p>
        <p>For several days preceding the 30th day of May,
1862, the weather had been very sultry, and during
the night of that day there broke over the camp a
violent electric storm, accompanied by a heavy
downpour of rain, which flooded the quarters and
submerged everything on the ground within the
tents, compelling the men to stand on their feet for
hours. The vivid flashes of electricity, the fearful
peals of thunder, reminded one of the progress of a
mighty battle, and was a fitting precursor of the
morrow's bloody day.</p>
        <p>At daylight, Saturday, May 31, came the order to
march. Although we knew the enemy was in close
proximity to Richmond and extending his lines
closer, with the intention of investing the city, yet
we were at a loss to determine where we were
going, as we had not received orders to be ready to
move. Much difficulty was encountered in crossing
the small branches, which had overflowed their
banks, but we finally made our way
<pb id="cboy105" n="105"/>
into the Williamsburg road, learning on the way
from parties coming from the front that a battle
was imminent. Hurrying forward at quickstep,
turning to the right from the Williamsburg road,
we found ourselves in line of battle on the edge of a
swamp in a wood, where we remained until about 1
P. M., hearing the boom of cannon, and indistinctly
the rattle of musketry, apparently far to our left.
Not long after the hour mentioned, we were
hurried away to the left to Seven Pines, where we
soon found ourselves face to face with the enemy,
in part the Federal division of General Silas Casey,
whose earthworks and camp we carried, including
some of his artillery. The forces engaged, as given
by General Longstreet in his “Manassas to
Appomattox,” were: Union troops, 18,500; 
Confederates, 14,600; Union losses, 5,031;
Confederate, 4,798. This engagement was called by
the Confederates the Battle of Seven Pines.</p>
        <p>I have not been able to secure my brigade or
regimental loss but my company loss was: A. D.
Manning, killed; Sergeant E. R. Walker, Privates
Travis Burton, John W. Hight and Joseph Lewy,
wounded. Our ensign, Mays, acted with his usual
gallantry.</p>
        <p>The right wing of the Confederate army, under
General Longstreet, had defeated the left wing of
<pb id="cboy106" n="106"/>
the Union army, captured its intrenchements, guns
and camp, and driven it for quite a distance, but
the Confederate left wing had not been so fortunate
as the right.  In this battle, after we had
broken General Casey's lines, some Union sharpshooters
took cover in the swamp in our front,
one of whom at about seventy-five yards fired
at me, the ball grazing my cap.</p>
        <p>A short time previous to the Battle of Seven 
Pines, our brigadier-general, A. P. Hill, had been
made major-general.  Colonel Kemper had been
promoted to brigadier-general and was in command
of the brigade during the above-mentioned
engagement.  General Joseph E. Johnston, commanding
the Confederate army in this battle, was
badly wounded, and General Robert E. Lee was
appointed to succeed him in the command.</p>
        <p>We left the battleground, as now recalled, on
June 2, returning to camp, a few days after which
the 24th Virginia regiment, which had been with
Early's, then with Garland's brigade, was united
with ours  -  now composed of the 1st, 7th, 11th, 
17th and 24th Virginia regiments.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy107" n="107"/>
      <div1 type="chapter11">
        <head>Chapter XI</head>
        <pb id="cboy108" n="108"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>Preparations for Active Field Service.</item>
            <item>Dress Parade and Speeches of General Kemper
and Colonel Patton.</item>
            <item>Battles Around Richmond.</item>
            <item>Gaines' Mill or Cold Harbor.</item>
            <item>Frazier's Farm and Malvern Hill.</item>
            <item>Testing a Man's Courage.</item>
            <item>Casualties.</item>
            <item>In Pursuit of the Enemy.</item>
            <item>In Camp Near the Chickahominy.</item>
            <item>Sickness and Death.</item>
            <item>Threatening Attitude of the Enemy in Northern
Virginia.</item>
            <item>Concentration of the Confederate Army on the
Rappahannock.</item>
            <item>Pope's Bravado.</item>
            <item>Lieutenant Hugh M. Patton Succeeds Stark as
Adjutant, and Sergeant Parke Appointed Sergeant-Major, 
Succeeding George S. Tansill.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy109" n="109"/>
        <p>FOLLOWING the Battle of Seven Pines, 
and the period preceding the opening of the
battles around Richmond, at Mechanicsville
on June 26, all were engaged in drilling and
gathering in absentees. Muskets were put in
order, cartridge boxes, bayonets and gun straps
were issued. Inspection of arms and
accouterments, and dress parades were frequent,
and the word went from lip to lip that something
was up, that all this preparation meant business,
and that right early.</p>
        <p>Rations were cooked and distributed on
Wednesday, June 25, and everything put in shape
to move on short notice. Being on parade on the
evening of the day last referred to, General
Kemper and Colonel Patton made soul-stirring
speeches, telling us that the great battle of the
revolution was now to be fought, and if we were
successful the Confederacy would be a free
country, and we would all go home together; if
beaten, the war must be prolonged for years.</p>
        <p>Leaving camp in the early morning of the 26th, 
we marched in the direction of Mechanicsville
bridge, on the Chickahominy, halting a short
distance from the bridge under cover of timber on
the roadside, from which we could, late in
<pb id="cboy110" n="110"/>
the afternoon, hear the roar of the battle at
Mechanicsville beyond the river, then being fought
by the Confederate division of General A. P. Hill
and the Federal corps of Porter. As the darkness
came on the flash of their guns could be seen
distinctly, the battle continuing until nearly 9
o'clock.  At dawn the firing across the river was
renewed, continuing for a time. The movement of
our force was then made across the bridge,
following the track of the retreating foe, whose
course was marked by the destruction of
commissary stores. Reaching the vicinity of
Gaines' Mill at noon, a line of battle was formed
behind and near the crest of a low range of hills,
hiding us from the view of the enemy. In our
immediate front were the brigades of Pickett,
Wilcox and Pryor, who were to lead the assault on
our part of the line, with our brigade in support.
Near the middle of the afternoon the battle opened
with fury, raging with varying fortune until
nearly dark, when our troops broke over the Union
lines, forcing their men from the field: a victory
dearly bought. Kemper's brigade was not called
into action, though lying under fearful shelling,
but fortunately we were just near enough the crest
of the ridge to avoid the shells, which passed in
most part over us. We suffered but little if any
loss.</p>
        <pb id="cboy111" n="111"/>
        <p>The Federals engaged in this battle numbered
about 35,000; their loss in killed, wounded and
missing, 7,000, besides twenty-two pieces of
artillery which fell into our hands. The
Confederates no doubt had the larger number
engaged, and their casualties were, therefore,
greater, but seem not to have been reported.</p>
        <p>Next morning we marched over the field on
which the Confederate brigades of Wilcox, Pickett
and Pryor, with others, had made heroic fight, and
it is almost incredible that a single line of
Confederates should have forced their way in the
face of the murderous fire they met, over such a
position, which was to all appearances
impregnable, and certainly was, except as against
men fighting for homes, firesides, and principles
which they regarded as dearer than life.</p>
        <p>We occupied the field Saturday, in a position to
make or to receive an attack, but the enemy was
in no plight  -  in fact, in no mood, to attack us, but
on the contrary was making for the James River,
though we did not then know it. Our officers did
not seem to know with certainty what direction
the enemy was taking, as his movement was well
masked. It seems to have been discovered late on
the evening of Saturday, the 28th, or early on
Sunday morning, the 29th, that General
McClellan, with his army, was making
<pb id="cboy112" n="112"/>
for the shelter of the Union naval fleet on the
James, and such being the understanding,
Longstreet's and A. P. Hill's divisions at an early
hour on Sunday morning were pushed across the
Chickahominy via New Bridge, and to the
Darbytown road, to intercept the retreat. The day
was warm, the roads dusty, and the march
fatiguing, especially as it was rapid for fifteen or
eighteen miles. Pushing ahead early the next day,
Monday, June 30, the enemy was encountered
about noon. The skirmishers were soon engaged,
but the advance of our troops did not begin until
about 4 o'clock P. M., and after we had suffered for
two or more hours from a severe shelling. While
under this severe fire and in line in the woods, in
a swamp amidst brambles and vines, a shell from
one of the enemy's guns burst immediately in our
front and only a few feet away, scattering the
fragments and shrapnel in our midst, one of which
struck a man close by me, burying itself in a
testament in his breast pocket, which thus saved
his life.</p>
        <p>The point where the encounter took place was
known locally as Frazier's farm. The only
Confederate troops engaged were the two divisions
above mentioned, which had been sorely reduced
by the casualties at  Seven Pines, Mechanicsville
and Gaines' Mill, as well as by sickness, the
<figure id="figure5" entity="johnst112"><p>LIEUTENANT 
ELISHA M. STONE</p></figure>
<pb id="cboy113" n="113"/>
exhaustion of a rapid march, and by straggling, to
about 12,000 men. These were pitted against
the main body of the Union army.</p>
        <p>From the firing we had every reason to believe
that the enemy was close at hand in large
numbers, seemingly not distant more than half a
mile. The advance of our forces was through a
dense wood, tangled underbrush filled with
brambles, and partly covered by water, with no
possibility of keeping the men up to their places,
the stronger ones pushing through over the
obstacles, while many of the weaker, unable to
keep pace, were left behind. Kemper's brigade was
leading and his advance soon became a charge, the
enemy being posted on the farther side of an open
field. Some of the line officers implored the
regimental commander to halt long enough to get
the men in order and close the ranks, but the
officer cried out: “Forward! Forward!” and on
rushed the men, every man his own general,
which they usually were in making such a charge.</p>
        <p>In a fierce battle a man's courage is severely
tested. Here our regiment is in battle line on the
edge of a wood; less than a quarter of a mile in
front is another wood, sheltering the enemy;
between the opposing forces is an open field; the
regiment is advancing and the lines move out into
the clear sunlight. Men will hurriedly reason
<pb id="cboy114" n="114"/>
with themselves: “The enemy is posted in that
timber across the field; before we move many yards
he will open on us with shot and shell; this is
perhaps my last day on earth.” So each man
reasons, but every face is sternly set to the front
and not a man falters. The shell and shot blow
dozens to gory fragments, but the line does not
halt, the living saying to themselves: “The fire will
presently change to cannister, then I shall
certainly be struck.” The prediction is being
verified, gaps are opened through the ranks, only
to be closed again; the regiment has lost its
adhesion and marching step, its lines are no longer
perfect, but the movement is still onward. From
knowledge of methods in battle, our men suppose
the infantry is in support of the battery. We have
escaped shell and cannister, but when we meet the
musketry fire we shall be killed. There is no
hanging back, no thought but to push ahead. The
leaden hail now comes and the lines are further
disordered; the left wing has lost its front by quite
a distance, but the push is forward, men grip their
guns, their eyes flash, and with a yell, on to the
battery they rush, bayonetting the cannoneers at
their posts. The Federal infantry supports give
way precipitately  -  then follows that famous 
bone-searching rebel yell of triumph.</p>
        <pb id="cboy115" n="115"/>
        <p>The brigade, led by the brave General Kemper,
met a shower of shot, shell, cannister and storm of
leaden bullets; it never faltered, rushed upon the
Union battery  -  Randol's Pennsylvania  -   routing
its infantry supports. Here Ensign Mays planted
the colors of the 7th regiment on the Union guns.
They were ours, won, however, at fearful cost. The
failure promptly to support our brigade  -  the
enemy flanking us on both wings  -  caused General
Kemper to order the retirement of the brigade, now
suffering severe loss from the fire of these flanking
columns, which in turn were themselves flanked
and defeated by the troops coming to our support.
Such is the fearful game of war with men of the
same valor and blood.</p>
        <p>The brigade casualties were 414, of which 44 were
killed, 205 wounded and 165 missing. Regimental
loss in the 7th Virginia, 111, of which 14 were killed,
66 wounded and 31 missing. Adjutant E. B. Starke
was killed and Sergeant-Major Tansill severely
wounded, disabled for further service. Sergeant-Major 
Tansill had been a soldier in our war with
Mexico, and was one of the most efficient, the
bravest and best of our soldiers. The gallant
Lieutenant, afterwards Captain James G. Tansill,
of Company E, of the 7th regiment, was the son of
Sergeant-Major Tansill.</p>
        <pb id="cboy116" n="116"/>
        <p>The loss in my company was 16. Killed, Captain
Joel Blackard; mortally wounded, Ballard P.
Meadows, Lee E. Vass and Joseph Eggleston; the
other wounded were: J. C. Shannon, Daniel Bish,
Jesse B. Young, David C. Akers, H. J. Wilburn,
Tim P. Darr, Francis M. Gordon, George A.
Minnich, T. P. Mays, John W. Sarver and Joseph
Suthern. Captured, Allen M. Bane. Ballard P.
Meadows was made a prisoner and died in the
hands of the enemy. Upon the fall of the brave and
lamented Captain Blackard, the command of the
company devolved upon First Lieutenant Robert H.
Bane, a gallant soldier, and a worthy successor to
Captain Blackard. Second Lieutenant Mullins
became first lieutenant; E. M. Stone, second
lieutenant, and Sergeant E. R. Walker was elected
second junior lieutenant.</p>
        <p>During that night our troops rested on the field
without disturbance from the enemy, who
continued his flank movement, a masterly retreat,
to a position at Malvern Hill, on the banks of the
James: a position of great natural strength, where
the entire Union army was concentrated,
supported by the gunboats in the river. The Battle
of Malvern Hill did not begin until the afternoon,
but its tide swept to and fro until far into the
night. The divisions of Longstreet and A. P. Hill
were held in reserve, close up, but not called
<pb id="cboy117" n="117"/>
into action, near enough, however, to be in range of
the enemy's artillery and heavy projectiles thrown
from the gunboats, inspiring fear and terror among
our men not justified by their execution. The
repeated charges of our troops against the enemy's
stronghold failed to dislodge him. Our men were
repulsed; they had bearded the lion in his den; he
refused to yield; he could not afford to, for if he did
he had but one place to go and that was into the
river, or the alternative, of surrendering. In the
Battle of Frazier's Farm the Federals largely
outnumbered the Confederates. They lost ten guns
captured by the Confederates, who, when the battle
closed, held the greater part of the field. The
Federal General McCall was captured by the 47th
Virginia regiment.</p>
        <p>At the opening of the campaign, the Union army
numbered 105,000, the Confederate 80,762
-  tremendous armies, when we come to think of it.
The losses on each side, up to the Battle of Malvern
Hill, in killed and wounded, were thought to be
equal, but in that battle it is stated upon authority
that the Confederate loss was about 5,000 men, the
Union loss about one-third that number. During
the Battle of Malvern Hill, Mr. Davis, President of
the Confederate States,
<pb id="cboy118" n="118"/>
was with us in the morning and under the fire of
the gunboats.</p>
        <p>It being ascertained that the enemy had retreated
during the previous night, we hastened in pursuit,
amidst a heavy rainstorm, and after a fatiguing,
disagreeable, all-day march, found the enemy in a
strong position at Westover, on the James. As he
showed no disposition to come out from his cover,
our army, about July 8, reached its camps in the
vicinity of Richmond. It had been a wonderful series
of battles. General McClellan had made a most
masterly retreat, escaping from woeful disaster. It
was within the range of probability, in fact, almost
a certainty, that if the Confederate army had been
under as good discipline as it was two years later,
the Union army would have been destroyed or made
prisoners. As it was, the Federal loss was nearly
16,000 men and 54 pieces of artillery, while the
Confederate loss was reckoned at about 19,000 men.
Richmond had been saved, the enemy driven far
away, General McClellan proving himself better at a
retreat than going the other way.</p>
        <p>After the enemy had taken shelter under the
protection of his gunboats at Westover, the
Confederate commissariat attempted to reach the
large amount of supplies held by the farmers along
the
<pb id="cboy119" n="119"/>
James River. Numerous wagons were sent under
escort to secure these supplies. Our Company D,
going on one of these trips, was attacked by Union
gunboats, into which we fired quite a number of
volleys of musketry at close range, being sheltered
by the river bank, and in return received a severe
shelling. A few men were wounded, and I received
a shot on the side of the foot, but not much of a
hurt.</p>
        <p>From July 8 to August 13, a period of inactivity
ensued, and as usual in that swampy country,
with bad water, there was much sickness among
the men. Lewis R. Skeens, of Company D, died in
camp and was buried near by. Charles W. Peck,
George W. Akers, William C. Fortner, James B.
Henderson, John R. Crawford, and the writer were
taken sick and sent to hospital at Richmond,
where Peck and Akers died. Fortner, Henderson,
Crawford and the writer improved rapidly, and
were ready to return to our command by the
middle of August.</p>
        <p>General McClellan's Union army was shut up at
Westover, and being depleted by the ravages of
sickness and death. This fact, together with the
threatening attitude of a new Federal army in
Northern Virginia, induced General Lee, who now
had apparently nothing to fear from McClellan, to
concentrate his army on the Rappahannock,
<pb id="cboy120" n="120"/>
and to that end about the middle of July had
transferred General Jackson and his command to
the Rapidan  -  which, by the early days of August,
was in the vicinity of the enemy  -  and closed with
him at Cedar Mountain on August 9, forcing the
enemy to retire on Culpeper court house.</p>
        <p>Longstreet's division left Richmond Wednesday,
August 13, for Gordonsville and the Rapidan, our
brigade moving by rail. Learning that our division
was moving, Fortner, Henderson, Crawford and the
writer, the sick bunch above alluded to, applied for
discharge from the hospital, and procured
transportation via Lynchburg. Reaching Orange
court house on the 18th, we left the railway, taking
the track of the advancing army. The first day's
tramp finished up Fortner and Henderson, both of
whom were still feeble; and it also finished up my
shoes, leaving me barefoot; in fact, had none I could
wear until after our return from Maryland a month
later. Leaving Fortner and Henderson on the road,
Crawford and I pushed on, rejoining our command
on the Rappahannock. Fortner overtook us in a few
days, and in time to go into the battle of the 30th,
when he received a severe wound. Poor Fortner!
Misfortune seemed now to be his lot, going and
coming.</p>
        <pb id="cboy121" n="121"/>
        <p>By August 20 the greater part of General Lee's
army was on the Rappahannock, confronting the
Union army under General John Pope, on the
opposite bank. Pope, who, it is stated, had said a
few days before in an address to his troops that
“his headquarters were in the saddle, and that he
never turned his back upon an enemy nor looked
for lines of retreat”  -  which statement he later
denied  -  had already run, and was in a position to
have to run again, or at least to get to the rear to
look after his line of retreat.</p>
        <p>Longstreet's division on August 21 moved
forward to Kelley's ford, which we left on the 22d
taking position near Beverly's, relieving some of
General Jackson's command, which moved up the
Rappahannock. For three or four days there was
considerable skirmishing, with occasional artillery
duels across the river. Again moving on the 24th to
the assistance of Jackson's troops, engaged with
the enemy at some of the upper fords of the
Rappahannock, our march was retarded by the
swollen condition of Hazel river and other small
tributaries of the Rappahannock; reaching
Jeffersonton that afternoon, during the progress of
a lively cannonade. A halt was made by our
division and Jackson's men moved up the river.
Lieut.
<pb id="cboy122" n="122"/>
Hugh M. Patton had been appointed Adjutant of
the seventh regiment, succeeding Adjutant Starke,
and - Park had been appointed Sergeant Major to
succeed George S. Tansill, disabled and discharged.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy123" n="123"/>
      <div1 type="chapter12">
        <head>Chapter XII</head>
        <pb id="cboy124" n="124"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>General Jackson With His “Foot Cavalry.”</item>
            <item>On the Flank and in the Rear of General Pope's
Army.</item>
            <item>Longstreet's Division Diverting the Enemy's
Attention on the Rappahannock.</item>
            <item>March Through Thoroughfare Gap.</item>
            <item>Haymarket to the Relief of Jackson's Men.</item>
            <item>The Fight on the 29th.</item>
            <item>Battle of August 30, 1862.</item>
            <item>Kemper Commands Division, Corse Leads the 
Brigade.</item>
            <item>Pope Defeated.</item>
            <item>Casualties.</item>
            <item>Rainstorm and March Through Leesburg to
White's Ford.</item>
            <item>Crossing the Potomac.</item>
            <item>The Cry “Back to Washington” and not “On to
Richmond.”</item>
            <item>“Maryland, My Maryland,” “Bonnie Blue Flag.”</item>
            <item>Halt at Monocacy Bridge.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy125" n="125"/>
        <p>GENERAL JACKSON with his “foot 
cavalry,” as his men were often referred
to, on account of their rapid marches and
power of endurance, crossed the Rappahannock on
August 25 and by swift marches placed his
command at Manassas in the rear of General
Pope's army, and between it and Washington  -  
our division (Longstreet's) amusing General Pope
on the Rappahannock by making sortie in order to
divert his attention from General Jackson's
movement.</p>
        <p>Longstreet's division crossed the river near
Amissville on Tuesday, the 26th, reaching
Thoroughfare Gap in the afternoon of the 28th;
the march having been somewhat disturbed by a
body of the enemy's cavalry. The enemy held the
east side of the Gap in large force. The evening
was spent in reconnoitering, getting into position
to carry the Gap. Our rations consisted of green
corn and fresh beef. Numbers of the men were
without shoes, including the writer. Some horses
belonging to the wagons or ambulances broke from
their fastenings during the night, running
through the camp and creating quite a stir, as
someone called out, “Yankee Cavalry!” No damage
was done, except the loss
<pb id="cboy126" n="126"/>
of an ear by one man from the stroke of a horse's
hoof. The man yelled, “I've got a one ear furlough.”</p>
        <p>The Gap next morning was flanked by our
troops, the enemy scurrying away in time to save
his face. After clearing the Gap and reaching the
vicinity of the little village of Haymarket, there
could be heard distinctly seven or eight miles away
the roar of artillery. The day was warm, the roads
dusty, and the men suffered for water. It was
pathetic to see the boys with feet bare and
bleeding endeavoring to keep pace with their
comrades.</p>
        <p>A little past noon on the 29th, we arrived in the
vicinity of the battleground, and not long thereafter
the roar of battle to our left informed us that
Jackson's men were hotly engaged. Later in the
evening, the brigades of Hood and Evans, of
Longstreet's division, engaged a portion of the
enemy, driving him for some distance. The
remainder of our division was in line of battle,
prepared to attack, as we understood, a force of the
enemy to the right, should opportunity offer. Our
position was now between the Warrenton pike and
Manassas Gap railway  -  where we were still
subsisting on roasting ears and fresh beef; no large
quantity at that, but the Confederate soldier ever
bore his privations with less complaint 
<pb id="cboy127" n="127"/>
than would be supposed by those who did
not know his enthusiasm for cause and country.</p>
        <p>On the morning of the 30th, during skirmishing
and artillery fire along the lines, the command to
which we belonged moved forward a short distance,
resting near an old rail fence which ran on and
along a narrow country road. All firing ceased about
noon, and quiet continued until about 3 o'clock P. M., 
when it was broken by the lumbering of
artillery and the crash of small arms. While lying
on the road referred to, A. J. Thompson and John Q.
Martin, of Company D, came near having a serious
fight, which was finally terminated by the
interference of Colonel Patton. In a few minutes
after this trouble, the battle opened on the left,
rolling towards us. The order came, and the
brigade, under command of Colonel Corse, went
forward at double quick, over a field, through the
woods, and into open ground, where the enemy was
in line of battle. The charge of the division under
General Kemper, the brigade under Colonel Corse,
was impetuous and most gallant, routing the Union
infantry and capturing a Maine battery and some
regimental flags. General Pope's army was defeated
and in retreat. It was now dark. The forces engaged
on the Union side, under General Pope, in this
series of battles around Manassas
<pb id="cboy128" n="128"/>
amounted to 74,578 men; those on the side
of the Confederates, 49,077. The casualties
in the Union army were 1,747 killed, 8,452
wounded, 4263 missing; aggregate, 14,462.
On the side of the Confederates, 1468 were
killed, 7563 wounded, and 81 missing;
aggregate, 9112. Thirty Union field guns were
captured by the Confederates, with 20,000
small arms, including a number of colors.</p>
        <p>Our brigade loss was 33 killed, 240
wounded, and one missing; aggregate, 274.
The regimental loss was Col. W. T. Patton,
Lieut. Col. C. C. Flowerree, Major Swinler,
Adjutant Patton and Sergt. Major Park, all of
whom were severely wounded, Major
Swinler losing a leg, and Adjutant Patton
and Sergt. Major Park being disabled for
further service. The loss including those
mentioned was five killed, 48 wounded;
aggregate 53.</p>
        <p>The loss in my company was 16, equal to
about one-third of the regimental loss:
John Q. Martin, killed; wounded,
Lieutenant John W. Mullins and 14 privates,
<foreign lang="la">viz</foreign>: William H. Carr, John S. Dudley, Elbert
S. Eaton, Adam Thompson, William C.
Fortner, James H. Fortner, Francis H. Farley,
J. Tyler Frazier, John W. Hight, G. L.
Wilburn, H. J. Wilburn, William I. Wilburn,
James J. Nye and Washington R. C.
<pb id="cboy129" n="129"/>
Vass. The two latter were mortally
wounded, Vass dying that night and Nye a
few days thereafter. A. L. Fry had been
sent with our wounded Lieutenant Mullins
to Warrenton, and was there captured by
the enemy after the army had crossed the
Potomac.</p>
        <p>I must speak here of some little
incidents in connection with this battle
which I think worthy of notice. The
advance of the brigade in the charge
encountered a rail fence, a short distance
beyond which was the enemy's battery,
and its battle line of infantry supports.
When near the fence, fearless Lieutenant-Colonel 
Flowerree  -  a mere boy, scarcely
21 years of age  -  shouted: “Up to the fence,
7th regiment, and give them h-l!”</p>
        <p>In closing on the battery, the man at the
breach was in the act of firing, when bold
Ike Hare, of my company, directly in front
of the guns, cried out, “Fire!” Whiz! went
the ball over the heads of the men, who
the next moment, with Colonel Skinner of
the First Virginia regiment, were among
the cannoneers, the Colonel, with heavy
sabre in hand, cutting right and left,
receiving a wound in the encounter which
retired him from the service.</p>
        <p>I went out to help gather up the wounded, and 
to get me a pair of trousers and shoes, both of 
<pb id="cboy130" n="130"/>
which I had need of, and which I procured,
selecting a dead Union soldier about my size. His
shoes I could not wear, as they were too small, and
I gave them to a comrade; and I almost regretted
having put on his trousers, for they were inhabited
by the same sort of graybacks common to the
Confederate and Union soldiers. After more than
50 years the thought of this wretched parasite
makes my flesh itch. But these pests were
unavoidable to soldiers continually on the march
through mud, mire, and over dusty roads, without
opportunity to cleanse their clothes or make a
change thereof, and this was particularly so with
the Confederate soldier, who seldom had, or could
procure a change of raiment.</p>
        <p>In front of our regiment fell mortally wounded
Colonel Fletcher Webster, of Massachusetts, the
only son of Daniel Webster, where he lay until next
day.</p>
        <p>As was usual following the great battles of our
war, there came down that night, and continuing the
most of the next two days, a heavy downpour of
rain; a great blessing to the wounded, who needed
the cooler temperature, as some relief at least from
the warm and oppressive heat.</p>
        <p>Our time on Sunday was occupied in burying the
dead and caring for the wounded, then being 
<pb id="cboy131" n="131"/>
relieved by others. On Monday, September 1,
followed the command of General Jackson to
Chantilly, where he had a heavy engagement with
the enemy. From here we marched on the 3d, 4th
and 5th, passing through Leesburg and to White's
Ford on the Potomac River, where camp was
made on the evening of the 5th.</p>
        <p>At Leesburg an order came for all sick and
shoeless men to remain there: an unfortunate order,
in some respects, as it was construed by a great
many of the men to mean just anyone who did not
want to go over the river into Maryland. There had
already been large depletion of the ranks, after
leaving Richmond, caused by straggling  -  partly by
shoeless and sick men, and partly, doubtless, from
other causes. Rapid marching and insufficient,
indifferent, or no food, had much to do with the
straggling. Judging other commands by my own, I
can state that much too large a number of men
remained at Leesburg, stretching the pretext to
cover far more than was intended by the order. But
when it is remembered that the army within a
period of ninety days had fought not less than
eleven pitched battles, sustaining losses in the
aggregate of fully thirty-five thousand men, and
that in addition to this they had engaged in many
skirmishes, in which numbers of men were lost,
<pb id="cboy132" n="132"/>
and that the use of bad water and bad or insufficient
food had depleted the ranks by thousands; and
again, further considering that a large portion of the
army had marched from Richmond to the Potomac,
hundreds shoeless and more becoming so  -  it is not
strange there were so many stragglers, sick and
barefooted men. They amounted to probably 20,000. 
I think a great many remained at Leesburg who
were not sick or barefoot, because of their aversion
to fighting beyond Virginia territory, north of the
Potomac. In one or more of these things
enumerated, I may say thousands of men found
excuses, or made them, to fall out of ranks along the
line of march, finally to halt at Leesburg  -  men
whose help was sorely needed at Sharpsburg.</p>
        <p>The Potomac River was forded on the morning of
September 6, amid the singing of “Maryland, My
Maryland,” and the shouts and cheering of the men.
“Back to Washington,” the cry, instead of “On to
Richmond,” which we had heard from our foes.
Winchester was made the rendezvous for all the
sick, lame, shoeless and others who remained as we
passed Leesburg.</p>
        <p>That night we camped at a little village, or
crossroad hamlet, I think called Buckeystown. Next
day, the 7th, a halt was made at the railway bridge
over the Monocacy, two miles or
<pb id="cboy133" n="133"/>
more from Frederick, Maryland. Many of the
shoeless, and others too plucky to remain
at Leesburg, still kept their places with their
comrades, following the fortunes of the army
throughout the campaign. I was one of the
number that made this tramp with bare feet.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy135" n="135"/>
      <div1 type="chapter13">
        <head>Chapter XIII </head>
        <pb id="cboy136" n="136"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>A Soldier's Equipment. </item>
            <item>Washing His Clothes.  </item>
            <item>How He Ate and Slept. </item>
            <item>March Through Frederick. </item>
            <item>Middletown.</item>
            <item>Hagerstown. </item>
            <item>A Soldier in Active Service in the Field. </item>
            <item>What He Possesses.</item>
            <item>Indications of Southern Sympathy. </item>
            <item>The Return from Hagerstown. </item>
            <item>Battle of Boonsboro and Casualties. </item>
            <item>Retreat to Sharpsburg and Battle. </item>
            <item>Thirteen Days in Maryland. </item>
            <item>Back in Virginia.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy137" n="137"/>
        <p>A MUSKET, cartridge box with forty rounds of
cartridges, cloth haversack, blanket and canteen
made up the Confederate soldier's equipment. No
man was allowed a change of clothing, nor could
he have carried it. A gray cap, jacket, trousers
and colored shirt  -  calico mostly  -  made up a
private's wardrobe. When a clean shirt became
necessary, we took off the soiled one, went to the
water, usually without soap, gave it a little
rubbing, and if the sun was shining, hung the
shirt on a bush to dry, while the wearer sought
the shade to give the shirt a chance. The method
of carrying our few assets was to roll them in a
blanket, tying each end of the roll, which was then
swung over the shoulder. At night this blanket
was unrolled and wrapped around its owner, who
found a place on the ground with his cartridge box
for a pillow. We cooked but little, having usually
little to cook. The frying pan was in use, if we had
one.</p>
        <p>We remained three days at Monocacy, during
which time the bridge was destroyed by our
engineers. The morning of Wednesday, September
10, our division marched through Frederick,
Middletown, Boonsboro, and to Hagerstown,
<pb id="cboy138" n="138"/>
reaching the latter place the evening of the 11th
and going into camp half a mile to the south of the
town. Subsistence was still a pressing need, green
corn and fresh beef becoming monotonous.</p>
        <p>In Frederick our hearts were made glad by
unmistakable signs of friendship and sympathy. A
bevy of pretty girls, singing “Maryland, My
Maryland,” on seeing our battle flag inscribed
“Seven Pines,” proposed “three cheers for the battle
flag of Seven Pines,” which were heartily and
lustily given by us. In Middletown we met no
smiles, but a decided Union sentiment was in
evidence. In Hagerstown we observed indications
and heard some expressions of Southern
sentiment, but none that satisfied us that they
were ready, and willing to shed their blood for the
Southern cause.</p>
        <p>The troops of Stonewall Jackson, together with
those of McLaws and Walker, were now rapidly
moving to invest and capture the Union garrison of
some 13,000 men, at Harper's Ferry. During the
march from Frederick, the Confederate rear was
protected by a cavalry force under General Stuart,
and infantry under General D. H. Hill. In the
wake of this rear guard, following leisurely was the
Union army under General McClellan, quite a
hundred thousand strong, including a powerful
artillery of 300 guns.</p>
        <pb id="cboy139" n="139"/>
        <p>On Sunday, just before noon of the 14th, the long
roll sounded calling the men into line, and a quick
movement was made east in the direction of
Boonsboro and Turner's Gap. Wagons, artillery
and ambulances cleared the road, giving us the
right of way. At Hagerstown was left General
Toombs' Georgia brigade, and one regiment of 
G. T. Anderson's to watch a Federal gathering force
just across the Maryland line. The day was hot,
the road hard and dusty, the march rapid  -  so
much so that many of the men broke down, falling
by the wayside. The emergency demanded the
presence of our division on the field of battle, which
we knew, having learned on our way that General
Hill's division had been attacked at Turner's Gap
beyond Boonsboro by a largely superior force,
perhaps by the larger part of General McClellan's
Union army. Let it now be remembered that this
army made fourteen miles to the immediate
vicinity of the battleground in three and a half
hours  -   good time for a Hamiltonian horse. Now
with other troops we were hurried up the mountain
to the right of the main gap (Turner's), and after
getting near the firing line, and finding
Confederate troops there holding the enemy in
steady fight, our steps were retraced to the Gap.
From thence we were ordered to the left, climbing
<pb id="cboy140" n="140"/>
the mountain side in full view of the enemy to our
right, and in range of one of his batteries on a
plateau to our right rear, which threw shot and
shell thick and fast, striking the head of the
leading company of my regiment and killing one
man instantly. On reaching the crest of the
mountain we found ourselves face to face with the
enemy and close up to them, and under fire before
we were able to get into formation. The brigades of
Rodes and Evans on the left were engaged in
strong combat with the force in their front, and as
soon as Garnett's and Jenkins' brigades filled the
space on the right and connected with Colquit's
Georgia brigade, which was astride the turnpike,
the fighting along the line became general and
fierce, as much so as brave men on both sides
could make it.</p>
        <p>The writer's brigade was now in a body of open
timber, among stones  -  large boulders, with some
fallen timber along the line, behind which, lying
down, the men took shelter as best they could; the
enemy occupying a skirt of woods with a strip of
open land between their position and ours. For two
or more hours the battle raged, or until darkness
fell, the enemy making repeated but unsuccessful
efforts to dislodge our men. The firing having
ceased, there was heard in our front the tramp of
the enemy's feet, evidently 
<pb id="cboy141" n="141"/>
preparing to renew the assault. In a few
minutes, a few yards to the right, in which lay a
portion of the brigade in the edge of a field, where
at the beginning of the battle was standing corn
(now cut to the ground) came the sound of a voice,
“There they are, men! Fire on them!” Suddenly
came a sheet of flame with a deafening crash from
the guns of each of the combatants, plainly
disclosing them to be within a few feet of each
other. The flame from the respective muskets
seemed to intermingle. The well-directed fire of the
Confederates caused confusion in the enemy's
ranks and compelled them to retire. Among the
casualties on our side from this rencounter was
Adjutant John W. Daniel of the 11th Virginia, who
received a severe wound in the hand. This same
Daniel served with distinction in the United States
Senate, dying a year or so ago. Such was the
character of many a noble man engaged in this
horrid game of death.</p>
        <p>It was now 9 o'clock or after and intensely dark,
especially in the timber where we were. Wounded
comrades had to be removed and cared for; this
had to be done quietly, as the enemy was in
whispering distance. As heretofore stated,
Company D of the 7th Virginia carried into the
battle of Second Manassas forty men, of
<pb id="cboy142" n="142"/>
which sixteen were killed and wounded, leaving twenty-four, 
including commissioned officers. After crossing the
Potomac and on entering the battle at Boonsboro Gap,
we had twenty-one commissioned officers and men. In
this battle were lost four men: T. P. Mays, killed; James
Cole, mortally wounded; George Knoll, severely, and
John R. Crawford, slightly wounded. Mays was serving
in the capacity of ensign of the regiment, and died at the
front, where danger was met and glory won, with that
flag which he had so gallantly, proudly and defiantly
borne aloft on many victorious fields. Brave and
undaunted, he ever led where duty called, sharing the
hardships and privations of camp life, the march and
dangers of battle, without a murmur, and dying with his
flag unfurled and its staff clenched in his hands. May the
memory of Tapley P. Mays rest in peace.</p>
        <p>With two commissioned officers, Captain Bane
and Lieutenant Stone, and fifteen men we left the
field a little after 9 o'clock at night, carrying one of
the wounded, George Knoll, who had an ankle bone
fractured. Knoll was borne on the back of Isaac
Hare a mile or more to the hospital in Boonsboro.</p>
        <p>The officers and men of Company D who
went into the battle of Boonsboro were Capt.
R. H.
<pb id="cboy143" n="143"/>
Bane, Lieut. E. M. Stone; men of the line, Travis
Burton, John R. Crawford, James Cole, John S.
Dudley, John A. Hale, Isaac Hare, B. L. Hoge, J. J.
Hurt, John F. Jones, David E. Johnston, George
Knoll, John Meadows, T. P. Mays, W. W. Munsey,
William D. Peters, W. H. H. Snidow, R. M.
Stafford, Thomas S. Taylor and A. J. Thompson.
The cook in Company D, Alexander Bolton,
remained with the supply trains and was not in the
engagement.</p>
        <p>The forces in this battle on the Federal side,
according to the report of General McClellan,
numbered 30,000, while the Confederate force, as
stated by General D. H. Hill and others, was 9000.
The Federal loss was 1813 in fifty-nine infantry
regiments engaged; 325 killed, 1403 wounded, and 85
missing. The Confederate loss was 224 killed, 860
wounded, and 800 made prisoners. There are but
few regimental reports of losses, therefore I am
unable to give those in the 7th Virginia. I am
satisfied that of the four brigades of Evans,
Kemper, Garnett and Jenkins, sent late in the
evening to reinforce the Confederate left, not more
than one thousand men reached the firing line, but
these were iron soldiers equal to the emergency,
holding more than 5000 of the enemy at bay until we
were ready to leave the field. The superb fighting in
this battle  -  
<pb id="cboy144" n="144"/>
if at this day a fight can be called something superb  -  
prevented the enemy from occupying the Gap, thus
sealing the fate of the Union garrison at Harper's
Ferry, which surrendered the following morning, the
tidings whereof came to us about noon, causing
much rejoicing.</p>
        <p>Now set in an all night's march to the scene of
the struggle at Sharpsburg, called in the North
“Antietam,” among the most gigantic and awful in
the history of warfare. When daylight came
Monday, we were at Keedysville, midway between
the points mentioned, not having reached the field of
Sharpsburg until 12 o'clock. Having been on our feet
all night, without sleep or food, save green corn or
apples, placed us in no cheerful mood, but in good
fighting temper, as hungry soldiers fight better than
well fed ones. Numbers of men straggled off along
the march, and even after the Antietam was
crossed, in search of food, a number of whom did
not get back in the ranks for the battle.</p>
        <p>
          <figure id="figure6" entity="johnst144">
            <p>LIEUTENANT JOHN W. MULLINS</p>
          </figure>
        </p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy145" n="145"/>
      <div1 type="chapter14">
        <head>Chapter XIV</head>
        <pb id="cboy146" n="146"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>Number of Men for Action in Kemper's Brigade. </item>
            <item>General D. R. Jones' Division.</item>
            <item>Confederate Cavalry. </item>
            <item>General Lee Playing Bluff with McClellan. </item>
            <item>The Opening of the Battle. </item>
            <item>Burnside's Attack and Repulse. </item>
            <item>The Casualties. </item>
            <item>Re-crossing the Potomac.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy147" n="147"/>
        <p>WHEN Kemper's brigade was called to
action at Sharpsburg, it did not number
400 muskets. The only regimental
report accessible of the number going into
action and the loss is that of Colonel Corse
of the 17th Virginia (himself wounded),
who says he led into the action fifty-five
officers and men, all of whom were lost but
five. The 1st Virginia did not number more
than 30, the 11th Virginia 85, the 24th
probably 110, and I know (for I counted
them) that the 7th Virginia had but 117,
Company D having but two commissioned
officers and fifteen men before action
began. Sergeant Taylor, sent in quest of
rations, did not return with the food until
the battle had ended. John S. Dudley, on
the skirmish line, was wounded and
captured. He, with Taylor, made the fifteen,
leaving for battle two officers and thirteen
men. Kemper's brigade belonged to
General D. R. Jones' division, which was
composed of the brigades of Jenkins,
Garnett, Jones, under Colonel Geo. T.
Anderson, Drayton, Kemper and Toombs,
numbering on that morning, by the report
of General Jones, 2400 men  -  far too many.</p>
        <p>The division of General Jones held the
ground in front and southeast of
Sharpsburg, extending
<pb id="cboy148" n="148"/>
from the Boonsboro-Sharpsburg pike along the
ridges and range of hills in front, south and east of
the old road to Harper's Ferry, nearly a mile in
length, covering the approaches from what has
since been known as Burnside's bridge over the
Antietam. Robertson's cavalry brigade, under
Colonel Thomas T. Munford, was in observation on
the extreme right along the Antietam and toward
the Potomac; General Stuart, with General
Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry brigade, the 13th Virginia
regiment of infantry, with a number of batteries
holding the extreme Confederate left, Hampton's
cavalry brigade not in the fight, but in reserve, in
rear of Stuart's position.</p>
        <p>It is stated upon authority that during Monday,
September 15, and for most of Tuesday, the 16th, 
General Lee confronted General McClellan's Union
army with only the divisions of Longstreet and D. H. Hill, 
numbering all told 10,000 men, while
General McClellan had 60,000 men then facing
Lee.</p>
        <p>In the afternoon of Monday, and continuing for
the most of Tuesday, the Federal batteries across
the Antietam kept up a lively fire, during which
the troops, our brigade included, frequently shifted
position, showing our flags first at one and then at
another place, being exposed to the artillery fire,
and getting a severe shelling. General 
<pb id="cboy149" n="149"/>
Lee was playing bluff with McClellan, who
was led to believe  -  and so reported to his
government  -  that he was confronted not only by
“a strong position, but by a strong force”  -  
imaginary numbers, not real.</p>
        <p>Late in the evening of Tuesday the firing to the
left seemed to increase. We heard not only the
artillery fire but the rattle of musketry for quite a
time after dark. Before daylight on Wednesday, the
17th, the artillery opened vigorously on the left,
followed by the crash of small arms, the battle
raging with intense fury for hours. From our
position on the right we could not see the
combatants, but could hear the crash of small
arms and the wild rebel yell. As long as we could
hear this yell we felt that things were going our
way.</p>
        <p>The battle which began on the left had at noon
extended to the right until the Confederate troops
holding the open ground on the left front of
Sharpsburg were within our view. We discovered
at this time a straggling retreating line of
Confederates closely followed by a solid blue line,
which soon met the fire of a Confederate battery,
causing it to retire.</p>
        <p>Now affairs in our front began to claim our
attention. The 24th Virginia regiment was
detached from the brigade and sent a half mile to
<pb id="cboy150" n="150"/>
the right, and shortly thereafter the 7th Virginia
under Captain Phil S. Ashby was detached and
hurried to the right, taking position in front of the
old road leading from Sharpsburg to Harper's
Ferry, between the position held by the 1st, 11th
and 17th Virginia regiments of the brigade, and
that held by the 24th regiment. Upon the advance
of the enemy we dropped back into the old road
referred to. Captain Ashby had been a soldier in our
war with Mexico, was a brave man, and when he
had placed the regiment in the road, seeing the
advance of the enemy he drew his sword, saying:
“Men, we are to hold this position at all hazards.
Not a man leave his place. If need be, we will die
together here in this road.” Putting our muskets
through the board fence, and with fingers on the
triggers, we awaited the enemy's approach through
a strip of corn, some forty yards away.<ref id="ref4" n="4" target="note4" targOrder="U">*</ref></p>
        <p>Colonel Geo. T. Anderson's brigade of D. R.
Jones' division had early in the morning been
detached and sent to the aid of General Jackson,
and Garnett's brigade had been taken away and
placed in position to cover the front of Sharpsburg.
General Lee had stripped his right in aid of his left,
which was being sorely pressed, leaving General
Jones to hold the right with the small
<note id="note4" n="4" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref4">The headlong rush of Archer's brigade across
the front of the 7th Virginia regiment prevented its
firing into the enemy.</note>
<pb id="cboy151" n="151"/>
brigades of Jenkins, Garnett, Drayton, Kemper
and Toombs, whose numbers I will later attempt
to give.</p>
        <p>Two of General Toombs' regiments, the 15th and
17th Georgia, were guarding ammunition trains,
and he, with the 2d and the 20th Georgia, and 50th
Georgia of Drayton's brigade  -  in all numbering 403
men  -  with a company of sharpshooters and a
battery, was ordered to the defense of the bridge
(Burnside's). On Wednesday morning at an early
hour General Burnside, who had been ordered to
carry the bridge and advance to the heights at
Sharpsburg, assailed General Toombs' men at the
bridge. The stream is small, and at the time of the
battle afforded but little water  -  could have been
waded in dozens of places. Why the bridge?
Burnside made the effort to carry the bridge, was
five times repulsed by Toombs' small force, losing a
large number of men in killed and wounded  -  
exacting, however, from Toombs' regiments heavy
toll, for his 2d Georgia lost one-half its numbers,
and the 20th Georgia suffered heavily. General
Toombs, finding the enemy crossing the stream at
a ford below the bridge, and the position no longer
tenable, withdrew his men and retired to the
heights on which Jones' four brigades  -  Jenkins',
Garnett's, Drayton's and Kemper's  -  were posted.
General Toombs was
<pb id="cboy152" n="152"/>
joined on the way by his 15th and 17th Georgia,
and Major Little's battalion of 140 Georgia men.
His 20th Georgia had been sent to replenish its
ammunition, and only part of these men returned
in time for the final contest.</p>
        <p>The enemy came in bold march at 4 P. M. He
came in fine style and good order until probably half
way from the Antietam to the crest of the heights,
whereon stood the depleted Confederate battalions of
Jenkins, Garnett, Drayton and Kemper, when he
encountered the Confederate skirmish line posted
behind stone and rail fences. These skirmishes
repulsed and routed the Union skirmishers,
making it so hot for the enemy's front battle line
that it was only able to push forward by its mere
momentum, but on it came, overrunning, killing,
wounding and capturing the entire skirmish line,
the men thereof remaining in their places, firing
until he reached the muzzles of their muskets. The
enemy's battle line overreached Kemper's right by
several hundred yards, exposing McIntosh's
battery, the men thereof for the time being forced to
abandon their guns. Kemper's and Drayton's men
were broken off, outflanked and forced back to the
outskirts of the village.</p>
        <p>General A. P. Hill with five small Confederate
brigades which had left Harper's Ferry that
<pb id="cboy153" n="153"/>
morning, marching seventeen miles, reached the
field at the opportune moment. Leaving two of his
brigades to guard the approach from a ford on his
right, General Hill threw the brigades of Gregg,
Archer and Branch on the enemy's left front and
flank, while General Toombs, who had circled
around the enemy's left, being joined by the men of
Kemper, Jenkins, Garnett and Drayton, together
with Hill's three brigades, with a wild yell charged,
the Confederate batteries opening fiercely; the
enemy was driven from the field, mostly in
disorder, fleeing to the banks of the Antietam for
shelter. The field was won, the day was ours. In
this headlong Confederate charge, General Branch
of Hill's division was killed; General Gregg of the
same division and General Toombs of Jones'
division, wounded. Federal General Rodman was
mortally wounded. The 24th and 7th Virginia
suffered a few casualties in killed and wounded,
mostly from the artillery fire, a few by musket
balls. My company lost Hare, and Dudley wounded,
the latter captured on the skirmish line.</p>
        <p>With the utter defeat of General Burnside's
Federal Army Corps, the battle ended, and
Kemper's brigade occupied that night and the next
day the same position it held when the battle in
our front opened.</p>
        <pb id="cboy154" n="154"/>
        <p>No fiercer, bloodier one day's conflict occurred
during the war than the battle of Sharpsburg,
which was fought on the part of the Confederates by
a worn out, broken down, naked, barefooted, lame
and starved soldiery, against a far superior force of
brave, well rested, well clothed and well fed
veterans. It was an all day, stand up, toe-to-toe and
face-to-face fight, just as close as brave American
soldiers could make it, and in none other did
Southern individuality and self reliance
-  characteristics of the Confederate soldier  -   shine
more brilliantly or perform a more important part.
It was on this field that strategy and military
science won the day for the Confederates. It was
mind over matter. General Lee, the greatest
military man of the age, was on the field, wielding
the blade that was so admirably tempered, which
brought blood and destruction at every stroke.</p>
        <p>The failure of the Union soldiers to win this
battle and utterly crush the Confederates, was no
fault of theirs; they had the numbers and
equipment, were courageous and brave. The truth
is, their leader was timid, overcautious, and
outgeneraled, fought his battle in detail, and was
defeated in detail. General Burnside's, the largest
single attacking corps, was beaten before he had
his columns fairly deployed, and this because
<pb id="cboy155" n="155"/>
the Confederates outmaneuvered him on the field,
had the flanks of his assaulting columns turned
before he knew there was any Confederate force on
the ground to turn them. Upon this occurring, he
lost control of the battle, and the only thing
apparent to him was to get away as quickly as
possible, which he did, though his battle had not
lasted an hour.</p>
        <p>The force engaged in this battle on the
Confederate right, on the Union side, was that of
General Burnside's 9th army corps, consisting of
twenty-nine regiments of infantry, six batteries of
artillery, and two companies of cavalry, making,
according to the most reliable information
obtainable, an aggregate of 13,083. His losses were:
Killed, 436; wounded, 1796; missing, 115; total,
2349.</p>
        <p>On the Confederate side the battle was fought by
the brigades of Jenkins, Garnett, Toombs, Kemper
and Drayton ( two regiments, 51st Georgia and
15th South Carolina); Gregg's, Archer's and
Branch's (less the 18th North Carolina, on
detached duty), of Hill's division. The
24th and the 7th Virginia, except their
skirmishers, did not pull a trigger, but were under
the fire of the artillery and partly that of infantry.
Nor did the 18th North Carolina take part in the
battle.</p>
        <pb id="cboy156" n="156"/>
        <p>From the best information I have been able to
obtain, from the official reports and otherwise, I fix
the number of Confederates in this battle against
General Burnside's 13,083 men as follows:</p>
        <list type="troops">
          <item>Jenkins' brigade. . . 500</item>
          <item>Garnett's brigade. . . 250</item>
          <item>Drayton's brigade (51st Ga. &amp;
15th S. C. Regmts.). . . 200</item>
          <item>Kemper's brigade. . . 300</item>
          <item>Toombs' brigade (including Maj.
Little's bat., 140) . . . 600</item>
          <item>Total Jones' Division . . . 1850</item>
          <item>A. P. Hill's three brigades, less
18th North Carolina, detached . . . 1900</item>
          <item>Total, both divisions. . . 3750</item>
        </list>
        <p>Casualties  -  General Jones reports, including the
battle of Boonsboro, 1435. Toombs' brigade was not
at Boonsboro, and the brigade commanded by
Colonel Geo. T. Anderson was detached in the early
morning, and we have no reports from the 28th
Virginia regiment of Garnett's brigade, and only in
part from Toombs' regiments, and but from one
regiment of Kemper's. Approximately, however, the
losses were as follows:</p>
        <pb id="cboy157" n="157"/>
        <list type="casualties">
          <item>Col. Walker, commanding brigade
of Jenkins, reports . . . 210</item>
          <item>Taking 4 regiments of Garnett's
and averaging the 5th . . . 80</item>
          <item>Drayton's two regiments, estimated . . . 100</item>
          <item>Kemper's regiments, estimated . . . 160</item>
          <item>Toombs, stated . . . 346</item>
          <item>Total . . . 996</item>
        </list>
        <p>The disparity in numbers on this part of the
field was probably greater than on any other  -  
nearly three and a half to one.</p>
        <p>There has been, and probably will always be,
uncertainty as to the number of men General Lee
had in the battle of Sharpsburg. Colonel Taylor, of
the staff of General Lee, and Adjutant General of
the army, puts the number at 35,250   -  including
cavalry and artillery, putting the infantry force at
27,255. This is surely incorrect for the reasons:
first, that the returns of the army on the 20th of
July, 1862, a few days before the movement of the
army to North Virginia from Richmond began,
show the total cavalry 3740. In the second place
the fact is well known that the cavalry and
artillery had been engaged in the battle of Cedar
Run, the battles 
<pb id="cboy158" n="158"/>
around Manassas, and at South Mountain,
Harper's Ferry, Crampton's Pass, and Boonsboro,
and the losses must have been large; and again,
there were only three brigades of Confederate
cavalry at Sharpsburg  -  Lee's, Hampton's and
Robertson's, the latter under Munford, and there is
no evidence that either of the two latter named
fired a shot at Sharpsburg. Lee's brigade could not
have numbered more than a third of the cavalry
force, say 1500  -  a liberal estimate  -  and the
artillerists 1800. We have 3300. A careful
examination of all the sources of information
available to me, including official reports, and my
own personal knowledge and observation on the
march and on the field, inclines me strongly to the
opinion and belief that the Confederate troops on
the field of Sharpsburg on the firing line and
actually engaged on the 17th of September
numbered:</p>
        <list type="troops">
          <item>Jackson's division . . . 1600</item>
          <item>Ewell's division . . . 3400</item>
          <item>D. H. Hill's division . . . 3000</item>
          <item>D. R. Jones' division . . . 1850</item>
          <item>A. P. Hill's division . . . 1900</item>
          <item>Hood's division . . . 2000</item>
          <item>McLaws' division . . . 2893</item>
          <item>R. H. Anderson's division . . . 3500</item>
          <item>J. G. Walker's division . . . 3200</item>
          <pb id="cboy159" n="159"/>
          <item>Geo. T. Anderson's brigade . . . 300</item>
          <item>N. G. Evans' division . . . 1500</item>
          <item>Lee's cavalry brigade . . . 1500</item>
          <item>Artillerists . . . 1800</item>
          <item>Total . . . 28,443</item>
          <item>Note:  -  There is no evidence that Armistead's
brigade of R. H. Anderson's division drew
trigger in this battle.</item>
        </list>
        <list type="casualties">
          <item>The Confederate casualties in the
Maryland campaign as given in the War
Records . . . 13,609</item>
          <item>The Federal casualties, including the garrison 
at Harper's Ferry . . . 27,767</item>
          <item>Deducting the Harper's Ferry garrison,
we have the Federal losses of the 
campaign . . . 15,203</item>
          <item>Deducting Federal losses at Boonsboro
Gap of 1813, Crampton's Gap 533, we
have approximately as the Federal loss
in battle of Sharpsburg . . . 12,856</item>
          <item>Deducting the estimated Confederate loss at
Boonsboro Gap, Crampton's Gap and Harper's
Ferry, 3948, from the campaign loss, we have
approximately as the Confederate loss at
Sharpsburg . . . 9,661</item>
        </list>
        <p>The actual number of Union soldiers on the
<pb id="cboy160" n="160"/>
firing line in the battle of Sharpsburg could not
have exceeded 68,000 men, but Porter's corps,
some 19,000, was close up in the center in reserve,
with more than 14,000, only a march away.</p>
        <p>The night of the battle several of our men went
out on the battlefield, to look after the dead and
wounded and for other purposes. Among those from
my company who went out in this way were Travis
Burton and Lieutenant Stone, who shortly
returned with an unwounded prisoner of a Rhode
Island regiment, who had failed to get away with
his retreating comrades. This prisoner was a mere
boy, who exhibited considerable signs of fear and
trepidation, and with whom Captain Ashby had
quite a little fun.</p>
        <p>On passing over a battlefield after the close of
the battle, it will usually be observed that the
pockets of the dead, and sometimes of the wounded,
have been turned out. A soldier will generally take
from the battlefield and the dead what he wants.</p>
        <p>The next day, the 18th, was in the main quiet,
with some little picket firing; the wounded were
being cared for and the dead buried. In the
immediate front of our brigade, some fifty yards
away, the farthest point reached by Harland's
Federal brigade the day before, and the ground on
which it stood, when charged by the brigades
<pb id="cboy161" n="161"/>
of Toombs and Kemper, I counted the bodies of 33
dead Union soldiers of the 8th Connecticut
regiment. One of the wounded was still living, to
whom I gave a drink of water and filled his
canteen. During the day a man of our regiment,
who had gone forward to help remove the Federal
wounded, was shot through the body and killed by
a Federal sharpshooter, who was so far away that
the report from his rifle was not heard by the men
engaged in the removal of the wounded.</p>
        <p>On the night of the 18th we left the battle line,
moving to the Potomac, wading the river at the
ford near Sheperdstown, and instead of singing
when crossing the river thirteen days before,
“Maryland, <sic corr="My">MY</sic> Maryland!” the song was, “Carry
me back, oh! carry me back to old Virginia, once
more.”</p>
        <p>A halt was made some three miles from the
river; moving in a day or two to near Bunker Hill,
and again to a point nearer to Winchester, close by
a large spring, where we received quite a number
of accessions to our ranks by the return of the
shoeless, sick, and some wounded men left along 
the route of our advance into Maryland.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy163" n="163"/>
      <div1 type="chapter15">
        <head>Chapter XV</head>
        <pb id="cboy164" n="164"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>From Winchester to Culpeper.</item>
            <item>Reorganization of the Army.</item>
            <item>What Happened at Culpeper. </item>
            <item>To Fredericksburg and Battle There. </item>
            <item>In Winter Quarters. </item>
            <item>Incidents of the Camp.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy165" n="165"/>
        <p>LONGSTREET'S command left the vicinity of
Winchester the latter part of October,
1862, crossing the Shenandoah river, Blue
Ridge, and reaching Culpeper the early part of the
first week in November, going into camp a short
distance southeast of the court house. Several
companies of the 7th regiment were from Orange,
Culpeper, Madison and Rappahannock, and while
in this camp the friends of these men came with
wagons loaded with provisions and clothing,
supplying many of their needs, and relieving much
of their suffering.</p>
        <p>Here the reorganization of the army was effected
into two army corps, the first commanded by
General James Longstreet, the second by General
Thomas J. (Stonewall) Jackson. Later a third corps
was organized, of which Lieutenant General A. P.
Hill was appointed commander. Pickett's division 
was also organized, composed of five brigades, as
follows:</p>
        <p>First brigade, General James L. Kemper:
regiments 1st, 3d, 7th, 11th and 24th Virginia.</p>
        <p>Second brigade, General R. B. Garnett:
regiments 8th, 18th, 19th, 28th and 56th Virginia.</p>
        <p>Third brigade, General Lewis A. Armistead:
regiments 9th, 14th, 38th, 53d and 57th Virginia.</p>
        <pb id="cboy166" n="166"/>
        <p>Fourth brigade, General M. D. Corse: regiments
15th, 17th, 29th, 30th and 32d Virginia.</p>
        <p>These four Virginia brigades were composed of
the flower of the state.</p>
        <p>Jenkins' South Carolina brigade  -  General M.
Jenkins: regiments Palmetto sharpshooters, 1st, 2d, 
3d, 4th, 5th and 6th South Carolina, and 4th
battalion.</p>
        <p>To which was attached the following Virginia
artillery: Major Dearing's 38th battalion, with
Caskie's, Stribling's and Latham's batteries.</p>
        <p>Many additions were made to the ranks at
Culpeper, greatly increasing our strength; the
organization now being better as to numbers and
discipline than at any previous period. The health
of the soldiers was also much improved; the entire
army, however, still being deficient in equipment,
especially shoes, overcoats and blankets, and the
chilly November winds, the precursor of that
fearfully cold winter just ahead, causing suffering
among the men, who bore the same without
murmuring  -  such was their metal. The weather
by this time had become quite cold, the men
building strong fires, and to keep off the cold
ground at night they procured, when possible, two
or three flat fence rails, placing them near the fire,
lying down upon them. Such was
<pb id="cboy167" n="167"/>
their feather bed, covering themselves with a
blanket if they chanced to have one.</p>
        <p>Here the writer was appointed Sergeant-Major
of the regiment, succeeding Sergeant-Major Park,
disabled in the second battle of Manassas  -  an
honor as proud as anything that has come to him
since.</p>
        <p>The march to Fredericksburg began November
18, over the old plank road, passing through the
Wilderness and Chancellorsville, soon to be
drenched in blood in the most famous battles of the
war  -  Chancellorsville, Wilderness and
Spottsylvania. Here it may be said that in the
County of Spottsylvania more important battles
were fought, more blood shed and more men killed
and wounded, and more soldiers lie buried, than in
any other county in the United States. Here were
fought the first and second battles of
Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, the two days
Wilderness, and the series of battles in and around
Spottsylvania court house, including countless
skirmishes and cavalry combats. It is no
exaggeration to say that the men killed and
wounded in the battles, skirmishes and combats in
the county reached 100,000.</p>
        <p>When we reached the vicinity of
Fredericksburg, snow had fallen to the depth of
two inches or so, which had to be cleared off to find
a dry
<pb id="cboy168" n="168"/>
place to go to bed. Here we remained for twenty or
more days, performing no guard duty, but kept
busy gathering fuel to make fires to keep warm.
Eating our rations gave us little trouble, not nearly
so much as when or where the next would come
from. The men smoked, some croaked  -  for it must
be remarked that in the army there are chronic
grumblers, who complain of short rations,
continually saying the war would never end; others
that we were going to be whipped in the next fight;
but men of this class were few in number, the
greater part in good spirits, buoyant with hope and
confident of the final triumph of our cause.</p>
        <p>At early dawn, December 11, we stood to arms,
continuing to do so until early Saturday morning,
the 13th, two days and nights, then moving out
from camp in the direction of the Rappahannock.
The two days' suspense just alluded to proved a
severe task on the staying powers of the strongest
men. Our march now continued until we reached a
point overlooking the river valley. Although
frosty, the air bracing, a dense fog hovered pall-like
over the valley below, shutting off from our view
the enemy, now in full force along the river, and
the broad bottom land at our feet. As the sun broke
away the fog, the movement continuing, there was
heard to our
<pb id="cboy169" n="169"/>
left occasional rattle of musketry. Meeting a negro
man loaded with blankets, canteens, haversacks
and general baggage, puffing as if almost out of
breath, with great drops of sweat as big as peas on
his face  -  someone said to him: “Hello, Uncle!
Where are you going?”</p>
        <p>His answer was, “To de r'ar, Sah!”</p>
        <p>Then the query, “To what command do you
belong?”</p>
        <p>“Barksdale's brigade, Sah.”</p>
        <p>“Is it running, too?”</p>
        <p>“No, boss, it never runs, but I always do.”</p>
        <p>By this time the fog had so lifted that we could
see in front far to our right the gleam of a long line
of bayonets, though we could not see the men who
held the guns. We halted on the break of the
heights, where we witnessed the combat between
the Federal and Confederate skirmishers of
Jackson's command, as well also as the assault by
a part of the Federal line of battle against
Jackson's men, and the repulse of the Federals.
Not being longer permitted to enjoy the further
progress of the battle on that part of the field, we
were now hastened down the hill and formed in
line of battle in a wood with an open field in front;
the fog, however, still bothered in seeing the game
we were watching. The dictates of self preservation
impelled us to throw
<pb id="cboy170" n="170"/>
up some rude breastworks, which would furnish
fair protection from rifle or musket balls, but none
from artillery fire. While in this position, where we
remained until the middle of the afternoon, there
could be heard the commands of the officers of the
enemy quite as distinctly as those of our own.</p>
        <p>Many of the men without overcoats and thinly
clad stood shivering from the cold fog, their beards
white with frost. General Kemper came along and
made a patriotic soul-stirring speech, which had a
good effect upon the men, also making similar
speeches to other regiments of the brigade.</p>
        <p>The Confederates on the left at the foot of
Marye's Hill being heavily pressed, our brigade
was withdrawn and pushed across the hills and
valleys to a position in rear and easy supporting
distance of the troops holding position at the foot of
the hill. While in this new position, the musket
and rifle balls of the enemy flew thick and fast, a
number being wounded, among them Lewis N.
Wiley, of D company, one ball striking the writer's
left foot, which had become so hard by going
without shoes that but little injury was inflicted.
At dark and as the last charge of the enemy was
repulsed, our brigade moved forward, relieving
some Georgia and North Carolina
<pb id="cboy171" n="171"/>
troops; the left of my regiment resting on the road
leading out of Fredericksburg over the hill, and
extending to the right on the upper side of a road
leaving the last named road at right angles;
occupying the angle made by these roads, where
we lay down on the upper side of the road on a wall
made by a stone fence built against the foot of the
hill, which afforded us no protection.</p>
        <p>The 1st Virginia regiment was on our right and
in line in the road and behind the stone fence; the
men of our regiment, with bayonets, boards, sticks
and tin cups, went to work to cut a trench on top of
the wall on which it lay, and by daylight the next
morning had made themselves works sufficient to
protect them against minnie balls.</p>
        <p>Around us lay the Confederate dead, two dead
Georgians lying in the midst of my company, by
whose side the writer lay down and slept. The
night was cool, but not cold; there was no moon,
but bright starlight, to which, for several hours,
was added the Aurora borealis. About midnight I
was aroused by Captain Bane, who said to me,
“They are coming,” and with my ear to the ground
I could distinctly hear hoof strokes approaching
from the direction of the city. In a moment every
man was at his post, musket in hand; dead
stillness reigned. The mounted parties rode up to
the intersection of the roads
<pb id="cboy172" n="172"/>
and were captured by the first regiment. The
party consisted of three Federal officers, one a
member of General Hooker's staff. They had
ridden forward to examine their skirmish line and
had been allowed to pass through unchallenged, 
finding themselves in a trap. They were sent
under guard to the provost-marshal in charge of
an Irish sergeant and guard of the 1st Virginia. 
This sergeant on his return next morning, while
passing our company, was severely wounded by a
Federal sharpshooter standing behind the corner of
a brick house a hundred yards or more away.</p>
        <p>We had been advised on the night of the battle
that the attack was expected to be renewed the
next morning, in view of which we had been
furnished with one hundred rounds of ammunition, 
with instructions to hold the position at all
hazards, that we would be supported by a line of
battle on the hill in our rear. The attack was not
made, though we remained in position during the
day and night, skirmishing and sharpshooting.
Next day after the battle, while holding the line in
front of Fredericksburg, some of our boys carried
water to the Federal wounded lying in our front,
though at the risk of life.</p>
        <p>Amid a rainstorm on the night of the 14th, the
enemy stole away and crossed the river. The
battle over and the danger past, we retired to our
<pb id="cboy173" n="173"/>
camp on the hills south of Fredericksburg, where
we remained for nearly two months, suffering
much from cold, want of clothing and shoes; many
of the barefooted men making and wearing rawhide
moccasins. Frequently, to prevent suffering at
night, the men made log fires and in evening rolled
away the burning logs, cleared away the fire and
ashes and made their sleeping places on the warm
earth from which the fire had been removed. When
we had snow, the men would fight snowball
battles, in which frequently someone was seriously
hurt. We did little picket or guard duty, and many
engaged in card playing. Religious exercises were
now infrequent. I recall going once to divine
services, when the Chaplain, Mr. McCarthy,
preached; and I remember to this good day the text
which formed the basis of his discourse. It was
from the 53d chapter of Isaiah, verse i: “Who hath
believed our report? and to whom is the arm of the
Lord revealed?”</p>
        <p>During the long, dreary, cold two months
following the battle of Fredericksburg, while in
camp amid privations and suffering, the men
discussed freely the questions touching the war, its
conduct, and prospects for peace. The soldiers
talked gravely of these matters, discussing them
frequently with much earnestness, not a few becoming 
<pb id="cboy174" n="174"/>
homesick and longing for the termination
of the game of conflict and death. An ever abiding
confidence in our cause, its justness, and our belief
in the final triumph of right over wrong coupled
with invincible spirits ever ready to brave the
storm of battle, caused our sufferings and
hardships to be treated as trivial, as compared
with the issue at stake. The end, however, was not
yet in sight, and little did we dream that it would
be reached as it was; for while it was supposed that
the private soldier knew little of what was
transpiring throughout the country  -  North, South
or in Europe, yet it is a fact that the questions of
resources of the South in men and supplies; the
North with its vast resources, with the old world to
draw upon for men to fight its battles, were
frequently talked of, as well as the remote
possibility of foreign intervention; its effect upon
the war; the peace feeling North, and its probable
effect. Our confidence in the armies of the
Confederacy, and our ability to successfully resist
the Federal armies with their overwhelming
numbers was scarcely doubted. It was remarkable
what confidence the men reposed in General Lee;
they were ready to follow him wherever he might
lead, or order them to go.</p>
        <p>In company D was one, Dan East, who was
never in a battle, and never intended to be; yet
<pb id="cboy175" n="175"/>
Dan knew more about it than anyone who had
gone through it; always turning up after the battle
with a full haversack, good blanket, overcoat and
shoes. As usual, Dan walked into the camp after
the battle of Fredericksburg, when the Colonel
determined to punish him; he caused a placard
with the word “Coward” in large letters to be
fastened across his back, and with rail on his
shoulder he was marched to and fro in front of the
regiment; but this had little effect on Dan, and the
first opportunity he helped himself to a fellow
soldier's clothing and other goods, which were
found in his quarters. The men of the company
decided to rid the service of Dan by whipping him
out of it, which they did.</p>
        <p>It was while in this camp that a rencounter
occurred between Hight and Young, both large,
stout, athletic men, pretty equally matched in
size, strength and good mettle. The fight was as
close as two brave men could make it, but friends
intervened and the combatants were separated.</p>
        <p>Let us now return to the result of the battle of
Fredericksburg, as far as forces engaged and
casualties suffered are concerned.</p>
        <p>The Federal army in this battle numbered 50,000;
casualties, 12,653. Confederate army,
20,000; casualties, 4201. Casualties in Kemper's
<pb id="cboy176" n="176"/>
brigade, 46; in 7th Virginia regiment, 5; in Co. D,
1; Lewis N. Wiley, wounded  -  with the whack
taken at the writer's foot, already described.</p>
        <p>January 20, 1863, the command was suddenly
called to arms, marched up the Rappahannock in
the direction of Banks' ford, where, it was
reported, the Federal army was threatening to
cross the river. We remained out one night in the
snow, rain, mud and slush, returning to camp
next day.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy177" n="177"/>
      <div1 type="chapter16">
        <head>Chapter XVI</head>
        <pb id="cboy178" n="178"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>Leaving Camp. </item>
            <item>March Through Spottsylvania.</item>
            <item>Louisa. </item>
            <item>Hanover, Petersburg. </item>
            <item>First North Carolina Campaign. </item>
            <item>Heavy Snowfall and Battle. </item>
            <item>Accident to Anderson Meadows Near Chester. </item>
            <item>Camp Near Petersburg.</item>
            <item>Gardner Exchanges Hats. </item>
            <item>Lieutenant Stone in a Box. </item>
            <item>To Weldon, Goldsboro and Kinston.</item>
            <item>At Suffolk, Virginia. Return via Petersburg, Chester,
Richmond, to Taylorsville. </item>
            <item>John, the Drummer Boy.</item>
            <item>Professor Hughes, Frank Burrows and Others.</item>
            <item>Across the Pamunky, Return Taylorsville and to
Culpeper.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy179" n="179"/>
        <p>MONDAY, February 16, 1863, in the midst 
of a storm of snow and sleet, Pickett's
division took up its line of march heading
toward Richmond. Reports were rife relating to
destination, some saying Charleston, others
Savannah or Blackwater; all were on the list of
probabilities, the line of march being through the
counties of Spottsylvania, Louisa and Hanover. At
Hanover Junction Sergeant A. L. Fry, who had
returned from captivity, rejoined us. Within eight
miles or so of Richmond the moving army went into
camp, resting a few days from <sic corr="fatiguing">fatigueing</sic> march,
then proceeding through Richmond to Chester
station on the Richmond and Petersburg railroad.</p>
        <p>The brave Lieutenant-Colonel Flowerree of the 7th
regiment, having imbibed a little freely, as we
passed through Richmond was placed in arrest,
charged with the breach of soldierly good conduct.
He was finally restored to us on the return from
Gettysburg; a streak of luck that saved the Colonel
from being in the great battle.</p>
        <p>The day of our arrival at Chester was cool, the
early night was clear, the sky blue, the stars
shining  -  nothing that betokened any sudden change
of weather. Awakening next morning
<pb id="cboy180" n="180"/>
we found we had a blanket of snow twelve inches
deep  -  the men lying in rows reminding one of a
cemetery, and on rising, of the resurrection day.
We soon built roaring fires and went out and
fought a great snowball battle. The explosion of
cartridges in a cartridge box that had been hung
up too near the fire came near costing Anderson
Meadows the loss of his eyes. Meadows was quite a
remarkable man. When he went into the army he
could neither read nor write, but during the service
he became quite proficient in all, was a number
one cook and a brave soldier, surviving the war.</p>
        <p>Our next move took us to a point about a mile
southeast of Petersburg, where we went into camp.
The weather had somewhat moderated, but snow
still on the ground. Our Lieutenant Stone, who had
been home on furlough, returned to us here. The
camp was always more lively when he was present,
for there was no fun or mischief started in which
he did not make a full hand, and in the army
anything that cultivates cheerfulness is of real
value. Many of the men went into Petersburg,
some without leave, among them Gardner of
Company D, who, on his return, was discovered
wearing a good looking hat instead of the old, dingy
cap he had worn away. Inquiry being made as to
how he became possessed
<pb id="cboy181" n="181"/>
of the hat, he replied: “I swapped with a fellow
-  but he wasn't there!”</p>
        <p>March 25 a shift was made to the Weldon and
Petersburg railway station, and while the train to
carry us south was being made ready, some of the
men took on too many drinks, our jolly Lieutenant
Stone being one, and becoming boisterous, fell into
the hands of the city police. To keep our
Lieutenant out of their clutches, the men of the
company put him in a box car, fastening the doors,
but as he did not fancy being a prisoner in a box
car he kicked off one of the doors, coming out with
it, hanging as he came on a nail or part of the
door, the leg of his trousers catching the same a
little above the knee, tearing one leg of his
trousers.</p>
        <p>Next morning found us at Weldon, where we
remained several hours, and while here Pat Wood,
an Irishman of the 1st regiment, started some
kind of a row, which brought General Ransom, the
commandant of the post, upon the scene, and
which resulted in a peremptory order for the whole
command to move on, which it did. Crowded into
box cars, without fire, the weather cold, the result
cold feet and general discomfort. But a soldier
equal to almost any emergency, especially 
where his personal safety and comfort are
concerned, and determining to have fires, covered 
<pb id="cboy182" n="182"/>
the floor of each car with sand. On this fires
were made of longleaf North Carolina pine. The
smoke was dense, and, having no escape, settled
upon the men, so that when Goldsboro was reached
that evening we were thought to belong to the
“colored brigade.”</p>
        <p>Next day we proceeded about twenty-five miles
to Kinston, on the Neuse river, about thirty-five
miles west from Newbern. From Kinston we did
some scouting and picket duty on the roads leading
to Newbern, the object seeming to be to keep the
enemy at Newbern close in, while our
commissariat gathered supplies, as General
Longstreet with Hood's division was likewise doing
at Suffolk, Va. The enemy had occupied Kinston
the preceding winter, and many of the houses had
been destroyed; the inhabitants had removed,
either inside the Union military lines, or to the
interior of the state. The village, in fact, was
entirely deserted.</p>
        <p>Our brigade left Kinston April 9, moving by rail
to Goldsboro and Weldon to a point twenty or more
miles south of Petersburg, from whence we
marched through the Blackwater region  -   the
counties of Southampton, its county town
Jerusalem, Isle of Wight  -  to the neighborhood of
Suffolk in Nansemond County, where we
<pb id="cboy183" n="183"/>
united with the division of General Hood, then
closely investing the town.</p>
        <p>I will here relate two incidents occurring on our
journey to and from Kinston. While halting at
Goldsboro, a soldier of Company F, 24th Virginia,
named Adams, went to a pie stand kept by an old
lady, took part of her pies and was walking away
without paying therefor, when he was arrested by
a town policeman, whom the soldier sought to
resist, and in the fight Adams was killed. The
other incident was, as we were being transported
by the railway in box cars between Kinston and
Goldsboro, a part of the men were on top of the
boxes, and along portions of the railway were
overhead bridges for the accommodation of
travelers on the county roads. One, Manly Reece of
Co. G, 24th Virginia, standing erect on one of the
box cars, and not observing an overhead bridge,
was struck, knocked from the car and killed.</p>
        <p>At Suffolk lively skirmishing was kept up for
quite a while, sometimes approaching a battle.
While here we were formed into line of battle to
receive the foe, but he did not come. Matters thus
continued until we retired, as hereinafter related.</p>
        <p>From a letter I wrote to a friend dated April 25
(the original furnished while writing these
<pb id="cboy184" n="184"/>
pages), it appears we reached Suffolk the 12th of
the month. I state in the letter: “This is the 13th
day that we have been in close proximity to the
enemy.” While at Suffolk three of my Company
D  -  Hugh J. Wilburn, James H. Gardner and John
S. W. French, deserted to the enemy.</p>
        <p>Having accomplished the object of the
expedition, the troops quietly withdrew from the
front a little after dark on the evening of Monday,
May 4. On reaching South Quay, we heard of the
great Confederate victory at Chancellorsville.
Pushing ahead through Petersburg to Chester
Station, we again halted there for a few days for
rest and recuperation. While here in camp, Isaac
Hare and Travis Burton of Company D took
“French furlough” and joined themselves to a
portion of the Confederate army serving in
southwestern Virginia. The cause of this action
was never explained.</p>
        <p>Baldwin L. Hoge, in handling a knife,
accidentally wounded himself in the knee, was
sent to the hospital, and was not able for field
service for several months.</p>
        <p>It was here also that the men of the divisions of
Pickett and Hood heard with sorrow of the death of
General Stonewall Jackson, an irreparable loss; for
his place could not well be filled, and
<pb id="cboy185" n="185"/>
it seemed that with his loss our cause began to
wane. The humblest private in all the armies of
the South deeply mourned the loss of this
Christian man and able general.</p>
        <p>Hood's Texans were encamped across the
railroad from us, amusing themselves by putting
musket caps on the rails just in advance of the
approach of a passenger train, then taking their
stand close beside the track, bushes or brush in
hand. On the caps exploding, the passengers would
put their heads out of the windows to ascertain the
cause of the popping, and found on drawing their
heads back into the coach that they were
hatless  -  a slick trick of the soldiers to get for
themselves a supply of hats.</p>
        <p>Resuming the line of march May 12, we passed
through Richmond to Taylorsville in Hanover
County, not far from the Junction, the crossing of
the Virginia Central over the Richmond,
Fredericksburg and Potomac railroad.</p>
        <p>A series of religious meetings were here held
and many professed faith in Christ, the writer
among the number. From a letter to a friend at
home, dated at Taylorsville, May 26, I see that I
stated: “We are now resting from our hard
marches, which, however, may be resumed at any
time. There is a religious meeting going on here
now. Rev. Dr. Pryor of Petersburg is preaching
<pb id="cboy186" n="186"/>
for us. I think he will be able to do great good.
Nearly every man in the brigade seems to take an
interest in the meetings. I hope that much good may
be done. Our soldiers are loyal to their country, and
Oh! how grand if they would only be loyal to God.”</p>
        <p>In the interim of our arrival at Taylorsville and
leaving there, the division took a journey across the
Pamunkey into King and Queen County, returning
to Taylorsville. A few days thereafter we had
division review, being drawn up in line to receive
General Pickett, to whom, as he passed by, we
were to lower the flags and present arms, the drums
to beat. John Whitlock was the drummer boy for
our regiment, a little waif picked up in Richmond by
some one of our regimental band or drum corps, of
which Professor Hughes was leader, with Frank
Burrows and others members of the band. John
Whitlock was a mischievous boy, who, to keep from
beating the drum, would lose or throw away the
sticks; so when on this review he was ordered by
the Colonel to beat the drum, there was no
response, on account of which, on return to camp, I
was ordered to place on John a drum shirt, which
consisted of taking the heads out of the drum and
slipping the barrel down over his arms. John
<pb id="cboy187" n="187"/>
cried and begged, and I let him go upon his promise
to do better in the future.</p>
        <p>At Taylorsville Pickett's division, fully equipped,
was made ready for the most active field service.
The ranks were recuperated by those who had
been sick, those recovered from wounds, as well as
by recruits, and all vacancies in the officers of the
line and staff, among them Captain John H. Parr,
who had been appointed Adjutant to fill the vacancy
occasioned by the death of Adjutant Starke, killed in
the battle of Frazier's Farm. Company D had lost up
to this time, killed in battle, died of wounds, disease,
transfers to other commands, detached service and
desertion, nearly 70 men; had received no recruits
except those received in August, 1861, and some
were sick and in hospital.</p>
        <p>It is probable we left Taylorsville for Culpeper
June 3, as I see from a letter written by me on the
11th of June from a point about eight miles from
Culpeper court house, that I say: “We have been
marching for the last eight days, have now halted
eight miles from Culpeper court house. Our cavalry
had a severe fight with the enemy day before
yesterday. I think we are to have a hard summer's
campaign. It is reported that the Yankees have
moved back to Manassas and Bull Run. There has
been some fighting at Fredericksburg, 
<pb id="cboy188" n="188"/>
where some of the enemy have crossed and
are throwing up fortifications.”</p>
        <p>It was our custom to call the enemy Yankees;
some said “D-d Yankees,” and they likewise called
us “D-d rebels,” neither side meaning any offense,
nor the expression carrying any personal ill will. It
is told by General Sherman in his Atlanta, or some
other campaign, that he heard an old negro
praying, saying among other things, “Oh! Lord,
bless the d-d Yankees.” We used the word
Yankee, prior to the war, applying it to the New
England people, the descendants of the Puritans,
the people whose ancestors landed on Plymouth
Rock, of whom General Early is credited with
saying, “If that rock had landed on them, we 
would never have had the d-d h-l fired 
war.” The word Yankee is of uncertain
derivation, though said to be an Indian corruption
of the French word, <foreign lang="fr">Anglais</foreign>, meaning English.
The Union soldiers usually called us “Johnnies,” or
“Johnny Rebs.”</p>
        <p>The army had been organized with three
corps  -  first, Longstreet's; second, Ewell's, and
third, A. P. Hill's. While at Culpeper, where the
Confederate army was being mobilized, additional
numbers were being received into the ranks. The
passionate ardor of our people for their country's
cause had brought to the army nearly every
<pb id="cboy189" n="189"/>
man fit for the service. It was perhaps the largest
efficient number of men, and composed of the best
fighting material that General Lee ever led to
battle. Most of the men were well inured to the
service, and well prepared to undergo the greatest
privations and hardships; and by this time most of
the cowards and skulkers had either gotten out of
the army or had never gotten in, or gone over to
the enemy. In these men General Lee imposed the
utmost confidence, and this confidence was
reciprocated. It is stated upon authority that as the
army went forward on its march to Pennsylvania,
while passing through the valley of Virginia not far
from Berryville, near which General Lee had
stopped and dined with a friend, that in the act of
mounting his horse to depart, his host remarked:
“I have never had any confidence in the success of
our cause till now I see our army marching north.”
Promptly came General Lee's only reply: “Doctor,
there marches the finest body of men that ever
tramped the earth.”</p>
        <p>The usual order to cook rations and prepare to
move at a moment's notice was given, and
everything was put in readiness; the camp was all
bustle and confusion.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy191" n="191"/>
      <div1 type="chapter17">
        <head>Chapter XVII</head>
        <pb id="cboy192" n="192"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>Pennsylvania Campaign of July, 1863.</item>
            <item>Culpeper and Snicker's Gap. </item>
            <item>Fording the Potomac. </item>
            <item>Shooting a Deserter.</item>
            <item>Pennsylvania Invaded. </item>
            <item>Chambersburg.</item>
            <item>My Dream. </item>
            <item>Willoughby Run. </item>
            <item>Roll Call.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy193" n="193"/>
        <p>I AM NOW about to record the things I saw in
connection with the greatest endeavor of
the Army of Northern Virginia during the
Civil War, which led up to the Battle of
Gettysburg, a campaign which startled the North,
alarmed the capital at Washington, and inspired
General Lee's army with new heroism and
courage. We were going to Pennsylvania in part to
procure that for which Jacob's sons went down into
Egypt.</p>
        <p>Monday, June 15, 1863, the head of the column
moved out, directed toward the Blue Ridge and
Snicker's Gap, through which we passed June 20,
crossing the Shenandoah River at Castleman's
ferry, where we were detained three or four days,
and again at Berryville, for the purpose of keeping
in supporting distance of our cavalry operating
against that of the enemy east of the Ridge. The
march from Culpeper was conducted left in front,
the enemy being on our right. The Confederate
cavalry had for several days been engaged with
that of the enemy in the vicinity of Aldie and
Upperville. The army was followed by a large
drove of beef cattle, James B. Croy, of Company D,
being detailed as one of the drivers, thereby
escaping the storm at Gettysburg.</p>
        <pb id="cboy194" n="194"/>
        <p>The way for the march of the army through the
Virginia valley had been cleared by Ewell's corps,
which had defeated and driven away the Federal
troops at Winchester and Martinsburg; while the
Confederate cavalry had cut and destroyed a
portion of the Baltimore &amp; Ohio railroad west of
Harper's Ferry, and Jenkins' Confederate cavalry
brigade had crossed the Potomac, entering
Maryland and Pennsylvania. The weather was hot
and the march continued through Martinsburg by
Falling Waters, crossing the Potomac by wading to
Williamsport, Md., going into camp a short
distance out of the town. Here it was late in the
evening that a deserter from the 18th Virginia
regiment was executed by shooting.</p>
        <p>The morale of the army was superb, officers and
men alike inspired with confidence in the ability of
the army to beat its old antagonist anywhere he
chose to meet us. We were moving into the
enemy's country in fine spirit  -  no straggling, no
desertion, no destruction of private property, no
outrages committed upon non-combatants, the
orders of the commanding general on this subject
being strictly observed. Among the men were
expressions of disapproval of the invasion of the
North. We had uniformly insisted upon defensive
warfare on our own soil;
<pb id="cboy195" n="195"/>
in other words, we steadfastly contended against
the claim of the enemy to invade our own land, and
logically we should be bound by the same
reasoning. However, in the last analysis every
man in the army of Northern Virginia was loyal to
his commander-in-chief, wherever he should lead.
Here, indeed, was a spectacle: An army of more
than sixty thousand freemen, every man a soldier
in the true sense of the word, brave, resolute,
fearless, the heroes and victors of many fields,
marching unobstructed and thus far unopposed
through an enemy's country, whose people had
scarcely known that war was in progress; living in
quiet and plenty. The march was continued with
steady tread to Hagerstown, where a halt was
made to allow Hill's corps, which had crossed the
river below, to pass. Again marching, the
Cumberland Valley in Pennsylvania was entered, a
magnificent land, the counterpart of the lovely
valley of Virginia, the sight bringing homesickness
to the heart of not a few Virginia boys. Nothing
was seen indicating that these people knew that a
terrible war had been raging for two years, only a
few miles away; certain it is they had felt little of
its effect, either upon their population or resources.
At Greencastle was noted among the people
defiance and vindictive mien; while not speaking
out, their looks indicated
<pb id="cboy196" n="196"/>
that deep down in their bosoms was rancor
and the wish that all the rebel hosts were dead
and corralled by the devil.</p>
        <p>Saturday, June 27, Chambersburg, the
capital  -  county town  -  of Franklin County, was
entered by our column; passing to the outskirts on
the north, or northwest side thereof, halting in the
street in front of a beautiful residence, said to be
that of Colonel McClure. Some ladies appeared and
volunteered to deliver a sharp, spicy address,
which was responded to by the band of our
regiment, with “Dixie.” The boys sang “Dixie” and
“Bonnie Blue Flag,” laughed and cheered lustily,
then marched on a few miles on the York road and
went into camp.</p>
        <p>Pickett's division was left at Chambersburg to
guard the trains until General Imboden's
command could close up and relieve it, which it did
on the evening of July 1. While waiting to be
relieved, the men of Pickett's division were
employed in tearing up the track of the
Cumberland Valley railroad, which was thoroughly
done for a mile or more, piling and firing the ties,
heating the rails and bending them around trees.</p>
        <p>During the march from the Potomac to
Chambersburg, I one night had a dream in which I
saw my left shoulder mangled by a cannon shot
and I lying on the battlefield bleeding, dying.
<pb id="cboy197" n="197"/>
This dream, not like many not recollected, deeply
impressed itself upon my mind, and I found myself
unable to throw it off. When three days later in the
battle at Gettysburg I was struck by an exploding
shell on my left side, the dream instantly came up,
and I said, here now is its fulfillment. Other
soldiers, like myself, probably during and after the
war dreamed of being in battle, hearing distinctly
the booming of cannon, the noise of bursting shell
and the rattle of musketry.</p>
        <p>About 2 o'clock on Thursday morning, July 2, 
being aroused by the sound of the long roll, we
were quickly in line, the column moving on the
road leading to Gettysburg. The march was rapid,
and unceasing, until we reached the vicinity of the
coming conflict at Gettysburg, a distance of 
twenty-five miles or more over a dusty road, beneath a
burning July sun, passing on the way the
smoldering ruins of Thad Stevens' iron furnace,
which had been fired by General J. A. Early a few
days before. The other divisions of our corps 
(Longstreet's) had preceded us some twenty-four
hours, arriving in time to make the principal
battle of the second day.</p>
        <p>On the march over South Mountain, reaching
the east side, passing through the small hamlets of
Cashtown and Seven Stars, plainly could be
<pb id="cboy198" n="198"/>
heard the roar of Longstreet's battle of that evening.
Near the middle of the afternoon the division halted
at Willoughby Run, two miles from Gettysburg; the
men soon scattered, some getting water, some
eating and some in conversation. As the shades of
night began to gather on this bright eve, being
fatigued with the day's march, all retired early to
rest, little dreaming that upon such lovely eve, such
awful morn should rise. Brave, happy souls, little do
you anticipate the horrors of the next twenty-four
hours! All was quiet during the night until reveille,
which was sounded before day, when we fell into
ranks for roll call, the last for so many gallant men,
who on this eventful day were to pour out their life's
blood for freedom and the right, as God gave them
to see the right, and to go to that bourne from
whence no traveler returns.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy199" n="199"/>
      <div1 type="chapter18">
        <head>Chapter XVIII</head>
        <pb id="cboy200" n="200"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>Finishing Roll Call.</item>
            <item>March to the Field.</item>
            <item>Inspection of Arms.</item>
            <item>Fearful Artillery Duel.</item>
            <item>The Charge.</item>
            <item>Killed and Wounded.</item>
            <item>Army Retires.</item>
            <item>Crosses the Potomac.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy201" n="201"/>
        <p>PROCEEDING with the roll call, the officers and
men of Company D were: Captain R. H. Bane,
Lieutenants E. M. Stone, John W. Mullins and E.
R. Walker; non-commissioned, Sergeants T. S.
Taylor, W. H. H. Snidow, the writer; Corporals 
A. J. Thompson, Daniel Bish, George C. Mullins, 
J. B. Young; Privates Akers, Barrett, Crawford, Darr,
Fortner (J. H.), Fortner (W. C.), Hight, Hurt (J. J.), 
Jones, Lewy (Jo), Meadows (Anderson),
Meadows (John), Minnich, Munsey, Peters, Sarver
(D. L.), Sublett, Stafford, Wilburn (G. L.) and
Wilburn (W. I.). Total, 31, being all of Company D
present that I recall. I believe this to be correct.</p>
        <p>James B. Croy had been detailed to drive beef
cattle; Alexander Bolton belonged to the ambulance
corps, and Charles A. Hale was company cook.
During the terrific artillery duel, which followed,
Captain Bane and Lieutenant Mullins were
prostrated by heat, from which they did not
recover for some days. Lieutenant Stone had been
assigned to the command of Company E of the
regiment, which had no commissioned officer
present. Lieutenant Walker was left in command
of our company, and just as the artillery duel was
about closing, and but a few 
<pb id="cboy202" n="202"/>
minutes before the general advance began, I
was knocked out of ranks by a bursting
shell, of which more later. The company
therefore went into the charge with but 28
men, counting Lieutenant Stone leading
Company E, and Young, color guard. The
three brigades of Pickett's division present
were Garnett's, Kemper's and Armistead's,
composed of fifteen Virginia regiments,
numbering in the aggregate that morning
about 4,700 men, which included the
General's staff, and regimental officers, of
which there was the full complement;
Colonel W. Tazwell Patton, commanding
the 7th Virginia regiment, being the only
field officer of the regiment then present.
The division, from the major-general down,
was composed of Virginians, many of them
mere boys, and the probability is that the
average age of the men in the ranks,
including the line officers, did not exceed
19 years. I had just passed my eighteenth
birthday. In the division were companies
from the counties of Bedford, Campbell,
Franklin, Patrick, Henry, Floyd,
Montgomery, Pulaski, Giles, Craig, Mercer,
Madison, Orange, Culpeper,
Rappahannock, Greene, Albemarle,
Carroll, Appomattox, Pittsylvania, Prince
Edward, Norfolk, Nansemond, and others;
and from the cities of Richmond,
Lynchburg, Norfolk and
Portsmouth  -  volunteers all, many of them
school
<pb id="cboy203" n="203"/>
boys who had entered the service at the
commencement of the war, and becoming
fully inured to the service.</p>
        <p>Our brigade, commanded by the gallant
and impetuous General James L. Kemper,
was in front during the morning's march,
and as we formed into battle line held the
right, Garnett's brigade on the left,
Armistead's a little to the left and rear. The
line was formed as early as 7 o'clock A. M.
Inspection of arms was had and everything
put in readiness for the engagement then
imminent. We moved out of a skirt of
woods, went forward a short distance into
a field, on which was standing a crop of rye
not yet harvested. Our position was now
on Seminary Ridge, four hundred yards or
so back from the top, under the crest; the
line formed somewhat obliquely to the
Emmettsburg road in front of us, with the
Confederate batteries on the crest four
hundred yards or more in front of us.
Pickett's division was to lead the assault,
the wings supported on the right by
Wilcox's brigade, Heth's division under
General Pettigrew, supported by the
brigades of Scales and Lane, under
General Trimble, for the purpose of
supporting the left: all obstructions
cleared away from the immediate front.</p>
        <p>In the formation thus made, arms were
stacked
<pb id="cboy204" n="204"/>
and we, with the understanding that when two
signal guns were fired, to take arms and lie flat on
the ground. All along the Confederate front was
massed our artillery, perhaps 75 or more guns.
The Federal artillery, 220 guns, along their whole
front. The lines of the two armies, now held as by
a leash, were 1,430 yards from each other, the
distance between the opposing batteries an average
of a little more than 1,000 yards. The Federal guns
exceeded ours in number and quality of metal.</p>
        <p>Now the suspense was something awful. The
men were grave and thoughtful, but showed no
signs of fear. The multitude awaiting judgment
could not be more seriously impressed with what
was now about to follow. However, a soldier in the
field rarely thought his time to die had exactly
arrived  -  that is, it would be the other fellow's
time  -  and well it was so. Occasionally a man was
met who had made up his mind that the next
battle would be his last. Men have been known to
have such presentiment and sure enough be killed
in the next engagement. Such was true of our
gallant Colonel Patton, who yielded up his
promising young life in this battle.</p>
        <p>The issue of the campaign and of the Civil War
itself, as history shows, was now trembling in the
balance. Victory or defeat to either side
<pb id="cboy205" n="205"/>
would be in effect a settlement of the issues
involved; this the officers and men seemed clearly
to realize. Under such conditions all were
impatient of the restraint. To the brave soldier
going into battle, knowing he must go, the
moments seem to lengthen. This feeling is not
born of his love for fighting, but it is rather the
nervous anxiety to determine the momentous issue
as quickly as possible, without stopping to count
the cost, realizing if it must be done, “it were well
it were done quickly.” Over-confidence pervaded
the Confederate army, from the commanding
general down to the shakiest private in the ranks.
Too much over-confidence was the bane of our
battle. For more than six long hours the men were
waiting, listening for the sound of the signal guns.
The stillness was at last broken: the shot was
fired: down, according to program, went the men
on their faces.</p>
        <p>Now began the most terrible artillery duel that
beyond question ever took place on the American
continent, or, the writer believes, anywhere else.
Never had a storm so dreadful burst upon mortal
man. The atmosphere was rent and broken by the
rush and crash of projectiles  -  solid shot,
shrieking, bursting shells. The sun but a few
minutes before so brilliant was now darkened.
Through this smoky darkness came the missiles
<pb id="cboy206" n="206"/>
of death, plowing great furrows of destruction
among our men, whole columns going down like
grass before the scythe. The scene of carnage and
death beggars description. Not for the world would
the writer look upon such a sight again. In any
direction might be seen guns, swords, haversacks,
heads, limbs, flesh and bones in confusion or
dangling in the air or bounding on the earth. The
ground shook as if in the throes of an earthquake.
The teamsters, two or more miles away, declared
that the sash in the windows of buildings where
they were shook and chattered as if shaken by a
violent wind. Over us, in front, behind, in our
midst, through our ranks and everywhere, came
death-dealing missiles. I am reminded by this
awful scene, produced by this fearful artillery fire,
of the remark made by Colonel Stephen D. Lee,
commanding Confederate artillery at Sharpsburg,
to one of his artillery officers after the battle:
“Sharpsburg was artillery hell.” Be this as it may,
the artillery fire at Sharpsburg was not
comparable to that of the third day at Gettysburg.
During all this nearly two hours of horror the men
remained steadfast at their posts - excepting those
who had not been knocked out of place by shell and
shot.</p>
        <p>It must not be supposed that men were not
alarmed, for doubtless many a poor fellow
<pb id="cboy207" n="207"/>
thought his time had come  - and pray? Yes, great
big, stout-hearted men prayed, loudly, too, and
they were in earnest, for if men ever had need of
the care and protection of our Heavenly Father, it
was now.</p>
        <p>The position was a trying one, indeed; much
more so than had we been engaged in close
combat, and quite as perilous, for then we should
not have felt so much the terrible strain, could we
have rendered blow for blow; but it was as if we
were placed where we were for target practice for
the Union batteries. To the left of my position, and
not thirty feet away, eight men were killed or
wounded by one shot, while still nearer to me a
solid shot trounced a man, lifting him three feet
from the earth, killing him but not striking him.
Many of the shots causing much damage were
from enfilading fire from a Union battery at the
Cemetery.</p>
        <p>I feel confident in stating that not less than 300
of Pickett's men were killed or injured by artillery
fire.</p>
        <p>Near 2:50 P. M., as the artillery fire had
practically ceased, there came the order, “Fall in!”
and brave General Pickett, coming close by where
I lay wounded, called out: “Up, men, and to your
posts! Don't forget today that you are from old
Virginia!” The effect of this word
<pb id="cboy208" n="208"/>
upon the men was electrical. The regiments were
quickly in line, closing to the left over the dead and
wounded - the ranks now reduced by the losses
occasioned by the shelling to about 4,400 men of
the division, and I am satisfied that Kemper's
brigade, the smallest of the division, did not then
number over 1,250. The advance now began, the
men calling out to the wounded and others:
“Goodbye, boys! Goodbye!” Unable to move, I could
not accompany this advance  -   did not see, hear,
observe or know what thereafter happened only
from the statement of others. I will not attempt to
state, but for a reasonable and fair report thereof
will give the published statement of an intelligent
Union soldier (a <sic corr="Massachusetts">Massachusets</sic> man) who observed
the movement of Pickett's division, which is as
follows:</p>
        <div2 type="soldier's account">
          <p>“But what is Gettysburg, either in its first
day's Federal defeat, or its second day's
terrible slaughter around Little Round Top
without the third day's immortal charge by
Pickett and his brave Virginians! * * * Then
Pickett and his brave legions stood up and
formed for the death struggle: three remnants
of brigades, consisting of Garnett's  -  the 8th,
18th, 19th, 28th and 56th Virginia;
Armistead's brigade - the 9th, 14th, 38th, 53d, 
57th Virginia; Kemper's
<figure id="figure7" entity="johnst208"><p>CORPORAL JESSE B. 
YOUNG</p></figure>
<pb id="cboy209" n="209"/>
brigade  -  1st, 3d, 7th, 11th, 24th Virginia. 
Their tattered flags bore the scars of a score of
battles, and from their ranks the merciless
bullet had already taken two-thirds their
number. In compact ranks: their front
scarcely covering two of Hancock's brigades,
with flags waiving as if for a gala day. * * * It
was nearly a mile to the Union lines, and as
they advanced over the open plain the Federal
artillery opened again, plowing great lanes
through their solid ranks, but they closed up
to guide center, as if upon dress parade. When
half way over, Pickett halted his division
amidst a terrible fire of shot and shell, and
changed his direction by an oblique
movement, coolly and beautifully made. * * *
To those who have ever faced artillery fire it is
marvellous and unexplainable how human
beings could have advanced under the terrific
fire of a hundred cannon, every inch of air
being laden with the missiles of death; but in
splendid formation they still came bravely on
till within range of the musketry; then the
blue line of Hancock's corps arose and poured
into their ranks a murderous fire. With a wild
yell the rebels pushed on
<pb id="cboy210" n="210"/>
unfalteringly, crossed the Federal lines and
laid hands upon eleven cannon.</p>
          <p>“Men fired into each other's faces; there
were bayonet thrusts, cutting with sabres,
hand-to-hand contests, oaths, curses, yells
and hurrahs. The Second corps fell back
behind the guns to allow the use of grape and
double cannister, and as it tore through the
rebel ranks at only a few paces distant, the
dead and wounded were piled in ghastly
heaps; still on they came up to the very
muzzles of their guns; they were blown away
from the cannon's mouth, but yet they did not
waiver. Pickett had taken the key to the
position, and the glad shout of victory was
heard, as, the very impersonation of a soldier,
he still forced his troops to the crest of
Cemetery Ridge. Kemper and Armistead
broke through Hancock's line, scaled the hill
and planted their flags on its crest. Just
before Armistead was shot, he placed his flag
upon a captured cannon and cried: ‘Give them
the cold steel, boys!’ But valor could do no
more, the handful of braves had won
immortality, but could not conquer an army.
* * * Pickett, seeing his supports gone, his
Generals Kemper, Armistead and Garnett
killed or wounded, every
<pb id="cboy211" n="211"/>
field officer of three brigades gone,
three-fourths of his men killed or captured,
himself untouched, but broken-hearted, gave
the order for retreat, but, band of heroes as
they were, they fled not; but amidst that still
continuous, terrible fire, they slowly, sullenly,
recrossed the plain  -  all that was left of them,
but few of five thousand.”</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <p>Pickett's division was the only organized body of
Confederates that crossed the stone fence. In a
letter of General Kemper to me he gives a short
description, and but brief, of this wonderful
charge, in which he states: “I think General
Garnett and myself were the only officers of
Pickett's division who went into the battle
mounted and remained mounted until shot down.
My recollection is that I fell just about the time
our men began to give back. I was close enough to
the enemy to distinguish features and expressions
of faces, and thought I observed and could identify
the individual who shot me. Quickly afterwards a
Federal officer, with several of his men, took
possession of me, placing me on a blanket, started
to carry me, as he said, to a Federal surgeon,
when some of our men, firing over my body,
recaptured me and carried me to our rear.</p>
          <p>“As to how the three brigades of our division
<pb id="cboy212" n="212"/>
advanced in line of battle when the artillery ceased
firing; as to how the gaps were closed up as men
fell and the general alignment was well preserved;
as to the cul-de-sac of death, our unsupported, or
very badly supported division was hurled into; as
to the last unavailing grapple with the
overwhelming numbers of the enemy: all these are
matters about which you doubtless know as much
as I do.”</p>
          <p>As already stated, it was 1,430 yards from our
position to that occupied by the Union infantry; it
was practically open field. It was the longest
charge in open ground under heavy fire that our
troops were ever required to make. Indeed, this
was the most remarkable charge made in the
annals of warfare.</p>
          <p>The Union army, under General Burnside, at
the Battle of Fredericksburg against Marye's Hill,
made as many as fourteen distinct charges as
brave and gallant as were ever made by any
soldiers, at some points leaving their dead within a
few yards of the Confederate lines, but each time
repulsed with heavy loss, but the fact must not be
overlooked that these charging columns had fairly
good cover to within four hundred yards of the
Confederate line.</p>
          <p>Had the Confederate assaulting column had a
shorter run with protected cover, it is almost certain 
<pb id="cboy213" n="213"/>
that the Union lines would have been broken,
the Federal army cut in twain, forced to rapid
retreat to avoid capture or destruction. Again, it is
manifest that had the Federal army been in the
open on the third day as on the first and for most
part on the second day, General Meade's Union
army would have been crushed. As it was, in a
well-protected position, and the battle well
conducted by General Meade, he barely escaped
defeat  -  too badly crippled to promptly pursue the
Confederates.</p>
          <p>General Meade was a good soldier, and the
Union army of the Potomac made a splendid fight.
No doubt General Meade and the Army of the
Potomac were proud of their achievement at
Gettysburg, for they had been hammered so much
and so often by the Army of Northern Virginia that
they doubtless expected the same old bill of 
fare. A little relief was comforting; the
other fellows were now sore, for Gettysburg battle
was a sad and gloomy one for the Army of
Northern Virginia and the Confederacy, but the
survivors had not lost their old-time spirit; they
soon recuperated, and were themselves again
ready for the fray.</p>
          <p>In the battles from the Rapidan to the James in
the Spring and Summer of 1864, the soldiers of the
Army of Northern Virginia showed that
<pb id="cboy214" n="214"/>
they had not lost their old-time spirit, pluck, and
fighting qualities, and if the more than twenty
thousand men lost by General Lee at Gettysburg
had been with him in the Wilderness, in the
Spring of 1864, General Grant would not have
reached the James by that route. At Gettysburg
General Meade had about 105,000 men; General
Lee about 62,000. These figures are given by
Colonel Taylor, a member of General Lee's staff,
and adjutant-general of the army, taken, as he
states, from the official records. General Meade
himself states his strength not less than 95,000
men. The Federal loss was 23,049; Confederate,
20,451.</p>
          <p>The loss in Pickett's division was 2,888; in
Kemper's brigade, 58 killed, 356 wounded and 317
captured. In the 7th Virginia regiment the loss
was 67. In Company D, David C. Akers, Daniel
Bish, Jesse Barrett and John P. Sublett were
killed; Lieutenant E. R. Walker and E. M. Stone,
Sergeant Taylor and myself, Corporal Young,
Privates William C. Fortner, James H. Fortner, 
J. J. Hurt, John F. Jones (leg amputated), John
Meadows, W. W. Muncey and D. L. Sarver,
wounded, and John W. Hight captured; total 
17  -  over sixty per cent of the number led into
action. By this statement it will be seen that my
Company D came out of the Battle of
<pb id="cboy215" n="215"/>
Gettysburg with but 11 men. J. B. Young belonged
to the color guard of the 7th regiment. The color
bearer, Lieutenant Watson, with his guards, eight
sergeants and corporals going into the battle were
all either killed or wounded. Our colors fell into the
hands of the 82d New York infantry, commanded
by Captain John Darrow. Corporal Young was the
eighth man who had the colors during the fight,
carrying them within a few feet of the enemy's line
behind the stone fence, where he was wounded and
captured. The colors were then taken by  - Tolbert, a
mere boy of ours, who bore them forward to the
stone fence, where he intended to plant them, but
was shot in the head. The colors were then
grabbed by the man who fired the shot and carried
back into the Union lines.</p>
          <p>The loss in officers in Pickett's division was
something fearful to contemplate. General Garnett
was killed, Armistead mortally and Kemper
dangerously wounded. Of the whole complement of
generals and field officers, aggregating about 48,
only one lieutenant-colonel was left. The division
was nearly annihilated. General Kemper fell into
the enemy's hands in field hospital the second day
after he was wounded. So bad was his wound, and
he was believed to be so near death, that a coffin
was prepared for him, which
<pb id="cboy216" n="216"/>
he refused to use. He survived, and afterwards
became Governor of Virginia, serving with
distinction and much honor from his countrymen.
During his gubernatorial term he carried in his
hip a leaden bullet of standard weight and size.</p>
          <p>Of the wounded in Company D, Lieutenant
Stone, Corporal Young, Privates William C.
Fortner, James H. Fortner, Jones, Hurt and the
writer fell into the hands of the enemy; Stone,
Young, William C. Fortner, Jones and Hurt on the
field; James H. Fortner and the writer the second
day thereafter in the field hospital. Several of the
men of Company D in the charge went over the
stone wall, only a few getting back, among them
Sergeant Taylor, and he wounded. Thomas N.
Mustain, a valiant soldier, transferred from
Company D to the 57th Virginia regiment, went
over the stone wall, and while lying under the
captured Union batteries was severely wounded in
the neck.</p>
          <p>Company E of the 7th regiment had four men
-  Alec Legg, John Canady, Willis Welch and
Joseph Welch  -  killed during the artillery duel by
the explosion of a shell. The company carried into
the charge but one officer, Lieutenant Stone, and
seventeen men, all of whom except one man were
killed, wounded or captured.</p>
          <p>Recurring to the wounding of myself at the
<pb id="cboy217" n="217"/>
closing of the artillery duel, I was at my post on
the left of the regiment, which threw me under the
shade of a friendly apple tree which chanced to
stand there. I lay down near Colonel Mayo, of the
3d regiment, and Colonel Patton of the 7th, near
the feet of the latter. A little before the artillery fire
ceased, a Union battery at the Cemetery on our left
front had on us an enfilading fire with accurate
range, which threw shell and solid shot into our
ranks. A shell from this battery struck the heads
of two men of the 3d regiment, taking them off
above the ears, exploding almost on me, not only
killing the two men and wounding me, but also
wounding Lieutenant Brown of the 7th regiment,
and another, who lay close on my right. Just a
moment before this shell came, I had raised my
head up to get, if possible, a breath of fresh air,
whereupon Lieutenant Brown said to me: “You had
better put your head down or you may get it
knocked off.” I replied: “A man had about as well
die that way as to suffocate for want of air.” The
words had scarcely escaped my lips when the shell
exploded, which for a few moments deprived me of
my breath and sensibility; I found myself lying off
from the position I was in when struck, gasping for
breath. My ribs on left side were broken, some
fractured, left lung badly contused, and
<pb id="cboy218" n="218"/>
left limbs and side paralyzed. My Colonel Patton,
sprang to his feet inquiring if I was badly hurt. I
asked for water, the first thing a wounded man
wants, and the Colonel had it brought to me. The
marvel is that I escaped the explosion of that shell
without being torn to shreds. Harry Snidow and
another of my old company brought a blanket,
placing it at the base of the apple tree, where they
set me up against the tree. Just then the order came
for the men to fall in for the charge, which has
already been described. Colonel Mayo, after the
war, describing this day's battle and the part taken
by our division, refers to me as “one left for dead
under that apple tree.” I still live, while the brave
and good Colonel has passed to the Great Beyond.</p>
          <p>In a few minutes after the men moved forward,
the “litter bearers” picked me up and bore me back
into the woods to our field hospital, where our
surgeons, Drs. Oliver and Worthington, did for me
all in their power. About dark I was removed by
ambulance to the shed of a farmer's barn, a mile or
more away, on Willoughby Run, to the place where
General Kemper had been removed, the farmer
placing him in his dwelling house. I visited this same
house twenty-two years later, where I saw
distinctly the stains of General Kemper's blood on
the floor. The shed in
<pb id="cboy219" n="219"/>
which I was placed was filled with the wounded and
dying. Throughout that long night and until a little
before dawn, I spoke to no one, and no one to me,
never closed my eyes in sleep; the surgeons close
by being engaged in removing the limbs of those
necessary to be amputated, and all night long I
heard nothing but the cries of the wounded and the
groans of the dying, the agonies of General Kemper,
who lay near by, being frequently heard. Everything
in the barn was dark, but near dawn I discovered a
flickering light advancing toward me: it was borne
by John W. Grubb, of our regiment, who had been
sent by our surgeon to look after me. Comrade
Grubb was very kind to me, preparing for me a day
or two later a bed and shelter in the orchard, to
which I was removed, but he was taken away a
prisoner by the Federals.</p>
          <p>During the morning of Sunday many of our
wounded men were brought in, among them
Captain John H. Parr, adjutant of the 7th regiment,
and Lieutenant Lewis Bane of the 24th regiment.
Some of these wounded men died during the day.</p>
          <p>During Sunday night and the following day the
Confederate army was withdrawing from the field.
Our brigade surgeon, Dr. Morton, and General
Early made visits to the field hospital, urging all the
men able to ride in wagons to go,
<pb id="cboy220" n="220"/>
of which a goodly number availed
themselves. Shortly after the Confederate
rear guard had passed the field hospital
where I was, the Federal advance guard
appeared, the Federal surgeons taking
charge of us.</p>
          <p>Lee's army continued the retreat into
Virginia, and I did not join my command
for service for four months after, at
Taylorsville.</p>
        </div2>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy221" n="221"/>
      <div1 type="chapter19">
        <head>Chapter XIX</head>
        <pb id="cboy222" n="222"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>Sketches and Incidents While a Wounded
Prisoner.</item>
            <item>How Long in the Field Hospital.</item>
            <item>The Walk to Gettysburg and Kindness Shown Me by a
Federal Captain.</item>
            <item>In Box Cars and Ride to Baltimore. </item>
            <item>What Occurred in Baltimore. </item>
            <item>To Chester, Pa. </item>
            <item>Dr. Schafer and Another. </item>
            <item>Paroled and Back to Dixie.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy223" n="223"/>
        <p>THE Federal surgeon who took charge of us in the
field hospital at Gettysburg made an examination
of my wound and gave instructions that I should
receive no solid food, but be fed lemonade and
spirits. Up to this time and for days subsequent I
wanted no food, having no desire for it. A Union
soldier from Ohio was my nurse, who treated me
with kindness. This soldier would get the daily
Philadelphia newspapers and read to me the war
news. Among other things, that Lee's army, badly
broken, was making rapid retreat for Virginia;
that the loyal Potomac was at high tide, could not
be crossed; that General Meade's army was
pushing the Confederates, would soon be up with
them; then the following day he read that Lee's
army was around Williamsport, could not get
away; that Meade's army was now up and
preparing for attack, only waiting the arrival of
food supplies and ammunition. When receiving
these papers and reading to me, the soldier's face
was all aglow with joyous expression, to which he
gave voice by saying: “The rebels will all be
captured and that will end the war.” To this I
could only smile inwardly. July 13 my nurse, with
his paper and a smile, came to read me the news. I
was prepared for
<pb id="cboy224" n="224"/>
the worst  -  but when he read, it was that General
Meade was now up, fully ready, and the attack
would be made tomorrow, when Lee and his army
would be captured, or driven into the river.
Morning came, and the nurse and his paper, but
as he approached I noted quite a change in his
expression; he read, when General Meade moved
out to attack the rebel army, behold! “the old fox
had gone,” having crossed the river the night
before!</p>
        <p>July 20 we were ordered to be removed from the
field hospital, but to what place we did not know. A
Union captain of Pennsylvania, with a squad of
soldiers, conducted us to the railway station at
Gettysburg nearly a mile away. I should not have
gone, as the journey came near finishing me up.
The captain was exceedingly kind, affording me all
the help in his power. The whole of the wounded
squad was put aboard box cars at night, landing in
Baltimore at dawn, I more dead than alive. I felt
sure, as the rough train rolled along, that I was
near death. John H. Peck, of the 24th Virginia,
who had a wound in the head, was with us, and by
encouragement and otherwise rendered me much
assistance.</p>
        <p>In Baltimore the cars were run up far into the
city, where we left the train, being immediately
surrounded by a cordon of soldiers and police,
<pb id="cboy225" n="225"/>
with a number of ladies, men and boys, who
endeavored to supply us with food, but were beaten
off by the guards, who quickly landed us inside the
high plank fence surrounding the grounds of West
Building Hospital. The ladies again renewed their
efforts to supply us with food by tossing it over the
high fence, but were repulsed by the soldiers'
bayonets  -  which we still think was a mean act.
With James H. Fortner, of my company, who had a
severe flesh wound in the thigh, I lay down beside
the fence in the shade, unable to move further. In
an hour or less an order came to get into ranks.
Neither Fortner nor myself moved, being
determined to remain and take chances. Fortunate
for us that we remained, for the poor fellows who
marched away landed in Point Lookout prison; the
men seriously wounded, however, being sent to
hospital at Chester, Pennsylvania, I among the
number, with Fortner. I had requested Fortner to
remain with me, for should I die he could inform
my people. After comrades had marched away,
Fortner and I dragged ourselves into the hospital
building, lying down on the bare floor.</p>
        <p>During the evening two ladies came in where we
were, one of whom inquired: “Where are you from?”
“Virginia,” I answered. “Then you are not more
than half rebels.” Replying, I said:
<pb id="cboy226" n="226"/>
“Well, I am a full-blooded rebel, whatever the
people of Virginia may be.” From their constant
glances at each other and toward the door, and
from the expressions on their faces, I was well
satisfied that at heart they were true Southern
spirits, angels of mercy, and had used the above
language to us fearing the walls had ears.
Presently one inquired if we wanted anything to
eat, and being told we would be glad to have milk,
they furnished it and departed.</p>
        <p>That night we were placed on cots near each
other, in a clean, airy room. Fortner, in
endeavoring to assist me to rise, fell on his
wounded leg, which caused him great pain. The
second night thereafter, we were placed in box cars,
passing next day through Wilmington, Delaware,
where a curious, motley crowd gathered to see us;
they peeped and peered at us as if astonished that
we did not have hoofs and horns. That evening we
reached Chester, on the Delaware, where we were
placed in hospital (now Crozer Theological
Seminary). Here we met a number of the men we
had parted from in Baltimore, among them John
H. Peck and J. B. Young, the latter of Company D.
The surgeon of our ward was Dr. Schafer of
Philadelphia, who was kind to us. He however,
soon went away, being succeeded by a 
doctor from Franklin County  -  a Virginia 
<pb id="cboy227" n="227"/>
renegade, who was insulting, mean and
cowardly, and the wounded gave him many a hard
thrust.</p>
        <p>While in this hospital several ladies and
gentlemen from the State of Connecticut came into
the ward, engaging me in conversation about the
war, saying among other things that the South in
seceding was wrong and unjustifiable, that the
proper course, or that which should have been
pursued, was to fight in the Union. To which I
replied that they were in some respects much like
many of the Northern people who encouraged the
South to take action, that they would be with us,
but when the test came were found on the other
side. Again, that I could not see well how we could
remain in the Union and at the same time try to
strangle and destroy the government of which we
claimed to be a part; that it was certain, had we
done so and been overthrown, we would have been
traitors sure enough and most likely have gone to
the gibbet.</p>
        <p>After a stay at Chester of thirty days or less, all
who desired to go South were paroled, I among the
number, and were transported by boat to City
Point, thence by rail to Richmond. The authorities
ordered us to Camp Lee, a Confederate recruiting
station near the city. This we did not like, and a
few of us determined to go home, or
<pb id="cboy228" n="228"/>
to our commands, and we made the start, but were
halted a little way out of the city by some local
troops, who charged us with an effort to desert. We
explained the situation, but this did not satisfy them.
I met with a Confederate enrolling officer, who
kindly took me home with him, giving me written
pass to my command, then in camp on the Rapidan,
whither I went, and was quite a surprise to Drs.
Morton and Worthington and my comrades, who
told me that they supposed me dead. Dr. Morton,
who was wearing a soft felt black hat, said to me:
“When I left you in the field hospital at Gettysburg I
never expected to see you again in life. You were
as black in the face as this hat.” I soon had furlough
and went home, where I remained until the first of
November, when I learned I had been exchanged,
and at once left to rejoin my command.</p>
        <p>I forgot to relate an incident worthy of mention,
at least to me. In the hospital at Chester, when Dr.
Schafer already referred to examined me, he said:
“Young man, do you know you are nearly dead?” I
gasped for breath, saying: “I think it quite possible.”
Placing a small bottle of something within my reach,
he charged me to take of this when inclined to
cough, without waiting until the coughing began, for
he said:
<pb id="cboy229" n="229"/>
“If you have a spell of coughing you would surely
die of hemorrhage in ten minutes.” He then
procured for me a nurse, an Irishman, the father of
two sons in the Union army, who had been in the
Battle of Shiloh, Tenn. In speaking fondly of these
boys he wept like a child. Fortunate it was that I fell
into the hands of this kindly-hearted man, for a
mother could not have cared more tenderly for her
son than he did for me. Such cases confirm the fact
that human sympathy asserts itself even in the
rancors of war.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy231" n="231"/>
      <div1 type="chapter20">
        <head>Chapter XX</head>
        <pb id="cboy232" n="232"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>Return to My Command. </item>
            <item>Long Stay at Taylorsville in November and December, 
1863, and Part of January, 1864. </item>
            <item>Dr. Blackwell's Address. </item>
            <item>Our Second North Carolina Campaign.</item>
            <item>General and Mrs. Pickett and Baby George. </item>
            <item>Back in Virginia.</item>
            <item>The Advance to Newbern.</item>
            <item>Capture and Execution of Deserters. </item>
            <item>In Camp at Goldsboro. </item>
            <item>Shooting a Confederate Deserter. </item>
            <item>The Shoemaker's Letter.</item>
            <item>Wilmington and Mouth of Cape Fear. </item>
            <item>Return and to Tarboro. </item>
            <item>The Capture of Plymouth, N. C. </item>
            <item>To Washington and Newbern. </item>
            <item>Return to Virginia.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy233" n="233"/>
        <p>I JOINED my command, then at Taylorsville,
Virginia, whither it had been sent to
rendezvous and recruit, at the same time
guarding the bridges over the North and South
Anna rivers. Our long stay at Taylorsville during
the months of November and December, 1863, and
for part of January, 1864, gave ample opportunity to
discuss the serious aspect of affairs. We had
received a stunning blow at Gettysburg, evidenced
by the absence forever of brave men whose places
could not be supplied. Naturally the query was
often made, how long will the war last? When will
it end? What are our prospects for success? Will it
continue until the last man falls? What do the
Northern people mean? Is it their intention to
subjugate the states, and overthrow the citadel of
liberty itself? They call us rebels  -  can a sovereign
be a rebel? We had been taught that the states
were sovereign and that their governments were
instituted to secure certain inalienable rights, with
which their Creator had endowed them  -  among
these, life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness,
and that the security of all these resided with the
states and the people thereof, and not with their
Federal agent. These and many other matters
were discussed, and the
<pb id="cboy234" n="234"/>
general conclusion arrived at was: we will have to
fight it out.</p>
        <p>In the last days of November, the Federal army,
under General Meade, crossed the Rapidan,
making a feint as if to attack the Army of
Northern Virginia, but instead re-crossed the
river, seeming to have crossed for no other purpose
than to cross back again. We had orders to be
ready to go to General Lee's aid.</p>
        <p>While at Taylorsville the Rev. Dr. Blackwell,
who had resided in the cities of Norfolk and
Portsmouth, Virginia, during General Butler's
reign of terror therein, delivered to our brigade a
lecture on Butler, his troops, and the noble women
of those cities. After describing the insults of the
Federal soldiery, and the sacrifices and heroic
conduct of the women, he pronounced upon them
an eulogy, a part only of which is recalled, and is
now here reproduced; he began by saying:</p>
        <div2 type="lecture">
          <p>“Woman is lovely, but not a goddess. We
call her angel, but she has no wings to soar
quite beyond the bounds of terrene. She is the
loveliest form of beauty known to earth, and
presents the purest type of that sweet
companionship that awaits us in the bright
land of the hereafter; but still she is flesh and
blood, loves to steal from the bowers 
<pb id="cboy235" n="235"/>
of her paradise and dwell with men,
mingle in the common concerns and partake
of the common infirmities of the human race.
As the graceful vine entwines itself around
the sturdy oak when riven by the lightnings
of Heaven, so she, though the feebler, gentler
sex, is the prop upon which the sterner sex in
the midst of revolution often leans for repose.
* * * And when the history of this revolution
is fully written, these noble women will stand
in the front ranks of that illustrious galaxy of
Southern females whose heroic acts and
beauteous deeds have illuminated our
Heavens, and thrown a halo of fadeless glory
around the noble women of Norfolk and
Portsmouth.”</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <p>Our General Pickett was married, as I now
recall, in September, 1863, in Petersburg, Virginia,
to Miss Corbell, a lovely, highly cultivated Virginia
woman who occasionally rode with the General
through our camps, attending the division review.
Later, when Baby George arrived, he was exhibited
in the camps, the soldiers eagerly fondling him;
nor was his linen as spotless or his humor as sweet
when handed back to his mother or nurse as when
the boys received him.</p>
          <p>The General and boy have both passed to the
Great Beyond, but the lovely wife and mother
<pb id="cboy236" n="236"/>
still lives to brighten the memories of husband and
son, the noble dead of the division, and to cheer the
hearts of the brave men who counted it the honor of
their lives to have marched with the noble Pickett,
made famous for all time to come by his charge at
Gettysburg, now celebrated in song and literature.</p>
          <p>Our rations were not abundant while at
Taylorsville; one pint of unsieved meal and a quarter
of a pound of bacon per day. Coffee was made of
parched wheat rye, and sometimes of rice when we
had it. Occasionally the men managed to get turnips
or potatoes, of which they made fairly good soup.
There was so little of the bacon that we could not
afford to fry it, so we generally ate it raw, with an
ash or Johnny cake; we had but few cooking
utensils, and had need of few.</p>
          <p>Religious services were held when possible; the
weather for the most part was too inclement to
have open air services, and we had no church. Such
services as were had were generally in the messes,
or conducted in the quarters of J. Tyler Frazier, to
which all were invited.</p>
          <p>Being under orders to march, our preparations
therefor completed, we took up the movement
January 20, going through Richmond and
Petersburg, where we were put aboard cars and
transported to Goldsboro, N. C., remaining there a
<pb id="cboy237" n="237"/>
few days. Leaving camp at Goldsboro January 29, we
proceeded to Kinston, on the Neuse River, thence
through the swamps and bogs, crossing the Trent
River to the vicinity of Newbern, N. C., where
we made some captures of prisoners and stores,
and blew up a Federal gunboat lying in the river,
under the forts, which was accomplished by
Colonel Wood, with his marines. A section of 3d
New York artillery  -  two guns  -  was captured,
together with several hundred prisoners, among
them 35 or more of the 2d Loyal North Carolina
regiment, who had been soldiers in our army,
deserted, and joined the enemy. These men were
recognized and sent back under guard to Kinston.</p>
          <p>Our people found Newbern better prepared for
defense than was anticipated, and after some strong
reconnaissances on all the roads, gathering up all
the supplies within reach that could be transported,
at dark, February 3, we silently folded our tents and
stole away, floundering all night along through the
swamps and mud, crossing the Trent a little after
dawn. During the night we passed through
extensive turpentine orchards, which the men set
fire to, and by the light of which many sloughs were
avoided. Our movement continued until Kinston was
reached, where we rested a few days.</p>
          <pb id="cboy238" n="238"/>
          <p>The next day after reaching Kinston the
court martial was convened for the trial of the 
thirty-five deserters referred to, who had been captured
wearing United States uniforms and with guns in
their hands, fighting under the flag of the enemy.
The guilt of twenty-two of them being fully
established, they were sentenced to be hanged; the
sentence being approved by the department
commander, was carried into execution a few days
thereafter in the vicinity of our camp: a gruesome
piece of business, which duty did not require me to
witness.</p>
          <p>About the middle of February we moved on
westward to Goldsboro. Rations were still short, and
there was some complaint by the farmers of the loss
of hogs. This complaint was not without foundation,
for fresh pork was found in some of the camps, and
the offenders punished, a penalty, as the writer
believes, not deserved. Most of these charges were
made against the 24th Virginia regiment, one against
some of the teamsters of our regiment. A member
of Company D was charged with being the
informant, though he helped eat the hog, but
whether the charge was true or false, the informant
made the disclosure in order to get a furlough, which
he received, but never came back  -  deserted. This
same informant had been wounded at the second
battle of
<pb id="cboy239" n="239"/>
Manassas, and on his return to the command at
Goldsboro claimed that he was not able for service,
taking up lodgings with some of the teamsters. He
wrote a letter to General Lee, which ran about as
follows:</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="letter">
          <p>“Dear General: I am a member of Company 
D, 7th Virginia Infantry. I was wounded
at the second battle of Manassas and am unfit
for duty in the field. I am a pretty fair
shoemaker, and if I can be detailed, I am
willing to render all the services I can.”</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <p>General Lee transmitted the letter to the
regiment and the men had a good deal of fun out of -. 
Soon after he became informant as to
hog stealing, got the furlough, and deserted, as
above stated  -  good riddance to bad rubbish.</p>
          <p>A member of Company B, 7th regiment, who
was under death sentence for desertion, was kept
under strict guard with ball and chain. Late one
evening an order came for his execution the next
day. I carried the order to the officer of the guard,
whose instructions were to double the guard and
see that their guns were loaded. The condemned
man's brother was a member of the guard, who, on
ascertaining that his brother was to be shot the next
day, requested that I send Rev. J. Tyler Frazier to
see him. Frazier happened 
<pb id="cboy240" n="240"/>
to be out of the camp; as soon as he
returned, I accompanied him to see the man, but he
refused to listen to Mr. Frazier; in fact, the man did
not believe he would be shot until the next morning
when the wagon drove up with his coffin and he
was required to ride thereon to the
place of execution, where he died from the fire of a
platoon of men of his own command.</p>
          <p>March 5 we moved by rail to Wilmington, thence
by steamer to Smithfield, near the mouth of the
Cape Fear River. The 24th regiment was sent to
garrison Forts Caswell and Campbell, while we
remained in camp near Smithfield.</p>
          <p>I find in a letter written by me from Smithfield,
March 14, the following: “It has been nine days
since our brigade arrived at this place. One
regiment, the 24th, has been sent to garrison Forts
Caswell and Campbell. I have just returned from a
visit to the former. We crossed over in an open
boat, the distance being two miles. There was quite
a lively time at the forts this morning, when the
blockade runner ‘Lucy,’ in attempting to run in, was
beached, the enemy making attempt to capture her,
but he was driven off by our batteries.”</p>
          <p>Here oysters were cheap and readily procured,
the men cooking them in various ways. Some
roasted them in the shell, some ate them raw, and
<figure id="figure8" entity="johnst240"><p>LIEUTENANT THOMAS 
S. TAYLOR</p></figure>
<pb id="cboy241" n="241"/>
some mixed them in corn dough and baked them.
We did not like the coast and longed for our
Virginia hills. Under orders we left Smithfield
aboard a steamer for Wilmington. The river was full
of torpedoes and we were in dread of being blown
up. The situation was in some measure relieved by
Bill Dean and his Glee Club, who sang: “Oh! Carry
Me Back to Old Virginia Once More.”</p>
          <p>Wilmington was reached Saturday, the 26th, 
where the ground was covered with a light snow,
which increased in depth as we receded from the
coast. We moved by rail from Wilmington to
Goldsboro, where we went into camp until Friday,
the first of April, when the march was again taken
up through snow and mud to Tarboro, thence
through Greenville, crossing over to the waters of
the Roanoke, to the vicinity of Plymouth, N. C.,
where on the 18th a portion of Hoke's brigade (21st
Georgia regiment), assailed late in the evening an
outlying fort, in which assault Colonel Mercer was
killed and the assault repulsed. Later the same
evening this fort was surrounded by a portion of our
brigade with a cloud of sharpshooters and artillery,
which prevented the garrison from handling their
guns, and the fort finally surrendered. The investing
force of
<pb id="cboy242" n="242"/>
the town were the brigades of Ransom, Hoke and
Terry, formerly Kemper's.</p>
          <p>Sergeant William Parrott of Charlottesville and I
that night bore a flag of truce to the enemy's lines,
under which demand for the surrender of the town
was made, but refused. During the night the
Confederate iron clad ram “Albemarle” came down
the Roanoke River and aided in the assault next
morning, when the enemy's works and the town
were carried, the garrison surrendering when all
hope of successful resistance was gone. Our brigade
was moved across the Washington road, whereon
the enemy was attempting to escape. In this
movement we were brought under the fire of the
heavy guns in the forts, which at close range gave us
a severe shelling, whereby quite a number of men of
the brigade were injured  -  a few in our regiment  -  
but two in Company D  -  A. L. Fry and John W.
East  -  slightly wounded. Soon after occupying the
road referred to and close up to the enemy's
entrenchments, there came at a headlong run up to
our line, and before he discovered us, a big, black,
burly negro soldier, the first of his kind we had seen.
The negro was so badly frightened that had it been
possible he would have changed his color.</p>
          <p>The fruits of this victory, at comparatively
<pb id="cboy243" n="243"/>
small cost, were the Federal commander, General
Wessels, and 1,600 prisoners, besides about 700
negroes, 2,000 small arms, and valuable
quartermaster and commissary stores, the capture
and sinking of one or more Federal gunboats. From
the commissary and sutler's stores the men obtained
bountiful supplies of food, underwear, boots and
shoes. The Federal loss in this battle, other than
prisoners, artillery and stores already mentioned, was
41 killed and 59 wounded. The Confederate loss, 124
killed and 174 wounded. Our enjoyment was but
brief, however, for that evening we took the road to
Washington, a town at the head of Pamlico Sound,
marching rapidly, so that by night we were in the
neighborhood of our destination, which early next
morning General Hoke was preparing to invest,
when it was discovered that the enemy had
evacuated it; disgracing themselves and their flag
before their departure by arson and pillage.</p>
          <p>General Hoke, determined to push his successes,
marched immediately upon Newbern, demanding its
surrender, which, being refused, he was preparing
to carry by assault, when he was directed to hasten
to the relief of Petersburg, now threatened by a
strong Federal army under General Butler.</p>
          <p>At Tarboro, B. L. Hoge was taken sick and
<pb id="cboy244" n="244"/>
sent to hospital, and J. B. Croy had been sent on
detached service to the Blackwater region. How
many of Company D were on this expedition to
Plymouth, Washington and Newbern, I am unable to
state, but I know the company had been much
reduced in numbers. Lieutenant Stone was still a
prisoner at Fort Delaware, Lieutenant Walker,
disabled at Gettysburg, had been retired; Captain
Bane and Lieutenant Mullins were the only
commissioned officers with us.</p>
          <p>In May, 1864, the Federal General Butler landed
at City Point, on the James, with an army of more
than 25,000 men, and feeling his way carefully and
slowly toward Petersburg, had on the 9th reached
Swift Creek, three miles north of the city.
Confronting him was General Pickett, with a small
number of Carolina troops, and a few pieces of
artillery. Pickett kept his men so well in hand and so
maneuvered as to conceal from his adversary his
real weakness. In this situation and while the
Confederates were far away, near Newbern, with
the Federals threatening Richmond and Petersburg,
General Hoke, in front of Newbern, received an
order to repair with haste to Petersburg. About dark
on May 6 we left the front of Newbern, the head of
the column directed for Petersburg, about 175 miles
away. The 1st Virginia had hastened through
<pb id="cboy245" n="245"/>
to Kinston, where it obtained railroad transportation,
which carried it to Jarrett's, twenty miles south of
Petersburg. Our column, taking a bee line, moved
night and day, having to halt occasionally at the
tidewater streams to build bridges out of round logs
thrown into the water and fastened together with
grapevines. Reaching Stony Creek, twenty miles or
more south of Petersburg, we found the railroad
bridge destroyed by the Federal cavalry. The
situation at Petersburg was so pressing as to
demand the presence of the troops without delay.
All the rolling stock of every kind of the railroad at
that point was rushed to meet us, and we boarded
the cars just wherever we met them. By 11 o'clock
Thursday, May 12, we were in the city, and General
Butler had lost his opportunity. Never before had we
done such marching. Mr. D. H. Hill, in his
Confederate Military History of North Carolina,
page 248, speaking of this march of General Hoke
from Newbern to Petersburg, says: “This march of
General Hoke's troops stands at West Point as the
most rapid movement of troops on record.”</p>
          <p>Apparently the whole populace, men, women and
children, of Petersburg had gathered to welcome
us, their deliverers from the presence and hand of
General Butler, whose notoriety in New
<pb id="cboy246" n="246"/>
Orleans, Norfolk and Portsmouth had won for him
the appellation “Beast Butler,” a reputation 
world-wide. General Butler was, therefore, regarded by
these people as a menace to the safety of property
and helpless women and children. This is why
everybody in Petersburg shouted for joy when we
entered the city and marched across the
Appomattox to interpose between them and Butler's
troops. We went forward to Swift Creek, taking
position on the east side of the turnpike road in front
of the enemy's skirmishers. The shades of night
now having fallen, we lay on our arms, discovering
next morning by the advance of our skirmishers that
the enemy had withdrawn from our front,
whereupon we proceeded along the road leading to
Richmond, the rear guard being fired upon as we
passed the “Halfway House.” Reaching the outer
defenses of <sic corr="Dreury's">Dreuery's</sic> Bluff, our brigade, now
commanded by Brigadier-General W. R. Terry, was
placed in battle line on the west side of the
aforesaid turnpike road, facing south  -  having by the
day's march placed ourselves between the enemy
and Richmond.</p>
        </div2>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy247" n="247"/>
      <div1 type="chapter21">
        <head>Chapter XXI</head>
        <pb id="cboy248" n="248"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>Battle of Dreury's Bluff. </item>
            <item>The Forces Engaged.</item>
            <item>Casualties. </item>
            <item>The Pursuit of General Butler's Troops.</item>
            <item>Bombardment at Howlett's House. </item>
            <item>The Wounding of Lieutenant John W. Mullins. </item>
            <item>His Death.</item>
            <item>Withdrawal from Howlett's House.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy249" n="249"/>
        <p>GENERAL BEAUREGARD, in command of the
department, arrived on the morning of the 14th, 
having passed with a cavalry escort entirely around
the enemy's left. About noon of the 15th we were
moved to an inner line of defenses, which shortened
the line to be defended; this was made necessary
by the smallness of our force, for it appears that the
Confederates had only 13,000 men with which to
meet Butler's 40,000. This Confederate force was
divided, two or three brigades remaining at
Petersburg under General Whiting. No help could
be had from the Army of Northern Virginia, then
engaged in desperate struggle at Spottsylvania, with
the Federal Army of the Potomac.</p>
        <p>It was made known to us on the evening of the 
15th that at a council of war held by General
Beauregard and his subordinates it had been
determined to attack General Butler's army next
morning at daylight, and that the division of General
Ransom, to which our brigade (Terry's) belonged,
was to lead the attack. Late in the day, Sunday, we
marched toward the James River to a point
overlooking Kingsland Creek, behind which, on the
higher ground beyond, the enemy was in line of
battle in force, sheltered by temporary
<pb id="cboy250" n="250"/>
log breastworks, a small body of Confederate
cavalry guarding the Confederate left. Being
supplied with sixty rounds of cartridges, we lay
down in a skirt of timber near the old stage road
leading from Richmond to Petersburg, a little
more than three-fourths of a mile from the
enemy's line. We were informed that we should
be up at 2 A.M., march forward and open the
battle at daylight. Some who had passed unscathed
through the ordeal of a dozen battles were
to go down on this, among them the gallant boy
Walker, of the 11th regiment, who had borne aloft
and planted on the enemy's works at Gettysburg
the flag of this regiment, having his horse
killed under him there and a number of bullets
through his clothing.</p>
        <p>To fight this battle of Dreury's Bluff was imperative,
and to become the assailants was a necessity,
for if the enemy should maintain his position
then occupied in front of Dreury's Bluff 
(only seven miles below Richmond) and General
Grant continued his flank movement to the James 
River until he formed a junction with General
Butler, the fate of Richmond, and most probably
of the Confederacy, would have been decided
a year earlier; hence this battle, and the necessity
of fighting it successfully, which we did.</p>
        <p>During the early part of the night preceding,
<pb id="cboy251" n="251"/>
I visited the artillery company of Captain David  
A. French, from my county. Captain French
was absent that evening, the company under the
command of his brave Lieutenant D. W. Mason.
Captain French arrived next day during the progress
of the battle. Lieutenant Mason led his
company in the thickest of the fight, sustaining
his already brilliant record as a brave soldier.  
Promptly at 2 A.M. on Monday, the 16th, we
were roused from our slumbers and quickly gotten
into line, discarding all baggage - indeed,
everything that would make a noise calculated to
arouse the enemy. Stealing quietly out of the 
woods, we proceeded down the old stage road,
through a field, across Kingsland Creek, where
we halted, forming a line of battle. The Alabama
brigade of General Gracie, and the North Carolina
brigade of General Hoke, formed the front line,
with Generals Terry's and Fry's commands four
hundred yards in rear, forming the second line.
The assaulting force could not have numbered
four thousand men all told. What was in front
of us we did not know, being already enveloped
by a dense fog. The columns now formed, the
brigade of Gracie led off, ours following at close
distance. The Federal skirmishers in their rifle
pits, alarmed by the commands of our officers,
fired rapidly, but at random, as they could not see
<pb id="cboy252" n="252"/>
us on account of the fog; but their fire aroused their
main line of battle. The ground over which the
attacking column passed was a gradual ascent from
the creek bottom for a distance of three hundred
yards to the summit, then a slight descent for the
same distance to the enemy's battle line, the right of
which rested on a swamp rendered almost
impenetrable on account of the water, thorns and
brambles.</p>
        <p>Terry's brigade, only forty or fifty yards in rear of
Gracie's, reached the summit almost as soon as
Gracie's men, who, as well as ourselves, became
immediately exposed to the enemy's fire, which as
yet was not effective, for they could not see us, and
now as the fire had opened, the smoke therefrom,
together with the dense fog, created a darkness in
which a man could not be seen a few yards away.
General Terry had halted his brigade on the summit,
where it was receiving the enemy's fire, now
becoming more accurate, causing some of the
companies on the right to lie down. Colonel
Flowerree, now commanding the 7th Virginia,
observing this, called out: “Stand up, men! Don't you
see the balls are striking the ground at your feet, and
there is greater danger lying down than standing up.”</p>
        <p>On our immediate right was Barton's brigade,
commanded by Colonel Fry. A part of Gracie's
<pb id="cboy253" n="253"/>
men had gotten close to the enemy's line, meeting
such stubborn resistance that they lay down and our
brigade was ordered forward. Now was the
supreme moment. Such a deafening rebel yell! It
must have given every Yankee in the region
roundabout a cold chill, for to this day they say that
hideous rebel yell was dreaded more than bullets.
Here on this summit we had stood in awful
suspense for twenty minutes or more,
exposed to the enemy's fire. It was therefore a
positive relief to hear the word: “Forward!” And
forward we went, through fog, smoke and leaden
hail. At each volley delivered by the enemy, down
went numbers of our men, and as yet not a man in
our brigade had fired a shot, anxious at least to see
something to shoot at, and to get to closer quarters.</p>
        <p>The 7th Virginia held the left of the brigade line, 
overlapping by three or more companies the left of
Gracie's line. These companies in the headlong rush
saw nothing of Gracie's men, who had halted and
laid down. Now near the enemy's firing line, unable
to get forward on account of the swamp referred to,
Captain Parr, Adjutant, took these three companies
by a double quick to a position on the right wing, but
before this could be accomplished the regiment had
broken the enemy's line  -  that of a New Jersey regiment of
<pb id="cboy254" n="254"/>
Heckman's brigade  -  and crossed his breastworks,
making a right wheel, uniting with the companies led
by Captain Parr, and struck the flank of the 27th
Massachusetts regiment, capturing its Colonel (Lee),
together with its colors, a large number of prisoners,
including General Heckman, the brigade commander,
who was captured by Sergeant Blakey of F
Company, who surrendered his sword to Colonel
Flowerree of our regiment. This incident was
witnessed by the writer. This wheel and attack upon
the enemy's flank and rear had relieved the pressure
on the 1st, 11th and 24th regiments, which for some
minutes before were engaged in a hand-to-hand
contest with the enemy behind their breastworks;
indeed, so close had they gotten that the men did not
take time to return ramrods to their thimbles, but ran
down the cartridges, fired away, filling the logs of the
breastworks and trees with the ramrods. This may be
thought a fish story, but it is absolutely true. French's
Giles County battery of four guns already mentioned
was on the field just to our right and in the hottest of
the battle, suffering loss in making a brave fight.</p>
        <p>The loss in the 1st, 11th and 24th regiments of our
brigade had been severe in officers and men  -  some
companies losing nearly half their
<pb id="cboy255" n="255"/>
number in killed and wounded. The color sergeant
of the 11th regiment had a bayonet fixed to the point
of his color staff, which he used with effect upon
the enemy at the breastworks. The brigade
continued its flank movement along the rear of the
enemy's position until it had cleared the whole of its
original front, and had gained a position looking back
towards Kingsland Creek, where it halted and faced
about, taking possession of the enemy's log
breastworks and fronting the enemy. A short lull
now followed, during which an Irish Sergeant of the
1st regiment came to me talking with J. Tyler
Frazier, and presented me with a fine black felt hat,
lost by some Federal officer in his hurry to get
away, about which hat the sequel will appear later.
In a few minutes the enemy on our right flank was
upon us, and before action could be taken to meet
them, fired a volley enfilading our line, but thanks to
their bad aim and the fact that the men were mostly
lying down, nobody was hurt; however, in making
left wheel to meet this assault, four men were
injured; among them I recall Sergeant Carpenter of
Company A, a gallant soldier, was killed; Sergeant
Fry of D Company in the melee fell  -  he may have
stumped his toe. The Confederate troops on our
right struck the flank of the enemy, who had flanked
us, and
<pb id="cboy256" n="256"/>
repulsed their attack, and with this the battle
virtually ended. Butler was retreating and getting
away  -  a thing he was good at. He had had enough
and was willing to quit. He retired behind his
intrenched line at Bermuda Hundred, where the
Confederates “bottled him up.”</p>
        <p>The Federal casualties in this battle were 422
killed, 2380 wounded, of which 1388 were made
prisoners, together with five stand of colors, of
which four of the colors and 400 of the prisoners
were taken by our brigade, and five field guns were
captured. The Confederate casualties were 514
killed, 1086 wounded. In Terry's brigade the losses
were as follows:</p>
        <list type="casualties">
          <item>1st Virginia . . . .
12 killed, 25 wounded</item>
          <item>7th Virginia . . . . 2 killed, 37 wounded</item>
          <item>11th Virginia . . . . 15 killed, 94 wounded</item>
          <item>24th Virginia . . . . 28 killed, 108 wounded</item>
          <item> - - - - 57 killed, 264 wounded</item>
          <item> Total . . . . 321</item>
        </list>
        <p>The brave Colonel Maury and Major Hambrick
of the 24th were wounded, the former severely
when within a few feet of the enemy's line, the
latter mortally. Company D of the 7th regiment lost
John W. East, and John S. Dudley, slightly
wounded. The losses in the 7th regiment were less
on account of its being less
<pb id="cboy257" n="257"/>
exposed in its flank movement on the enemy's right
and rear.</p>
        <p>The Confederate troops remained on the battle
field that night, burying the dead and caring for the
wounded. Early next morning we started in pursuit
of the enemy, whom we followed on this and the
next day to the Howlett house on the James, where
the Confederates had some unfinished earthworks.
Reaching the edge of an open field on which the
earthworks were located, I was directed to go
forward to the works to see what or who was there,
and finding the trenches entirely abandoned, I
waived my cap, when the 1st and 7th regiments
speedily came up and took possession. Here they
suffered eleven hours from an unmerciful shelling
from a number of Federal gunboats in the river.
Several men of the two regiments were killed or
injured. Lieutenant John W. Mullins of Company D,
in command of the skirmish line, was dangerously
wounded in the breast, dying on the 22d of June
following. He was a bright and brave young man.
Major Howard and Sergeant Tom Fox of the
regiment were badly hurt. Withdrawing the evening
of the 19th, we went into camp a short distance
from the Clay house.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy259" n="259"/>
      <div1 type="chapter22">
        <head>Chapter XXII</head>
        <pb id="cboy260" n="260"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>To Richmond. </item>
            <item>Captured Flags.</item>
            <item>Affair at Milford. </item>
            <item>Hanover Junction. </item>
            <item>North Anna. </item>
            <item>Cold Harbor. </item>
            <item>Tom Yowell's Yarn.</item>
            <item>John A. Hale and His Prisoner.</item>
            <item>Malvern Hill.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy261" n="261"/>
        <p>MAY 20 the brigade marched into Richmond, each
of the regiments bearing one of the captured flags
taken in the engagement of Dreury's Bluff. In the
evening a portion of the command was placed on
flat cars and transported to Milford station, on the
R. F. and P. railroad, a few miles south of
Fredericksburg, where on the next morning we
were attacked by the advance of General Grant's
army, Torbett's cavalry. The portion of our brigade
present now numbered less than 500 men,
commanded by Major George F. Norton of the 1st
regiment, with Sergeant Major J. R. Pollock acting
Assistant Adjutant General. After a spirited contest
of more than an hour, in which the repeated
charges of the Federal cavalry were repulsed,
Major Norton ordered the men to retire, and they
withdrew across the river, the Mattapony, Captain
Parr and I dismantling the bridge by throwing the
planks from the center into the river, thus
preventing immediate pursuit by the Federal
cavalry. The tough resistance given the Federal
advance, together with the story of Tom Yowell of
the 7th regiment, given below, caused the Federal
General Hancock to halt his command,
<pb id="cboy262" n="262"/>
throw up intrenchments and prepare for an
attack. This halt gave General Lee time to reach
Hanover Junction in advance of the enemy.</p>
        <p>A correspondent of a Northern newspaper with
the Union army reported on May 22, “The army
under Hancock arrived at Milford yesterday and
met a force of the enemy said to be 13,000 strong,
drove them through the town and pursued them
some distance.” The only Confederate troops
Hancock met were the 500 above mentioned, and
there were no others within several miles.</p>
        <p>Tom Yowell had been captured on the skirmish
line and was taken to General Hancock, who
inquired to what command he belonged. Yowell
with much bravado told him we had given Butler
the devil a few days before, and that our brigade
was the advance of General Lee's army from
Spottsylvania, and pointing south to a large white
house a mile or more away, said, “That is General
Lee's headquarters.” Yowell told his story with so
much apparent frankness that General Hancock
believed it. The Confederate loss in this affair was
70 men, mostly of the 11th regiment, captured,
some of whom were wounded. These were cut off
from the bridge by the rapid advance of the enemy,
some of whom, with those
<pb id="cboy263" n="263"/>
who were cut off, escaped by swimming the
river.</p>
        <p>Our force joined the main army <foreign lang="fr">en route</foreign> from
Spottsylvania to Hanover Junction. Here we were
also joined by a portion of Breckenridge's small
division from the valley, where a little more than a
week before it had defeated the Federal army
under General Sigel. On this rapid march from
Milford to Hanover Junction, John A. Hale of
Company D was unable to keep up and to prevent
capture took to the woods, following the line of
march, keeping the general direction. Going to a
private house for food, he found a Union soldier
there on the same errand, whom he captured and
brought into our lines.</p>
        <p>Held in reserve, we had little or nothing to do
with the fighting at the North Anna. On May 27 we
made an all day march in the rain, going into camp
near Atlee's station. In the evening of the following
day a march was made twelve miles in the
direction of Hanovertown, camping three miles
north of Mechanicsville, following General Grant
around the circle. On the evening of the 30th we
reached our position in battle line near Cold Harbor,
being assigned a place on the left of Law's
Alabama brigade and Hoke's division.</p>
        <p>At 4 o'clock, June 2, the battle of Cold Harbor
<pb id="cboy264" n="264"/>
began on our right, raging furiously until sunset. By
means of an improvised telegraphy, information was
received that the enemy had been repulsed. This
improvised telegraphy was nothing more than
passing word from man to man and on this occasion
came, “Pass it along the lines that we have whipped
the enemy on the right.” Early on the morning of the
3d the battle of Cold Harbor was resumed, Hoke's,
Breckenridge's and part of Anderson's divisions
being engaged on the right. When the battle ended,
we were informed by the same telegraphic line that
the enemy had been defeated. On our front had
been nothing more than artillery fire, with severe
skirmishing. However, as the battle progressed, our
division was ordered to be ready to attack the
enemy in front, and we were very well satisfied
when the order was revoked.</p>
        <p>In Breckenridge's division, heavily engaged on
the 3d, I had a schoolmate, Lieutenant James K.
Peck, of whom I was fond, and for whose safety I
was anxious. I was greatly distressed on learning a
few days afterwards that he was killed on the 3d.</p>
        <p>The Federal casualties in the battle at Cold
Harbor were over 10,000; the Confederate 1500. I
find no report of casualties in our division, brigade
or regiment; no casualties in Company D.</p>
        <pb id="cboy265" n="265"/>
        <p>I had the opportunity to look at a portion of the
battlefield in front of the position held by General
Hoke's division on the 3d. During the war I never
saw so many dead Union soldiers on any field.
General Hoke's division had not a man killed. The
weather was oppressively hot. The blood, burnt
powder, and dead bodies produced a stench which
cannot be described, and not to be endured long by
the living.</p>
        <p>General Grant was again moving, not toward
Richmond, but away from it, toward the James
river; we following, ten days after the battle,
crossing to the south side of the Chickahominy,
keeping between the Federal army and Richmond,
and this tramp watching the movement of General
Grant was kept up until the vicinity of Malvern Hill
was reached.</p>
        <p>I cannot well help breaking the thread of my
narrative to tell a little humorous camp story
prevalent among our men just after the battle of
Cold Harbor. It was claimed to have been told by a
Union soldier to some of our men. It ran thus: A
private Union soldier who had been in the battle and
saw the terrific slaughter, said to his captain, “We
have killed and had killed enough men and the war
should end, and I know what will end it.” The
captain inquired, “What?” “Take Richmond,” was
the response.
<pb id="cboy266" n="266"/>
“Yes,” said the captain, “that is what General
Grant is trying to do.” The soldier insisting that
he knew how Richmond could be taken, and the
captain pressing him to know, he replied: “Swap
Generals!”</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy267" n="267"/>
      <div1 type="chapter23">
        <head>Chapter XXIII</head>
        <pb id="cboy268" n="268"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>From Malvern Hill to the South of the James.</item>
            <item>Engagement at Clay's House. </item>
            <item>Bermuda Hundred Line.</item>
            <item>Christmas Dinner. </item>
            <item>Our Southern Women.</item>
            <item>Close of 1864.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy269" n="269"/>
        <p>JUNE 15 Pickett's division marched 
from the vicinity of Malvern Hill up the James,
crossing the river the morning of June 16, on a
bridge near Dreury's Bluff, then passing over the
battlefield of that name, which battle we had fought
one month before, reaching the Petersburg
turnpike. When near Port Walthall Junction, the
head of the column was fired upon by the enemy,
who had possession of the road. The division was
immediately formed in line of battle on the turnpike,
sending out skirmishers, driving the enemy and
regaining our first line of works, which had been
vacated that morning by the troops having been
called to Petersburg. The next day commenced
heavy skirmish firing. Company D was on the
skirmish line the day before capturing some
prisoners, among them an Englishman, who came
back saying rather excitedly that he was forced
into the army, which nobody believed, for the
armies of the enemy were to a considerable extent
made up of foreigners. It was often remarked by
our men that we were fighting all Yankeedom and
the rest of mankind. And this reminds me of the
story told by a Confederate of another who like
himself had in the battle of the third day at
<pb id="cboy270" n="270"/>
Gettysburg gone over the enemy's line behind the
stone fence, reaching a point almost on the crest of
Cemetery Ridge. Seeing the mighty host gathered
and gathering to envelop the few rebels left, this
Confederate cried out, “Do we have to whip the
world?” Listening for a moment, he heard a Federal
officer say: “Attention, World! By nations right
wheel, by states, fire!” He concluded it was time for
that poor Confederate to cut dirt, and he stood not
on the order of his going.</p>
        <p>Let it be remembered that we were now
engaged in what is known as the battle of Clay's
House. One of our batteries to our left was now
throwing shells at the enemy in our front,
endeavoring to enfilade their line, during which time
I was ordered by Colonel Flowerree to go along the
line of the regiment and tell the company
commanders to get their men ready for the assault.
I had proceeded nearly half way when a
misdirected shell from the battery referred to
exploded over me, a large fragment grazing my
head, burying itself at my feet. Had it struck my
head, there would have been one less Sergeant-Major 
in the Confederate army, and this story
would not have been written. A moment later I saw
J. B. Young of D Company fall with a severe
wound in the head. In a few
<pb id="cboy271" n="271"/>
moments the charge became general, and the
enemy's intrenchments were carried. General Lee
was riding close in the rear of our battle line at the
time of the charge referred to, and meeting one of
our regiment badly wounded and being carried out
by the litter bearers, said to the wounded man, “I
hope, my good fellow, you are not badly hurt.”</p>
        <p>This charge was the subject of a complimentary
letter from General Lee to General Anderson,
which is as follows:</p>
        <div2 type="letter">
          <p>“General, I take great pleasure in presenting
to you my congratulations upon the conduct of
the men of your corps. I believe that they will
carry anything they are put against. We tried
very hard to stop Pickett's men from capturing
the breastworks of the enemy, but couldn't do
it. I hope his loss has been small.”</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <p>This reminds me to say here and now, without
intending the least disparagement of others, that the
7th Virginia regiment was never ordered to take the
enemy's line that it did not take it, never gave up or
lost a position it was ordered to hold, and never left
a position or battlefield unless ordered to do so.
Once when bodily taken by the Federals and
carried into captivity, the reader
<pb id="cboy272" n="272"/>
might consider an exception to the statement just
made.</p>
          <p>The charge last above referred to was not
without its casualties, though I have nothing to
show the division, brigade or regimental losses. In
the 1st Virginia six men were wounded, and I
remember that Sergeant William Parrott of
Company I and J. B. Young of Company D were
severely and Private William Davis of Company C
mortally wounded.</p>
          <p>During the remainder of June and for several
months following we remained on this Bermuda
Hundred line, occasionally shifting position from
Howlett House on the James to Swift Creek near
the Appomattox, until about the middle of July, then
settling down on a high piece of ground behind a
skirt of timber midway between Howlett House
and Swift Creek. Here we worked hard to
strengthen our lines.</p>
          <p>Company D now had but a single commissioned
officer, Captain Bane. Lieutenant Stone was still a
prisoner, Lieutenant Walker had been disabled at
Gettysburg and retired, and Lieutenant Mullins had
died of the wound received at Howlett House in
June. It was on this line that Sergeant T. S. Taylor
was elected a lieutenant and E. Z. Yager made
orderly sergeant of the company.
<figure id="figure9" entity="johnst272"><p>REV. J. TYLER 
FRAZIER</p></figure>
<pb id="cboy273" n="273"/>
These selections were well made, and the
confidence reposed not misplaced.</p>
          <p>At or near this time there appeared on our lines a
man representing himself to be a citizen of
Alabama, who proposed then to do what could not
be done, but in some degree has since been
accomplished  -  to build a machine to navigate the
air, carry shells and drop them on the Northern
armies, and in their cities. He requested donations
from each of the soldiers of one dollar, and of the
officers five dollars each to enable him to build his
machine. We concluded he was a crank, refused to
contribute and the man departed. This fellow was
only a little ahead of his time.</p>
          <p>At an early hour of July 30th occurred the
famous explosion of the mine at Petersburg.
Though several miles away, it so shook the earth
that the pickets and other men awake at the time
felt the shock. The fearful artillery fire which
followed convinced us that an important event had
occurred. Later in the day we learned what had
happened, seeing also a full account of the
occurrence in the Richmond papers the next
morning. I well remember the comments in the
Richmond Examiner (a partisan paper) on the
retaking of the line by the division of General
Mahone. Describing the slaughter of the Federal 
<pb id="cboy274" n="274"/>
soldiers in the crater, it said: “The slaughter was
so great that General Mahone sickened at the sight
and told his men ‘for God's sake to stop,’ and the
next time we hope General Mahone will shut his
eyes.” The official report of General Mahone of the
retaking of the line and the crater was not furnished
by him to his superior officer, but was found by his
family among his papers after his death, and
published a few years ago. An incident related by
the General in his report is worth reproducing here.
The General states that his division was on the
Confederate right and a mile or more from where
the explosion took place; that the same was not
unexpected, but just when and where it would occur
no one could certainly tell; that on that morning he
was lying on the ground, and on hearing the noise
sprang to his feet, looking in every direction to locate
from whence the sound came, when he discovered a
Confederate soldier at full speed coming towards
him. The men along the line were endeavoring to
stop him, but without success, so seeing the man was
following a path which led near by where the
General was standing, he planted himself in the path
of the fellow, who was without hat, cap, shoes or
coat, and said: “Now stop long enough to tell me
what has happened.” “Why, Mister,” said the soldier,
“don't
<pb id="cboy275" n="275"/>
you know that hell has busted?” Evidently this man
thought the infernal regions had accidentally
exploded.</p>
          <p>Between the lines of the two armies as now
situated lay a strip of woods, where our men and
the Union soldiers were in the habit of meeting to
exchange newspapers, coffee and tobacco, now and
then playing cards. Our officers on finding out what
was going on concluded there was too much
familiarity and sought to break it up; so when one of
the officers located some of the men engaged in a
game of cards with a Union soldier, this Federal was
made a prisoner and brought into our lines. The
Union soldier was highly indignant at what he
considered taking advantage of confidence, for both
parties by their acts had waived the fact that they
were in the field as deadly foes to each other, and in
their hearts our own men had a feeling of the same
sort. A little later one of the Union soldiers, thinking
to get even, induced a Confederate to meet him
between the lines on pretense of exchanging papers,
when he attempted his capture, but in the scramble
the Confederate proved too much for his captor,
dragging him toward our lines, when the Union
pickets began firing at the Confederate, who let his
man go and escaped. These incidents put a
<pb id="cboy276" n="276"/>
stop for the time being to communication and
traffic between the opposing soldiers.</p>
          <p>At another time some of our men under the lead
of an officer, about daybreak crept over to the
Federal skirmish line and between the men in their
rifle pits, taking the line in flank and reverse, and
raked it for a long distance, bringing out more than
a hundred prisoners, including the commanding
officer of the line.</p>
          <p>How tender the fellow feeling of one soldier for
another, though on opposite sides, is shown by the
following incident: The Union soldiers, well knowing
that we were scarce of food, at dusk one day called
to one of our men, “Say, Johnnie, are you hungry?”
“Yes,” replied the Confederate, “have had but little
to eat for two or three days,” to which the Union
soldier said, “Bring your haversack over here and I
will take you to the sutler and fill it,” but the
Confederate demurred, giving as his reason that he
was afraid he would be captured. Being assured,
however, upon the honor of a soldier that he should
have a safe return, he went, and the Union soldier
filled his haversack and returned him safely to our
lines.</p>
          <p>The enemy was reported shifting about in our
front beyond and behind the timber, where we
could not see him, and supposing he might be
preparing for an attack upon us, by order of the
<pb id="cboy277" n="277"/>
Colonel, with Pitts of Company C and Crawford of
Company D, I went to the front, outside our pickets,
where I ran upon a scouting or observation party of
the enemy, by whom we were fired on, and came
near being gobbled up, but escaped and returned
within our lines. We had a close call.</p>
          <p>Wishing to visit some friends in Captain David A.
French's artillery company, then stationed near
Chaffin's Bluff north of the James, three miles
away, I obtained a pass and put off on September
28, spending the night with friends, finding myself
the next morning almost in a hornet's nest, for on the
morning of the 29th the Federal troops advanced
and captured Fort Harrison, a mile to the front of the
camp of French's company. I followed the battery,
witnessing the fight, in which the Federals advancing
from Fort Harrison were repulsed. French lost
several men, among them Adam Johnston, killed. I
did not tarry long, but set out for my command,
meeting on the way a part of our division, the 24th
Virginia regiment among them, on their way to
reinforce our troops in front of Fort Harrison, where
they were defeated in the attempt to recapture the
fort.</p>
          <p>As already stated, the line from the Howlett
House to Swift Creek, some three miles in length,
<pb id="cboy278" n="278"/>
was held by Pickett's division, four thousand strong;
the skirmish line or rifle pits of the opposing forces
were close together, say 30 yards apart, and the
main lines but a few hundred yards away. Our line
was so thin and so drawn out that when thrown into
the trenches it made scarcely more than a strong
skirmish line. We were frequently in the trenches
expecting attack, and the morning following the
battle of Winchester we were sure the enemy was
coming, but he was content with firing a shotted
salute. At this time desertions from our ranks, as
well as from the ranks of the enemy, became more
frequent and punishment more sure. Numbers of the
enemy came into our lines and were sent to the rear
and the same course was pursued by the enemy
with men deserting from us. Now and then a man
instead of going over to the enemy would go home
and hide and when caught would be tried and shot.
This happened to a mere boy, a member of
Company B of our regiment, who was executed
October 18, 1864. At this distance from the war, a
half century, such a thing may shock the reader, but
war at best is a horrible thing and discipline must be
enforced. It was not strange that some men
deserted and went home. Many had families
dependent on them for food and support. The
soldier's pay
<pb id="cboy279" n="279"/>
for a month, in Confederate currency, with the
necessaries of life advanced to enormous figures,
would not buy a half bushel of wheat for his family.
The cry of his children for bread reached his ears
and this was more than his heart could bear. He
became dissatisfied  -  anxious for the suffering ones
at home. He was willing to bare his breast to the
storm, and undergo the hardships and privations of
camp life and the dangers of the battlefield, if he
knew his wife and children were kept from starving,
but their appeals for food moved him; he would
obtain leave to go if he could, otherwise he would go
without leave; but it will be seen if this were
permitted the army would soon be depleted, and the
cause we were fighting for lost. The dilemma was
therefore a trying one to many a good man.</p>
          <p>The Colonel of the 7th regiment, having
instructions to capture a prisoner to obtain certain
information wanted, and going to the skirmish line,
where Company D under Captain Bane was on
picket, instructed him to secure such prisoner. Bane
called for volunteers for this enterprise and three
men responded, among them John W. East, who
agreed to capture the prisoner by playing the role of
deserter, which he did by going over to the enemy.
The Federal picket called our men up next morning
and told them East had
<pb id="cboy280" n="280"/>
deserted the night before. This was no less than a
ruse on John's part to desert and go over to the side
of the enemy.</p>
          <p>Among the inducements offered by the Federal
officers to our men to desert was that if their
homes were within the Federal lines they should be
sent home and protected or given government
employment at good wages, but love of cause and
country were more potent than all the inducements
offered on the other side.</p>
          <p>A. L. Sumner, of Company D, an illiterate man,
heard someone read from a Richmond paper one
morning in November, 1864, that Mr. Lincoln had
been re-elected president of the United States, and
had called for a large number of additional men.
Sumner sat with his head bowed, when a comrade
approaching and seeing that something was
troubling him, inquired the cause. Sumner
responded, “Don't you know that Abe Lincoln is 
re-elected and has called for a million men, and that
Jeff Davis says war to the knife? What shall we
do?”  -  A pertinent inquiry.</p>
          <p>Christmas, 1864, was approaching and extensive
preparations were being made by city, town and
country to furnish the army of Northern Virginia a
Christmas dinner, the women taking the lead  -  God
bless them! The newspapers urged the movement
forward, committees were appointed to collect and
forward the good things to
<pb id="cboy281" n="281"/>
the soldiers. The papers proclaimed that Virginia,
devastated as she was by an invading host, was yet
able to feed her soldiers; that the cattle upon a
thousand hills were hers. Though the cattle were
not there, the day came, and with it a bountiful
supply which made us glad, and we thanked our
benefactors and took courage.</p>
          <p>The credit for our Christmas dinner was due the
women. In every movement for the uplift and
betterment of our race, and in every worthy cause,
woman is the first to espouse, the last to forsake.
Having once fixed her affections upon the object of
our cause, her love therefor became as fast and
enduring as the rock-ribbed hills. The wives, mothers
and sisters of the men gave their husbands, sons and
brothers to the cause, suffered untold agony and
sorrows, depriving themselves of every comfort, to
the end that the soldiers in the field might be clothed
and fed. For them no sacrifice was too great. The
Southern woman, accustomed to the indulgences
and refinements of life, became familiar with the
coarsest of personal apparel, and a scarcity of food
which she had never known, and she bore these
things without a murmur. She followed the plow,
reaped the grain, took it to the mill, nursed the sick
and wounded, buried the dead, and rendered
thousands of kindnesses to our suffering
<pb id="cboy282" n="282"/>
soldiers, only recorded in the hearts and
memories of the recipients of these loving deeds,
and of Him whose eye is never shut. In the days of
“reconstruction,” when men were awe stricken, not
knowing whither to look or what to do, these
women stood with resolute trust in God, giving
words of encouragement to the sterner sex; and
became, as it were, the strong vine entwined around
the sturdy tree when shaken by the storm. These
Southern women were the only portion of our
people who never surrendered. They are today the
purest type of Anglo-Saxon womanhood on the face
of the earth.</p>
          <p>Memorial Day originated with our Southern
women, whose custom it is to strew flowers,
mementoes of their undying love, on the graves of
the gray and the blue alike. They are the guardians
of the graves of our noble dead.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="verse">
          <lg type="verse">
            <l>“This place of burial is</l>
            <l>Hallowed by woman's prayers;</l>
            <l>A nobler epitaph than this</l>
            <l>Could not be theirs.”</l>
          </lg>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <p>Things now began to look dark. General
Sherman was marching through Georgia to the sea;
Hood's army had been defeated at Nashville. The
situation was grave in the extreme. With all this
came strange presentiments. The
<pb id="cboy283" n="283"/>
dark clouds that had been for some time
overhanging us were settling down. The patriotism,
enthusiasm and untold sacrifices of the past four
years seemed all for naught, and our men could not
be required to shoulder a heavier cross than was
now the lot of the Confederate soldiers. But a
patriotic people and a valiant soldiery might yet
accomplish success, looking we were, but in vain,
for foreign intervention, or something else to turn up.
If to satisfy the Northern people and gain our
separate existence meant to give up slavery, the
army was ready to see it abolished. In fact, the great
bulk of the army was ready to make almost any
sacrifice required for independent and separate
government. Our forefathers had resisted British
tyranny, we were resisting Northern aggression
upon the sovereignty and reserved rights of the
States of the Confederacy.</p>
          <p>Dark and discouraging as were these days, the
spirit of the army was yet unbroken, and the men
were willing to fight it out, although it appeared but
a question of time when we should all go down.</p>
          <p>Thus closed the year of 1864, and to us it seemed
final overthrow must come, for our foe was
growing stronger, we weaker. Our star was surely
on the wane.</p>
        </div2>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy285" n="285"/>
      <div1 type="chapter24">
        <head>Chapter XXIV</head>
        <pb id="cboy286" n="286"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>Religion in the Army. </item>
            <item>Doctors Pryor, Fontaine, Stiles. </item>
            <item>General Pendleton. </item>
            <item>Young Men's Christian Association. </item>
            <item>Frazier, Our Preaching-Fighting Chaplain.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy287" n="287"/>
        <p>MY PRESENTATION of the subject of religion in
the army will necessarily be confined to the
command to which I belonged and what came
under my personal observation. When the call to
arms was made in 1861, the sentiment of our people
was a solemn appeal to God for the rectitude of our
intentions and purposes, an appeal to the God of
battles for His abiding presence and blessing upon
our undertaking. Nearly every step taken was
witnessed by religious services. Our whole
Southland was permeated with the spirit and
teachings of the Bible. The brave people of our
land believed in God  -  indeed, the foundations of
their state government were based upon their faith
in the Author of their lives and liberty. This was no
mere phantom. Most of our great leaders were
Christian men, who feared and worshipped God.</p>
        <p>At the beginning of the war we had many wild,
profane men who had joined the army, but from
this it must not be inferred that our camps were
scenes of vulgarity, and profanity. With but few
exceptions, after the first year or so of the war,
there was never an army freer from vice,
immorality and anger. That which in the beginning
would have been offensive and insulting,
<pb id="cboy288" n="288"/>
and probably brought the parties to blows, was
now passed by. The men had come to understand
each other's temperaments. They had lived,
associated, marched, fought, slept and eaten
together too long, had suffered in common too many
hardships, enduring the same privations, not to know
each other's Christian convictions. They were
therefore “Souls that had but a single thought, and
hearts that beat as one.” They were, with a true
Christian spirit, ready to bear each other's burdens,
care for each other when sick or wounded, comfort
each other when in trouble and distress, and
therefore the better prepared to entertain the “King
of Peace.”</p>
        <p>Many of the men of my company, some of whom
I have already mentioned, were Christians when
they entered the army, and by their example and
character exerted a wholesome influence for good.
When resting in camp, these men remembered their
vows, conducting religious exercises in their
quarters before retiring at night. On Sunday we
usually had services, led by the Chaplains, who
were zealous Christians, and patriotic men, even
going into battle with us. One, Dr. Granberry,
chaplain of the 11th Virginia, and after the war a
Methodist Bishop, was wounded in the battle of
Seven Pines. In the
<pb id="cboy289" n="289"/>
absence of the regular chaplain, Brother Frazier,
acting as such, preached to us.</p>
        <p>Near the close of 1862, and throughout the greater
part of the year of 1863, a religious spirit seemed to
possess the army; at least this was true of our
command. Christians had great reason to thank God
and take courage when they thought on the
remarkable progress the gospel was making in the
camp. Thousands of young men embraced religion.
While churches at home were languishing, the gospel
was moving forward with marvelous strides among
the soldiers in the field. Indeed, what could be more
fitting, with real men accustomed daily to witnessing
carnage and death. There was therefore much
comfort to the men in having the gospel successfully
preached and the standard of the Master borne aloft
in the trenches, in sight of the enemy, even within
musket and cannon's range. At the administration of
the baptismal ordinance, the banks of the
Rappahannock, Rapidan and the James and other
streams resounded with the songs of praise. Our
chaplains often proclaimed the glad tidings amid the
noise of the booming cannon and rattle of musketry.
This spirit was caught by our division at Taylorsville
in the spring of 1863, when Dr. Pryor of Petersburg
preached for us for several days in succession,
hundreds
<pb id="cboy290" n="290"/>
professing faith in Christ. The whole camp was one
religious gathering, and all men seemed greatly
interested. There was a grand and glorious
awakening. Many in the Spring of 1863 found the
blessed Savior precious to their souls and rejoiced in
His love, I among the number.</p>
        <p>When on the march to Gettysburg, halting for a
day or more, religious exercises were conducted;
scarcely would the column halt at night and supper
over before the sacred songs began; around those
singing would gather the soldiers in large numbers,
the chaplain, or someone else, conducting the
exercises. This was continued during the fall of 1863,
in Culpeper, on the Rapidan, again at Taylorsville, in
North Carolina, in Virginia, near Hanover Junction,
around Cold Harbor, Malvern Hill, and on the south
of the James, where Drs. Stiles and Fontaine were
occasionally with us. The latter, Rev. P. H. Fontaine, 
a minister of the Baptist Church, visited us
in September, 1864, preaching successfully for
several days; many desiring baptism going to a small
branch close by our line in a ravine, where a dam
was constructed, furnishing sufficient water to bury
a man in baptism, as was our Savior in the Jordan, 
a comforting scene to many wearied and homesick 
hearts. On Monday, September 12, 1864, Mr. 
Fontaine baptized a
<pb id="cboy291" n="291"/>
large number of soldiers on their profession of
faith  -  how many I do not recollect, but of our
company two, Tim P. Darr and the writer. Darr
became a Methodist preacher, dying last year (1913)
in the State of Kentucky.</p>
        <p>The army of Northern Virginia by the close of the
year 1864 had in large measure become a band
of Christian soldiers, God-fearing men. Amid the
trying scenes, shoeless, in tattered rags, hungry,
chilled by the cold, they gathered, if opportunity
offered, and on bended knees asked God to comfort
their homes and little ones, to bless our arms with
success and to crown our efforts with early peace
and stable government.</p>
        <p>The venerable Doctor Stiles and General
Pendleton  -  the latter an Episcopal minister and the
chief of artillery of the army of Northern
Virginia  -  occasionally preached to the troops.
Through the instrumentality of J. Tyler Frazier there
was organized a Young Men's Christian
Association, of Kemper's brigade, into which was
largely incorporated all the professing Christians in
the brigade. It met regularly when not on the march,
and among the articles of the constitution was one
providing that if any member of the Association
should desert or absent himself from his command
without leave, he should be excluded. The
Association stood pledged to discourage 
<pb id="cboy292" n="292"/>
desertions or insubordination, and on the
other hand to encourage obedience and fidelity to
cause and country; by all means within its power to
diffuse religious thought and morality throughout the
brigade. While on the Bermuda Hundred line, the
men built a church in which religious services were
held, and which was also used as a place of
entertainment.</p>
        <p>J. Tyler Frazier, whose name has been frequently
mentioned in this narrative, deserves a more
extended notice. Mr. Frazier was born in Giles
County, Virginia, in the year 1840, embracing
Christianity at an early age. His early opportunities
for acquiring an education were quite limited, but
being a man of exceptionally good sense, a preacher
when he entered the army  -   the company chaplain,
did his duty nobly and well. By precept and example
upon all proper occasions he endeavored to impress
upon the men the importance of living a Christian
life. Notice has already been taken of some of his
messmates, Taylor, Henderson, Fortner, Darr and
others, God-fearing men. Mr. Frazier preached
whenever opportunity offered, not only to the
company, regiment and brigade, but to the people of
the region roundabout. The chaplaincy of the
regiment being vacant, the Young Men's Christian
Association desired the appointment of Mr. 
<pb id="cboy293" n="293"/>
Frazier to the vacancy, naming a committee
consisting of Thomas S. Taylor (who died in this
year, 1914), Edward Hoge (now dead), and David E.
Johnston, to take up the matter with the Colonel, but
our mission failed because the commander felt that a
man could not be spared from the ranks who was so
good a soldier as Brother Frazier. We secured,
however, the privilege for Mr. Frazier to preach
where and when he pleased, having his musket and
accouterments transported in headquarters wagon,
the only requirement being demanded that he should
take his gun and go into battle. Mr. Frazier was as
useful as chaplain without a commission as with it,
for he still continued to preach, pray, march and
fight, to exhort and encourage men to do their duty
to God and their country. He was spared and
returned home, entered the regular Methodist
ministry of the Southern Methodist Church, has been
a presiding elder, a successful preacher, and still
lives to bless humanity. He now resides on his fine
estate near Chilhowie, Virginia, preaching regularly,
esteemed and highly respected by his brethren, old
comrades, friends and neighbors.</p>
        <p>In closing this chapter, I may be permitted with
genuineness of purpose to add a final word to the
sons and daughters, descendants of the
<pb id="cboy294" n="294"/>
noble Confederate soldiers of Virginia, whom I
deeply loved, and of whom I have endeavored,
though with much imperfection, to write in these
pages.</p>
        <p>Another warfare is today calling you to the field.
I have seen much of life and know the fruits of vice
and shame, the danger of gilded pitfalls and
deceptive traps which are set for you and your
children. I beg of you not to think of this as idle talk
on my part. You are in imminent danger of the
captivity from which there is no return. For your
safety the Great Leader is calling you to join His
forces, to enlist in His cause. This Leader has never
known defeat, has never lost a soldier. If you are in
His service, your name is enrolled on high. If you
are faithful, you will not be overlooked nor
forgotten. If you have not given Him your life and
everything belonging to you, I beg you not to delay.
Your father obeyed our country's call in 1861.  It is
fitting now that you obey the gospel call into the
noblest army earth has ever known. More than
once did I look into the faces of your noble sires, as
they stood at Sharpsburg, Gettysburg and Cold
Harbor, in defense of the right. I think of the
courage with which they followed the old flag, and I
love you for their sakes. I pray God that each of
you may honor the memory of
<pb id="cboy295" n="295"/>
those fathers by being brave and steadfast soldiers
of the Cross; that you may have a place in the
ranks of that great army composed of the pure and
the good on earth and in heaven.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy297" n="297"/>
      <div1 type="chapter25">
        <head>Chapter XXV</head>
        <pb id="cboy298" n="298"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>From January, 1865, to Close of Battle of Five
Forks.</item>
            <item>Gloomy Outlook at the Opening of the Year.</item>
            <item>The Peace Commissioners.</item>
            <item>Spirit of the Army.</item>
            <item>A. S. Fry as Regimental Clerk and Historian.</item>
            <item>Trouble in Company D.</item>
            <item>Activity Within the Federal Lines.</item>
            <item>General Pendleton's Speech.</item>
            <item>Early's Small Force Defeated at Waynesboro.</item>
            <item>Sheridan's Raid.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy299" n="299"/>
        <p>WHILE near Swift Creek, A. L. Fry 
of Company D was appointed clerk and
regimental historian, making a complete roll
of the men of the regiment, noting their services, for
which he received a short furlough. The record
made by Fry was filed away in Richmond, but
unfortunately was destroyed by fire on the
evacuation of the city by the Confederate troops.
This was indeed a calamity, for such a record
would now, after half a century, be of priceless
value. The record of many a poor fellow which was
thus lost cannot be had anywhere else.</p>
        <p>We changed position from near Swift Creek to
the Howlett House on the James in January, 1865,
where we erected rude shacks of timber and earth
which furnished slight shelter from the pelting
storms. Near the middle of the month the weather
softened, and we were enabled to get out and
engage in ball and other games, which gave us
exercise and good appetites, though ordinarily we
were ready to eat anything we could get, for at that
time our daily allowance was one-fourth pound of
bacon and one pint of coarse cornmeal, with
occasionally a little sugar, rice, beans or peas.</p>
        <p>The period was still gloomy. Fort McAllister
<pb id="cboy300" n="300"/>
had fallen, Savannah was in the hands of the enemy,
Charleston and Fort Fisher seriously threatened;
Hood's army had been wrecked and driven out of
Tennessee; General Sherman was preparing to
march through the Carolinas. General Grant had
seized the Petersburg and Weldon railroad and was
now threatening to strike the south side and
Richmond and Danville road  -  the latter being the
only remaining line connecting Richmond with the
Southern states, over which our supplies must be
drawn. The situation was therefore serious. This
was fully realized by the men in the ranks. Vastly
superior territory, unlimited supplies, and a call for
300,000 new troops in the North were calculated
to produce discouragement in the hearts of men who
had from the first been fighting against heavy odds.
Desertions became more frequent; many men were
absent without leave, on account of needy families
and other causes, and were in no hurry to return. All
these things were discussed by the soldiers in their
huts. The army of Northern Virginia now consisted
of less than fifty thousand poorly equipped, poorly
clad, poorly fed men, who had marched and
countermarched, charged and fought a foe two or
three times their number for nearly four long,
dreadful years. It was little wonder, therefore, that
depression came
<pb id="cboy301" n="301"/>
to the noble army of Northern Virginia, which then
held the toe line from a point north of Fort Harrison
to the vicinity of Hatcher's Run to the south, more
than thirty-five miles  -  in many places little more
than a good skirmish line, which the enemy was
able to confront with full lines, and yet overreaching
our flanks, and was continuing to extend his lines.
Why General Grant did not cut loose from his base
at City Point and swing around the Confederate
right, shutting the army up in Petersburg and
Richmond, is a military problem I will not endeavor
to solve.</p>
        <p>I was in Richmond in January, 1865 and saw bread
selling at $2.00 for a small loaf; a pound of soda for
$12.00; a calico dress pattern, $25.00, a gold dollar
commanding $60.00 in Confederate currency.</p>
        <p>The mission of the Confederate “Peace
Commissioners” had been a failure, and a great
disappointment to the soldiers, who saw plainly
nothing short of a bitter fight to the end. Public
meetings of the men were held in many of the
commands in the army, resolutions adopted,
expressing regret at the failure of the Peace
Conference, reaffirming their faith in the justness of
our cause, and rededicating themselves to the
defense thereof, resolving to fight to the end. Surely
heroism and desperation equal to this cannot be
<pb id="cboy302" n="302"/>
found in the annals of history. With this situation
confronting them, they demanded that all absentees
should be returned to their places, all able bodied
men should be required to take the field, and that
every step possible should be taken to strengthen
the army, even to the arming of the negroes  -  a
thing which should have been done long before this.</p>
        <p>In order to give some conception of the feeling
and sentiment which then pervaded the soldiers, I
here insert an extract from a letter written a friend
in February, 1865, in which I say: “There is nothing
left us but to fight it out; the cry is for war  -  war to
the knife. If the people at home will support the
army and drive all skulkers and absentees to the
front, all will be right.”</p>
        <p>Amid the darkness and gloom surrounding us,
some of the men would have fun. I well remember
that W. D. Peters, of D Company, a wit and wag,
having around him several of his comrades, inquired
as to how the Southern Confederacy was bounded.
One answered, “North by the United States, south
by the Gulf of Mexico, east by the Atlantic Ocean,
west by the Rocky Mountains.” Peters insisted this
to be a mistake, saying that “we were surrounded
by Yankees!”</p>
        <p>The general sentiment in the army favored
<pb id="cboy303" n="303"/>
freeing all negroes who would take arms and fight
for the country. To this, singularly enough, came
opposition from men who did not and never had
owned a slave. The proposition to arm the negroes
did not find favor with the politicians, but they were
finally forced to yield, late in the Spring of 1865, 
on the eve of the retreat of the army of Northern 
Virginia from the Richmond-Petersburg
lines.</p>
        <p>While on the lines near Howlett House, a squad
went out between the skirmish lines to gather fuel;
among the number was Adam Thompson, who had
so large a foot that special requisition had to be
made to get shoes big enough for him; the shoes for
Adam had to be made to order. On the occasion
referred to, Adam deserted to the enemy, when a
Union soldier called out, “Johnnie! Have you
another man over there three feet across the back
and who wears a number two shoe  -  two hides to
the shoe?”</p>
        <p>I here relate an incident happening on this line
while at the Howlett House, which caused much
grief, growing out, as I believe, of misinformation
and misunderstanding, whereby three of the best
soldiers of Company D  -  A. J. Thompson, Harry
Snidow and J. C. Hughes  -  were arrested upon a
charge of encouraging insubordination and mutiny, 
of which they were convicted and
<pb id="cboy304" n="304"/>
sentenced to be shot, and pending the approval of
General Lee (which was never had, so far as I
know), were incarcerated in “Castle Thunder” in
Richmond, from which they were only released by
the Union army on entering the city April 3, 1865. In
the opinion of the writer, who knew these three
men, all sergeants, through and through, this
proceeding was excessive and unwarranted. Surely
three long years of untiring devotion and loyalty to
the cause for which we fought should be counted
worth something.</p>
        <p>General Pendleton, the chief of artillery of the
army, visited our lines the middle of March and
made a speech, in which he said, “The time is
rapidly approaching for the opening of the
campaign, and that man Grant over there means
mischief. Only with a union of strong arms and
brave hearts can we hope to win. Pack your
haversacks and be ready to move.” There was now
great activity within the lines of the enemy; the
whistle of the locomotive, the inclination and the
action of the enemy to crowd us, all pointed to an
early movement, but the question confronted
us  -  What are we to do? Can we get away and
how far? Not a mule nor horse that can pull a
hundred pounds five miles through the mud. It was
suggested, let us go south and join General Joe
Johnston, unite forces with him,
<figure id="figure10" entity="johnst304"><p>BRIGADIER-GENERAL 
DAVID E. JOHNSTON, <lb/>
AND AID-DE-CAMP D. E. J. WILSON </p></figure>
<pb id="cboy305" n="305"/>
whip Grant and then Sherman. Some said one thing,
some another, but all agreed that if Richmond had
to be given up, it were better it had been abandoned
the fall before, when our transportation was in
better shape and our army numerically stronger,
and General Grant's not in such good condition, not
yet having recovered from its bloody campaign
from the Rapidan to Petersburg, and not so
confident as now.</p>
        <p>In March, 1865, at night, our division was
withdrawn from the lines, Mahone's division taking
our place. We were hurried up to Richmond to the
outer intrenchments north of the city to meet the
Federal General Sheridan's cavalry corps of 10,000
men, which a few days before had overwhelmed
the little band of about 1500 men of General Early in
the valley near Waynesboro, and were now rapidly
approaching Richmond by way of Charlottesville.
Near Ashland Corse's brigade had a brisk skirmish
with Sheridan's advance. It was apparent that
General Sheridan had no thought of attacking
Richmond (he was never known to attack unless he
had the advantage) but had crossed the
Chickahominy and was making his way to join the
main army south of the James.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy307" n="307"/>
      <div1 type="chapter26">
        <head>Chapter XXVI</head>
        <pb id="cboy308" n="308"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>South of the James. </item>
            <item>Battles of Dinwiddie and Five Forks. </item>
            <item>The Retreat.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy309" n="309"/>
        <p>WE WERE hastened through Richmond 
and to the south of the James, marching
to the South Side railroad west of
Petersburg, thence on to Sutherland Station,
reaching there at 9 P. M., Wednesday, March 29,
and going forward through an all night's rain,
arriving at the White Oak road at dawn, where a
portion of General Bushrod Johnson's division was
in line of battle, with a brisk skirmish progressing in
front. Three brigades of Pickett's division, Corse's,
Stuart's and Terry's, with Ransom's and
Wallace's  -  the last two now consolidated under
General Ransom  -  extended the battle line of
Johnson's division to the right. Here we remained
until the middle of the afternoon, a heavy rain falling
during the greater part of the time, our skirmishers
having an occasional brush with the enemy. The
column then moved forward along the road in the
direction of Five Forks, skirmishing front and flank,
reaching the Forks at sunset; without halting,
Corse's brigade, and the 1st and 7th regiments of
Terry's, advanced, driving the dismounted cavalry
of the enemy through and out of the woods and
across the open country beyond; then returning to
the Forks, lay down under a pelting rain upon the
<pb id="cboy310" n="310"/>
wet ground until morning, thus in line ready to fight
or march.</p>
        <p>It was 10 A. M., Friday, March 31, that the
advance began in the direction of Dinwiddie Court
House, the cavalry in our front fighting at every
step, crossing Chamberlain Run, and being driven
back, as the infantry was unable to afford them help
on account of the swollen condition of the stream.
Finally, at the remains of an old mill on the Run, the
infantry succeeded in getting over, in the face of a
sharp fire from the enemy, with whom, as soon as
across the stream, we kept up a running fight until
near sunset. When near the Court House we
encountered a large body of the enemy's
dismounted cavalry formed across the road
prepared to oppose our further advance. A Federal
battery of artillery in their center commanded the
ground over which the advance had to be made, but
we made a successful charge, sweeping the field,
the enemy retiring in confusion, leaving their dead
and wounded, we occupying the battlefield until
nearly 1 o'clock next morning.</p>
        <p>In this engagement, known as the battle of
Dinwiddie, the famous cavalry officer, General Phil
Sheridan, with all his brag, was scared out of his
boots  -  calling that night on General Grant for an
army corps of infantry to help him out of the
scrape, although he already had more men
<pb id="cboy311" n="311"/>
on the field than the Confederates who were
assailing him.</p>
        <p>Humanity, the crowning grace of the brave
soldier, secured for the wounded  -  the enemy's as
well as our own  -  all the care and attention we
were able to give them. Our loss had not been
heavy, especially was it small in our regiment  -  
none in Company D. General Terry's horse was
struck by a cannon shot, which caused it to fall with
the General, giving him quite a severe injury.<ref id="ref5" n="5" target="note5" targOrder="U">*</ref></p>
        <p>Near midnight, or a little later, March 31, the
Confederates retired to Five Forks, five miles away,
taking position in battle line, and hastily throwing up
temporary breastworks of logs. W. H. F.  Lee's
cavalry was on the right, then the infantry brigades,
Corse, Terry, Steuart, Ransom-Wallace, in the
order named, with a portion of Fitzhugh Lee's
cavalry under General Munford on the left. Terry's
brigade held the ground immediately on the right of
the Forks, with the left of the 7th Virginia resting at
the Forks, at which was posted three guns of
Colonel William Pegram's Virginia battalion of
artillery. The enemy did not appear in force in our
front until nearly 10 A. M. next day.</p>
        <note id="note5" n="5" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ref5">On account of Gen'l Terry's injury, Col. Jo Mayo of the
Third Regiment was in command of the brigade at Five Forks.</note>
        <pb id="cboy312" n="312"/>
        <p>Five Forks is situated in a thickly wooded, flat,
wet country, and gets its name from the crossing of
two country roads at right angles, with the
deflection of another road bisecting one of these
angles; the last place that a general with a small
force would desire to meet a large force, or select
his ground upon which to fight a defensive battle,
because it was in an open country. This position
could be easily turned, and a small force easily
isolated from the main army at Petersburg, which
the enemy, in fact, did by throwing General
Warren's infantry corps, nearly 15,000 strong,
against the Confederate left, between it and the
right wing of our army. This point could only have
been necessary to hold to protect the South Side
railroad, and for this reason may have been
regarded strategic, but it could not be held by a
small force, if an enemy in superior numbers chose
to turn it, who had the advantage of approach from
two or more of the five roads converging there.</p>
        <p>Privates Crawford and Dudley of Company D
were on the skirmish line. After several
unsuccessful attempts by the Federal skirmishers to
drive in ours, they concluded to try something
stronger. In the meantime Crawford had his musket
stock at the small part thereof severed and he came
back to the main line, procured another,
<pb id="cboy313" n="313"/>
and returned to his place with the skirmishers. By
this time the Federal battle line, composed partly of
dismounted cavalry, was advancing, and soon
overran our skirmishers, killing, wounding and
capturing nearly the whole of them, coming with a
rush at our main line, by which they were severely
punished and repelled. These attacks were several
times repeated along our whole brigade front, each
time being repulsed with loss to the enemy and with
little to us. Warren's infantry corps, having placed
itself near the middle of the afternoon around and
beyond the Confederate left, advancing boldly
struck Ransom's and Wallace's brigades in flank,
doubling them up and pushing them to us in the
center. Steuart's and Terry's brigades now moved
out of their intrenched line and with a fierce,
determined fight met the oncoming battle against
more than 15,000 with less than two thousand. In the
nature of things this could not and did not last long,
but it did last until the moon was up and the evening
shades had fallen. This scribe, it will be
remembered, was still only a boy, and remembers
distinctly Colonel Flowerree saying, “Now, boys, in
marching away follow that moon.” This because we
were in a country unknown to us or to our
commander. Our brigade was in conflict with
Ayers' Federal division, which was
<pb id="cboy314" n="314"/>
massed in column,  firing over each other and too
high, thus accounting for our small regimental and
brigade loss in killed and wounded.</p>
        <p>Before being withdrawn from our intrenched line
to meet the flank attack of Warren's corps, Colonel
Pegram of the artillery fell on the left of our
regiment, mortally wounded. The 7th regiment,
numbering less than 300 men, under the fearless
Colonel Flowerree, was thrown into the breach to
stem the tide, but after a few minutes of close,
almost hand-to-hand struggle, it left the field, not
however, before being ordered three times by the
Colonel to do so.</p>
        <p>In the woods where we were fighting it was
getting dark, the moon beginning to shine. My
position as Sergeant-Major was on the left of the
regiment, which I occupied during the fierce
contest. Seeing the regiment move rapidly by the
right flank and to the rear, but in good order, I stood
for a moment reflecting whether I should leave or
take the chances of death or becoming a prisoner.
Choosing the former, and passing the road over
which we had fought our way a few minutes
before, I found myself with two Confederates, who
were a little in advance of me, and proceeding but a
short distance we found ourselves plump up against
the lines of Federal cavalry. A Sergeant demanded
our surrender,
<pb id="cboy315" n="315"/>
the Confederate nearest him threw down
his gun; the one next to me turned and said, “What
shall we do?” I still had the carbine I had picked up
the day before in the battle near Dinwiddie, but no
ammunition, and without replying to the question or
dropping my gun, but keeping my eyes fixed on the
sergeant, who was separated by a small space from
his comrades as well as from me, I observed that
his cap had been knocked off by the limb of a pine
bush under which he had ridden, and that his
attention was fixed upon an effort to get his cap.
Just then seeing an opening where the Federal
regiments joined, I darted through, amidst a shower
of bullets, the wind and heat of some of them
being felt distinctly in my face. The reader may
easily imagine the speed made just then by a
Confederate Sergeant-Major. In less than two
hundred yards beyond, I overtook my command
forming across the road.</p>
        <p>Here Generals Pickett, Corse, Steuart, Ransom
and Colonel Mayo were urging the men to get
quickly into line, Pickett in the midst of the fire
behaving with his usual gallantry and coolness. In
the middle of the road stood the ensign of the 1st
Virginia regiment, with his colors and guard, with
Gentry and his Glee Club, singing, “Rally Round
the Flag, Boys, Rally Once Again”  -  and
<pb id="cboy316" n="316"/>
rally they did, although badly mixed, but in a few
minutes partial order was restored, not a moment
too soon, for the enemy was coming. The position
now held was not more than four hundred yards
from the Forks. As yet, the enemy had gained but
little ground, though he had captured a large number
of prisoners, principally of Ransom's, Wallace's and
Steuart's brigades, and of the 11th and the 24th
Virginia of Terry's brigade. The enemy now bore
down heavily upon our right front, advancing through
an open field, we being in a skirt of woods, from
which we sent into them a murderous volley. The
smoke clearing away, it was revealed that his whole
line had been shattered, large numbers of his dead
and wounded on the ground, the living fleeing in full
haste. In the meantime the enemy had thrown a
heavy force around both the Confederate flanks,
threatening to envelop us between his columns, and
cutting our line of retreat, forming something of the
shape of a horseshoe, we being in the toe, having
the heel open, as the only chance to get out. This
gap in the heel was much broadened by a charge of
the Confederate cavalry on the right. It was now
dark, the command badly scattered, and almost
surrounded by the enemy. We moved to the rear as
rapidly as possible, and those remaining not
<pb id="cboy317" n="317"/>
killed, wounded or captured, made their way across
the South Side railroad, where camp was made.</p>
        <p>This was one of the most fiercely and best
contested battles of the war, disparity of numbers
considered. It can be safely and truthfully asserted
by those present who witnessed what occurred that
never were troops placed in a more trying
situation  -  outflanked on both wings, attacked front
flank and rear, by a force fully four times their
numbers, in a comparatively flat, open country,
away from supports, without shelter save rude log
breastworks, hastily thrown up, occupied for a short
time during the fight, which was as close as
fearless men could make it. There was no panic,
for the men rallied and fought again and again, until
dark, when the enemy desisted. Much of the
fighting was so close that there was a question as
to who would be the victors.</p>
        <p>General Grant in his Memoirs says of this battle:
“It was dusk when our troops under Sheridan went
over the parapets of the enemy. The two armies
were mingled together there for a time in such
manner that it was almost a question which one
was going to demand the surrender of the other.”</p>
        <p>It now appears that the army of the enemy on
<pb id="cboy318" n="318"/>
the field numbered above 26,000,  while I am
satisfied we could not have had exceeding 8000 men
at the opening of the battle. We had the
consolidated brigades of Ransom and Wallace,
about 1000; Steuart's brigade, about 1000; Corse's
brigade, about 1100; Terry's brigade, about 900; 
cavalry, 3500, and artillerists 300; Rosser's cavalry
division guarding the trains, not in the battle.</p>
        <p>The Federal loss was 124 killed and 706
wounded; the Confederate loss, 450 killed, 750
wounded. The Confederates lost four guns, eleven
colors and 3244 prisoners, a loss which the reader
will see from statements made was by us sorely
felt.</p>
        <p>I do not know the division, brigade or regimental
losses, but they were severe in the regiment, while
Company D lost but six men  -   Crawford, Dudley,
Sumner and Mullins, as prisoners. John A. Hale and
William D. Peters severely wounded, both got off
the field. Captain Bane, Lieutenant Taylor and the
following men: Bolton, Crawford, Darr, Dudley,
Eaton, Frazier, Fry, Gordon, Hale (J. A.),
Henderson, Hurt (J. J.), Meadows, Mullins, Minnich
(C.), Minnich ( G. A. ), Peters, Shannon, Stafford,
Sumner, Suthern, Wiley, Yager and the
writer  -  25  -   were all the men and officers of
Company D in this battle of Five Forks.</p>
        <pb id="cboy319" n="319"/>
        <p>In Warren's swing around our left he had killed,
wounded and captured a large part of our
dismounted cavalry on that wing, practically the
whole of the brigades of Ransom and Wallace and
a large part of Steuart's. After this capture we
could not have had more than 4500 men left, who
kept up and maintained the fight until 6 o'clock P.M. 
It was simply a yielding to overwhelming
numbers, and the strangest thing of all is that we
were not all captured or killed. It was within the
power of the Federals at any time after 4 o'clock 
P. M. to have made prisoners of us all, and nothing but
bad Federal generalship and the protection of God
saved us, for the Union army were brave enough.
There is no doubt about Sheridan's men fighting;
they were men many of whom for gallant conduct
had been taken from other arms of the service and
placed in the cavalry. They were brave, reckless,
and withal generous foes.</p>
        <p>In closing this account of the battle of Five Forks
I here insert some extracts from General
Longstreet's book, “Bull Run to Appomattox.”
Speaking of Warren's flank movement and after
Ransom's and Wallace's brigades had been broken
up, he says: “The brigades of Steuart and Terry
changed front and received the rolling battle. . . the
Confederate brigades were pushed back to
<pb id="cboy320" n="320"/>
their extreme right, where in turn Corse's brigade
changed front to receive the march.” Again: “The
position was not of General Pickett's choosing, and
from his orders he assumed he would be
reinforced. His execution was all that a skilful
commander could apply. . . . Though taken by
surprise, there was no panic in any part of the
command; brigade after brigade changed front to
the left and received the overwhelming battle as it
rolled on until it was crushed back to the next,
before it could deploy out to aid the front  -  or flank
attack, until the last brigade of the brave Corse
changed and stood alone on the
left. . . .It is not claiming too much for that
grand division to say that, aided by the brigades
of Ransom and Wallace, they could not have
been dislodged from their intrenched position by
parallel battle, even by the great odds against
them. As it was, Ayer's division, staggered under
the pelting blows that it met, and Crawford's
drifted from the blows against it, until it thus
found the key of the battle away beyond the Confederate
limits. In generalship Pickett was not
a bit below the ‘gay rider.’ His defensive battle
was better organized, and it is possible that he
would have gained the day if his cavalry had been
diligent in giving information of the movements
of the enemy.”</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy321" n="321"/>
      <div1 type="chapter27">
        <head>Chapter XXVII</head>
        <pb id="cboy322" n="322"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>The Retreat. </item>
            <item>Battle of Sailor's Creek.</item>
            <item>Captured.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy323" n="323"/>
        <p>EARLY in the morning of Sunday, April 2, we
marched from our camp near South
Side railway into the main road leading west
to Amelia Court House. Reaching this road, we
found portions of Heth's and Wilcox's divisions
moving along the same, by whom we were
informed that our lines around Petersburg had been
broken and they cut off from the rest of the army.</p>
        <p>We pushed on that day, learning <foreign lang="fr">en route</foreign> that
General A. P. Hill had been killed before
Petersburg. We went into camp near Deep Creek,
hungry and conscious of loss, both in the breaking
of the lines at Petersburg and in the death of sturdy,
gallant A. P. Hill  -  and still there was no
murmuring.</p>
        <p>During the forenoon on Monday the enemy's
cavalry came up with our rear guard, when some
brisk skirmishing occurred. We passed Deep Creek
near 2 P. M., the enemy pressing closely. Late in
the evening we received a scanty supply of rations,
the first since March 29 - four days. Beyond Deep
Creek a short distance we went into camp; moving
next morning on the road to Amelia Court House,
but the enemy had been there ahead of us, had
made an attack upon
<pb id="cboy324" n="324"/>
a wagon train, and were driven off by the teamsters 
and stragglers, leaving their dead and some of
their wounded on the streets. Here we heard of the
evacuation of Richmond. This, though looked for,
brought deep gloom over not a few of the men, who
for more than three years had not faltered in hope of
ultimate success. From the time Amelia Court
House was left at noon on the 4th until Thursday,
the 6th, at the close of the battle of Sailor's Creek,
there was scarcely an hour, day or night, that we
were not engaged in skirmishing with the enemy.
They were on the flank, and everywhere, after our
beleaguered troops. We were forced to halt and
form line of battle, once or more a square, to prevent
capture. The march was necessarily slow on
account of the wagon and artillery trains, which
moved at a snail's pace through the mud, drawn by
famished animals, which had had but little food for
days. While soldiers may live for a time on
enthusiasm, mules and horses must have corn or
oats. As for ourselves, we were without food, save
a little parched corn, when we could stop long
enough to parch it; otherwise we took it raw, shelling
it from the cob and eating it as we marched. The
small ration issued to us at Deep Creek had only
been sufficient for one square meal. Many of the
men were overcome
<pb id="cboy325" n="325"/>
with fatigue, hunger and want of sleep, some
actually going to sleep walking along, stumbling and
falling in the road. No food was to be had in the
country along the road upon which we were
marching, as the people had been stripped of
everything in the way of food by those who had
preceded us. It was unsafe to venture far from the
command on account of the enemy's cavalry now
on all the roads, and many of our men were made
prisoners by going away from the line of march in
search of food. We halted for rest but once during
the night of Wednesday, the 5th, then only for a few
minutes, in line of battle, for the enemy was close
upon us.</p>
        <p>It was the general expression that if all of our
marchings, sufferings, hardships, privations and
sacrifices for all of the preceding years of the war
were summed up, shaken together and pressed
down, they would not equal those we were now
undergoing on this tramp.</p>
        <p>At daylight on Thursday, April 6, a point was
reached near Sailor's Creek, a small tributary of the
Appomattox, a short distance from High Bridge,
and probably ten miles from Farmville. The
marching of our depleted and exhausted forces for
the past two days had been conducted during the
day by throwing out skirmishers on both flanks, and
calling them in at dark, our rear
<pb id="cboy326" n="326"/>
now being cared for by the troops of General Ewell.
The skirmishers in front and on the flank became
actively engaged at sunrise, the balls from the
enemy's sharpshooters whistling over and among
the men of the regiment. Here I saw for the first
and last time General Henry A. Wise, a tall,
slender, gray-haired man, straight as an arrow,
apparently vigorous for a man of his years. We
were now to fight our last engagement  -  the battle
of Sailor's Creek.</p>
        <p>The skirmishing now grew more animated, we
expecting every moment to be attacked, but the
enemy was merely attracting our attention and
trying to hold us where we were until his infantry
columns could come up. In the afternoon, probably
2:30 or a little later, a heavy force of the enemy's
cavalry made a charge on a battalion of
Confederate artillery in advance of us on the same
road. To check this cavalry charge, we were
hurried across Sailor's Creek, reaching the guns of
Colonel Huger's battalion in time to see most of the
Artillerists, including Colonel Huger, taken away as
prisoners. The enemy not being able to take these
guns away, as we were now at their heels, they
hurriedly chopped with an axe the spokes out of the
wheels, disabling them for present use, then
retreated, we following in line of battle and going
forward through an open
<pb id="cboy327" n="327"/>
field, meeting no resistance, and halting on a piece
of high ground. A squadron of Federal cavalry,
spying General Pickett with his staff riding up in our
rear, made a dash for him; about the same time he
discovered the object of these bold riders, and
galloped quickly to the lines of the brigade to our
left, which was in a body of scattering timber.
These reckless troopers pushed up after the
General until close to our men, who fired upon them,
emptying every saddle. This incident is given to
show the reader how desperate was this prolonged
game of death.</p>
        <p>On the brow of the hill where our brigade halted
on the road on which we had been marching, there
was intersection with another road leading directly
west. Here we hurriedly tore away an old worm
fence, piling up the rails to make some protection
against rifle balls. On the left rear of Pickett's and
part of Bushrod Johnson's divisions on Sailor's
Creek were Custis Lee's and Kershaw's 3000 men
under General Ewell, with whom we had no
connection, nor with Mahone's division and other
troops ahead of us, leaving gaps through which the
Federal cavalry passed, enabling them to get on our
flanks and rear. The enemy's troops in this
engagement  -  one army corps with three cavalry
divisions  -  numbered 25,000 or more men, while
the Confederates
<pb id="cboy328" n="328"/>
did not have 7500 all told. The fighting
was desperate. Along our front and fully five
hundred yards away we could see passing to our
right heavy bodies of the enemy, evidently bent
upon getting ahead of us. Moreover, this must have
been manifest to our commanding officers, who
permitted us to remain idle for several hours and
until the enemy made full preparations to attack us.
That somebody blundered, there is no doubt, as any
enlisted man in the ranks could clearly see. We
should have moved on. The attack came between 3
and 4 o'clock P. M. by an assault on Munford's
dismounted cavalry in a skirt of woods to our right.
This attack, as were others on our right front, was
repulsed.</p>
        <p>General Terry, our brigade commander, had
given the order to move to the right, when he
discovered another advance upon us, this time in
heavy force. We were ordered to remain where we
were and not to fire until the enemy were close
enough to see the whites of their eyes, then fire and
charge with the bayonet. We were behind the rails,
close to the ground. The enemy, armed with
repeating rifles, when within seventy-five yards or
so opened upon us, filling the air with balls, and
coming at us. Every man who raised his head
above the rails gave his life for the venture.
Captain Harris, the Adjutant General of
<pb id="cboy329" n="329"/>
the brigade, raised his head to look and fell back
dead; a sandy haired man of my regiment at my
elbow met the same fate. He was from Orange
County and never knew what hit him. Then came a
lull in the firing in front, and I heard a noise behind
us; looking around, I saw a column of Federal
cavalry close behind us, one of whom had boldly
dashed up behind our regiment, seized the colors,
and with drawn saber compelled Torbett, the color
bearer, to surrender the same. Such was the
character and bravery of the men we had to fight.
Some one just then cried, “Fire!” and a portion of
our regiment delivered its fire into the faces of the
enemy in front. In a moment began an
indiscriminate fight with clubbed muskets, flagstaffs,
pistols and sabers. In a few moments all was over.
We had met the enemy and we were theirs. This
final struggle was most tragic. We were now
marched out and surrounded by a cordon of
cavalry.</p>
        <p>Ewell's, Kershaw's and Custis Lee's battle on the
left was still raging, but to terminate, as had ours, in
their capture, together with the greater part of their
commands, which had made a brave and gallant
fight, but like ourselves were the victims of gross
blunders on the part of someone in authority on the
field, as well as overwhelmed by superior numbers.
This battle ended my activities
<pb id="cboy330" n="330"/>
in the army. There remains only to describe my
experience as a prisoner of war, which I will do
later on.</p>
        <p>The Federal losses in this battle were 166 killed,
1014 wounded. The Confederate losses, 268 killed,
2032 wounded, together with some 6000 prisoners
claimed by the enemy. A portion of the division
escaped with General Pickett and reached
Appomattox.</p>
        <p>I am unable to give the number of the killed,
wounded and captured of our division, brigade or
regiment. I do not, however, believe the 7th Virginia
in this battle numbered two hundred, the brigade
five hundred, the division not exceeding two
thousand. Company D had two officers and sixteen
men in this battle, having no loss in killed or
wounded. Suffice it to say that with our small
number we could not have been driven from our
position by parallel battle line.</p>
        <p>Four years before this company left Pearisburg,
Virginia, with 102 men, the majority of whom were
as promising and gallant young men as Virginia
produced. During the time of service twenty
recruits were added, making 122 in all, and now
here we were with eighteen left. The reader is left
to ask where were the 104.  Let the crippled and
mangled survivors who had been discharged, the
graves of the noble dead
<pb id="cboy331" n="331"/>
scattered all over Virginia, Maryland and
Pennsylvania, make answer. Can anyone wonder
that we eighteen were drawn together that day by a
bond of suffering and blighted hope, closer than
ever before?</p>
        <p>Here are the names of the men of Company D
present in this last tragic struggle, to-wit: Captain R.
H. Bane, Lieutenant Thomas S. Taylor; the men,
Fry, Yager, Shannon, Bolton, Darr, Eaton, Gordon,
Henderson, J. J. Hurt, C. Minnich, G. A. Minnich,
Suthern, Stafford, Wiley, Meadows and the writer.</p>
        <p>Strange were the scenes among the captives at
Sailor's Creek: some cried, some prayed, others
were angry; some cursed, abusing the one who
blundered, leading us into the trap to be captured,
while a few were cheerful, saying all is not yet lost,
but it was apparent to the writer that we had fired
our last gun. The flag we had followed to victory on
so many fields was now furled forever, and strong
men wept!</p>
        <p>The sun was fast sinking; the men lay down upon
the ground and were soon asleep, many not waking
until the sun was high in the heavens the next day.
Gloom was depicted on every countenance, and
sorrow was in every face. These men had seen
their comrades go down day by day, by which they
were impressed that if the
<pb id="cboy332" n="332"/>
war continued it was only a question of time when
they too would bite the dust. They, however, had
this consolation regarding their fallen comrades: that
they had gone down in the conscientious belief in
the justness of their cause, in the hope of victory,
and had not lived to see their flag furled in defeat,
and were saved the humiliation of tasting the bitter
cup of submission, of which we were to drink to its
very dregs. Maybe these after all were the lucky
men  -  who knows? The gallantry and devotion of
our soldiers in the unequal struggle proved how
thorough were their convictions of the righteousness
of their cause. Their devotion to that cause and
their kindness and humanity to those whom the fate
of war placed in their power, proved them worthy
sons of noble ancestry. These men viewed the
attempt at coercion on the part of the Northern
people as aggression, and their action in defense of
their country, homes and firesides, as an inherent,
inalienable right  -  a defense of constitutional liberty.</p>
        <p>Immediately upon our capture, the Federal
soldiers stripped many of our men of all their good
hats, boots and small trinklets. Colonel Flowerree,
who had a splendid new hat and boots, was
deprived of both, and in lieu thereof was given a
worn out, dingy old cap and rough shoes.
<pb id="cboy333" n="333"/>
I think they took these things as souvenirs  -  war
trophies  -  they did not need them, for they were
well supplied.</p>
        <p>We were without food and had been practically
so since the preceding Monday. Our captors
themselves were poorly supplied, but our humane,
brave and generous foes divided their scanty supply
with us. All of the men captured in the battle of the
day before, about six thousand, the Federals then
claimed, were congregated with us in the field in
which we were placed.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy335" n="335"/>
      <div1 type="chapter28">
        <head>Chapter XXVIII</head>
        <pb id="cboy336" n="336"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>To Prison at Point Lookout, Maryland.</item>
            <item>Prison Life. </item>
            <item>Release. </item>
            <item>Home.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy337" n="337"/>
        <p>NEAR noon on Friday, April 7, the march 
was taken up for prison at Point Lookout,
a distance of about 150 miles, though at that
time we did not know our destination. The Federal
soldiers were still taking from our men hats and
other articles that pleased their fancy. I noted in my
description of the battle of Dreury's Bluff that an
Irish sergeant of the 1st Virginia regiment had
picked up a fine hat on the battlefield which he had
given to me because it would not fit his head, but
did mine. I kept this hat until the opening of the
campaign in March, 1865, when I put it on, believing
this would be our last campaign. When captured at
Sailor's Creek I was wearing this hat, and on
observing the Federal soldiers capturing hats from
our men, I kept as far away from them as I could
until we began the march on the 7th, when, crossing
a pond, I soused my hat in the muddy water, which
made it then appear as worthless, but it was safe in
my possession. I wore it to prison, then cleaned off
the mud and wore it home. This hat, a blanket and a
canteen were the only Federal trophies of the war I
carried home.</p>
        <p>Late in the evening of April 7, while on the
march, we met a drove of beef cattle being driven
<pb id="cboy338" n="338"/>
forward for use of the Federal army. We were
halted while a number of these beeves were
slaughtered, dressed, cut up into small parcels and
handed us where we stood in the road, and we
marched on without opportunity to cook the beef,
which we devoured blood raw, without salt. This
probably may shock the reader, but it was the best
that could be done.</p>
        <p>On the night march of the 7th from Burkeville I
could have escaped, but I reasoned that if I did I
would most likely be recaptured, and if I was not I
would probably starve, as there was no food in the
country, so I determined to risk our captors to give
us food.</p>
        <p>Next morning we were near Nottoway and
passed that day through Petersburg, halting on
Thursday, the 13th, near 10 o'clock A. M., at the
Federal commissary, nearly a mile beyond the city,
where a bountiful supply of food was given us  -  the
first we had received since March 29. Several men
were too sick to eat, I of the number, enfeebled as
we were from our long continued marching and
from dysentery, resulting from eating raw, warm
beef, without salt. Resuming the march late in the
evening, City Point was reached at dark, where we
were huddled together, forced to stand all night in
mud several inches deep, in a drizzling rain, without
rest or sleep, not even
<pb id="cboy339" n="339"/>
a place to sit down, unless in the mud and water.
Such is war.</p>
        <p>Next day, April 14, we were placed aboard a
steamer, that evening dropping down the James
River. Next morning, Saturday the 15th, found our
vessel anchored off Point Lookout. Here we first
heard of Mr. Lincoln's assassination the preceding
night, which at first we were not disposed to credit,
but were soon convinced that some fearful
catastrophe had taken place, as the flags on the
shipping were at half mast. As soon as we were
landed we became satisfied that the report of Mr.
Lincoln's death was true, the Federal soldiers
informing us that any signs of exultation would result
in the opening of the batteries on us. We saw that
the guns were pointed at the prison. They, however,
mistook the spirit and feelings of our men, who,
though stung by defeat, yet brave and chivalrous
foes, they could in no wise justify, excuse or palliate
so cold-blooded a murder, much less rejoice at its
commission. They regretted greatly the death of Mr.
Lincoln, and spoke of him in the tenderest terms,
saying had he lived he would have been kind to our
people.</p>
        <p>As we entered the prison walls, every man was
searched and everything of value (which was little)
taken from him. The quarters consisted
<pb id="cboy340" n="340"/>
of small tents, large enough for about five men, into
which were crowded about eight to ten, divided into
companies in charge of our own sergeants.</p>
        <p>Around the prison was a high plank fence with a
platform at the top, on which the guards made their
beats. The water was bad  -  brackish, discoloring
our teeth. The number of Confederates in this prison
was more than 23,000 men, covering about twenty-two 
acres of land  -  more than 1,000 to the acre. The
number of deaths among the prisoners reported was,
from April to July, over 6,800. Among these was
Josephus Suthern, of Company D, 7th regiment. I
found in this prison Sumner, Crawford, Dudley and
Mullins, of Company D, who, with those captured at
Sailor's Creek, to wit: Fry, Yager, Shannon, Bolton,
Darr, Eaton, Gordon, Henderson, Jim Hurt,
Meadows, C. Minnich, George A. Minnich, Suthern,
Stafford, Wiley and the writer, making the number
twenty in prison. When we met under these new
conditions, strange sensations were experienced, as
the reader may well suppose.</p>
        <p>The only place we were allowed to go outside of
the prison, and that only in the daytime, was on the
Chesapeake bayside. Our rations consisted of eight
ounces of loaf bread per day, a thin piece of bacon
or salt pork boiled and cut so thin that
<pb id="cboy341" n="341"/>
it was almost transparent, and a pint cup of bean
soup, in which we occasionally found a bean. As a
result we were always hungry  -  went to bed hungry,
dreamed of being hungry, and got up ready for
breakfast with the same feeling. I went to prison
weighing one hundred and sixty-five pounds, not sick
a day after I got there, and came out weighing one
hundred and twenty-seven pounds. Carrying out the
ratio, if I had stayed there six months I would have
weighed nothing. We were constantly in danger of
being wounded or losing our lives by the reckless
firing of the negro guards into the prison at some one
claimed by them to be violating the prison rules. We
had nothing to read except now and then when we
found some man with a Bible or Testament. Some of
the men were ingenious workmen, making rings
from gutta percha buttons and selling them to the
guards.</p>
        <p>Near the middle of June orders came for the
discharge of the prisoners, upon taking the oath of
fidelity to the United States. The men were to be
taken out in alphabetical order and transported away
as rapidly as could be done. As soon as it was
announced that men's names beginning with the
letter A would repair to headquarters, then it
seemed to all appearances that half the prisoners
had names beginning with the letter A.
<pb id="cboy342" n="342"/>
Many a poor fellow, in his anxiety to get away,
went out under an assumed name. The letter J was
called on Wednesday, June 28, when the numbers
in the prison had been greatly reduced, though only
the ninth letter of the alphabet had been passed.</p>
        <p>Repairing to headquarters, thirty-two fell into line
under the American flag unfolded over their heads
and had the oath administered to them; the officers
taking a personal description of each man,
furnishing him the oath and certificate of discharge
in writing, when he was passed outside the prison
wall. Here follows an exact copy of the oath taken
by me and certificate of discharge from prison:</p>
        <div2 type="oath">
          <head>UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.</head>
          <p>I, David E. Johnston, of the County of Giles
and State of Va., do solemnly swear that I will
support, protect and defend the Constitution
and Government of the United States against
all enemies, whether domestic or foreign; that I
will bear true faith, allegiance and loyalty to the
same, any ordinance, resolution, or laws of any
state, convention or legislature to the contrary
notwithstanding; and further, that I will
faithfully perform all the duties which may be
required of me by the laws of the United
States; and
<pb id="cboy343" n="343"/>
that I take this oath freely and voluntarily
without any mental reservation or evasion
whatever.</p>
          <closer><signed>(Signed) D. E. JOHNSTON.</signed>
<dateline>Subscribed and sworn to before me this 28th
day of June, A. D. 1865.</dateline>
<signed>(Signed) A. C. BRADY,
<lb/>
Maj. and Provost Marshal.</signed>
The above named has fair complexion,
brown hair and hazel eyes, and is 5 feet 9 1/2
inches high.</closer>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="release">
          <head>CERTIFICATE OF RELEASE OF
PRISONER OF WAR.</head>
          <opener>
            <dateline>Headquarters, Point Lookout, Md.
<lb/>
Provost Marshal's Office, June 28, 1865.</dateline>
          </opener>
          <p>I hereby certify that David E. Johnston,
prisoner of war, having this day taken the Oath
of Allegiance to the United States, is, in
conformity with instructions from the War
Department, hereby released and discharged.
In Witness Whereof I hereunto affix my
official signature and stamp.</p>
          <closer><signed>(Signed) A. C. BRADY,
<lb/>Maj. and Provost Marshal.</signed>
<dateline>A. C. BRADY,
<lb/>June 28, 1865.
<lb/>Maj. and Provost Marshal.</dateline></closer>
        </div2>
        <pb id="cboy344" n="344"/>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <p>The reader may be interested to know that I
have grown a full inch in height and gained more
than 80 pounds in weight.</p>
          <p>Steamers were at the wharf and as soon as it
was known that a sufficient number of those whose
destination was Richmond were discharged to load
the vessel, we went aboard, landing at Richmond
the evening of June 29, and walked up on to the
streets, which for the most part were deserted, the
city in ruins.</p>
          <p>This was Richmond, on the majestic James  -   the
proudest city of Virginia, for whose capture great
armies had contended for nearly four years; not
only the capital of Virginia, but of the Confederacy,
doing more for the Confederate soldier than any
other place in the South. Her people were intelligent
and high minded and patriotic. I had seen her in her
power and glory, but now in the ashes of her
destruction, poverty and humiliation. I have since
seen her in her opulence and more than her former
greatness and glory.</p>
          <p>On landing we found ourselves among a people
as poor and destitute as we. With no money, no
food, no place to stay, traveling without scrip or
purse, we finally made our way to old Chimborazo
Hospital, where we slept that night on the grass in
the yard. The next morning early we made our way
to the Danville depot, where a crowd of several
hundred ex-Confederate
<pb id="cboy345" n="345"/>
soldiers were congregated, trying to get some kind
of transportation home. An old, broken down engine
was found by some one in the shop and some box
cars in the yard, which were cobbled on, making up
a train sufficient, by close packing inside the boxes
and on top, to bear the crowd away. I, with others,
concluded to try the top of a box car, as we would
have more room and plenty of air, but the car, being
covered with metal, the heat up there from both the
sun and the metal on the car made it no very
comfortable place. The engine, too cranky to do
much pulling, stuck on the first grade, but after much
labor it started again, making slow progress. Late in
the evening we had a severe electric storm,
accompanied by a heavy downpour of rain, giving
those on the boxes a thorough drenching. Those of
us going to Lynchburg left the train at Burkeville to
make Farmville, which we did in time to catch
another train of box cars which carried us to within
six miles of Lynchburg, where we boarded a packet
boat, getting into Lynchburg late in the evening.
There we found quarters in a building called the
“Soldiers' Home.” We had little to eat that night, but
more the next day, Sunday, having to remain over till
Monday morning for a train that would carry us
westward over the Virginia and Tennessee
Railroad. Leaving on Monday
<pb id="cboy346" n="346"/>
morning, we reached Big Spring at the foot of
the Alleghanies, where the railroad was again
broken. By this time our numbers had been reduced
to three  -  Leonard, of Carroll; Sam Lucas, of Giles,
and the writer. We now trudged along afoot till we
passed through Alleghany tunnel, where Lucas left
us, turning to the right for his home. Leonard and I
tramped on, dark overtaking us at Christiansburg
depot, where, hungry and worn out, we sought the
shades of a friendly oak and, with nothing to eat, lay
down and went to sleep.</p>
          <p>Our tramp was resumed early on Tuesday, July
4. After a mile or so, finding ourselves growing
weaker and our hunger increasing, we then for the
first time decided to beg, and succeeded in getting
some bread and our canteens filled with milk, which
we finished on the spot. Moving on, we crossed
New River, on the partially destroyed railroad
bridge, beyond which a mile or so we received
another supply of milk. On reaching Dublin, my
comrade and friend, Leonard, bidding me goodbye,
took the left hand and I the right. I was now
heading directly for home, and after walking about
two and a half miles, it being about 2 P. M., I
decided to sit down and rest. I propped myself
against a small oak sapling by the roadside, and
when I awoke the sun was behind 
<pb id="cboy347" n="347"/>
the western mountains. Eight miles further on I
reached the home of Mr. Thomas Shannon, who
kindly took me in, fed me and gave me a bed.
About 3 P. M. on the next day, Wednesday, July 5,
1865, four years, one month and twelve days from
the day on which I had left for the war, I reached
home  -  satisfied with my experience, with no more
desire for war, yet proud of my record as a
Confederate soldier, as I am to this day; with no
apologies to make to anyone, as I, in common with
my fellow soldiers, repudiate as unsound and
baseless any charge of rebellion or treason in the
war. We had resorted to the revolutionary right to
establish separate government vouchsafed to us in
the Declaration of Independence. I did not fight to
destroy the government of the United States, nor
for the perpetuation of the institution of slavery, for
which I cared nothing, but did fight for four years of
my young manhood for a principle I knew to be
right. Had such not been true, I would not have
risked my life, my all, therefor, nor have been a
Virginia Confederate soldier.</p>
          <p>I doubt not, had the South at any time during the
contest agreed to return to the Union, that the
Federal soldier would have thrown down his musket
and gone home, for he was not fighting for the
destruction of slavery, but for the preservation
<pb id="cboy348" n="348"/>
and restoration of the Union. I attach no
blame to the brave Union soldier. He was as
sincere and conscientious in the fight he made as
was I in the one I made. We were both right from
our respective viewpoints. With charity for all and
malice towards none, this narrative is closed.</p>
        </div2>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy349" n="349"/>
      <div1 type="chapter29">
        <head>Chapter XXIX</head>
        <pb id="cboy350" n="350"/>
        <argument>
          <list type="contents">
            <item>The Conclusion. </item>
            <item>War Ends.</item>
            <item>The Return to Civil Pursuits.</item>
            <item>The Confederate Soldier.</item>
          </list>
        </argument>
        <pb id="cboy351" n="351"/>
        <p>THE war was now ended, the issues involved
settled and closed, so far as they could be
by the sword. The Federal government had
stood the test, proved itself too strong for the allied
seceded states, overthrown their separate
government, maintained by a separate people for
four years, and established the fact that no state
could secede or leave the Union unless by
revolution and force of arms strong enough to defy
and successfully resist the power of the general
government. Slavery was abolished and could not
exist among the American people. To accomplish
these two things had cost thousands of lives,
anguish, blood and billions of treasure.</p>
        <p>With the close of the war the survivors of
Company D who were either at home or in hospital
when the war ended, or who had gotten home from
the surrender at Appomattox, or had been released
from military prisons, accepted the result of the
conflict in good faith and again entered the pursuits
of civil life. As they had been gallant soldiers, they
became law-abiding, upright and worthy citizens.
Numbers of the company had perished on the
battlefield, in hospitals and in prison. Some were
buried on the field where they fell, with no
monument or slab
<pb id="cboy352" n="352"/>
to mark their last resting place, yet they died for a
cause the justness of which they never for a
moment doubted. The survivors lived to see their
efforts for separate government defeated, the
principles and the righteousness of the cause not
lost, but the struggle to establish and maintain the
same had failed. This failure is, however, no
argument against the justness and right of the
cause. No braver, nobler company of men had part
in the contest than the company of which I write.
Theirs was a sacrifice for liberty not to be gained
and a struggle in which all was lost save honor and
manhood.</p>
        <p>Now (1914), nearly fifty years have passed since
the close of the mighty conflict, and there remain
alive of those brave men who stood on the firing
line, baring their bosoms to the storm, but few,
eighteen, so far as I know or can ascertain, and
whose names are as follows: A. L. Fry, J. T.
Frazier, John A. Hale, B. L. Hoge, James J. Hurt,
David E. Johnston, - Lewy, N. J. Morris, Thomas N.
Mustain, A. C. Pack, William D. Peters, John W.
Sarver, Alexander Skeens, Joseph Skeens, W. H.
H. Snidow, Thomas J. Stafford, Gordon L. Wilburn
and Jesse B. Young.</p>
        <p>In what is said herein in praise of the honor and
glory won in war and peace by the Confederate
soldier, particularly of those of the
<pb id="cboy353" n="353"/>
Army of Northern Virginia, with which I served
throughout the four years' struggle, I do not for one
moment mean or intend to detract from the laurels
won by the heroic Union soldier, who stood in the
firing line, faithfully discharging his duty; for he, as
well as we, was contending for principles regarded
sacred and for which we had risked our lives, and in
which struggle one or the other of the combatants
must yield. All were American soldiers, and the
glory and honor won by each is the common
heritage of the American people, not to be obscured
or clouded by the questions about which we
differed. Each struggled to maintain the right as God
gave him to see the right.</p>
        <p>We often talked along the skirmish lines with
Union soldiers and they invariably and vehemently
denied that they were fighting to abolish or destroy
slavery. Particularly was this true of those from the
Northwestern states. In opposition to our claim or
contention that we were fighting for
independence  -  separate government  -   they
insisted that they were fighting for the Union, a
common, undivided country; did not want to see the
country broken up by division; and I feel fairly safe
in stating that this feeling and sentiment largely
dominated the great majority of the Union soldiers. I
recall one or more
<pb id="cboy354" n="354"/>
conversations with Union soldiers along the lines on
the above subject, in which they told me that if they
believed they were fighting to free the slaves they
would quit the army and go home.</p>
        <p>The Confederate soldier, as I have already said,
accepted in good faith the result of the war, bore no
malice toward those whom he had fought face to
face, knowing:</p>
        <lg type="verse">
          <l>“Malice is a wrinkled hag, hell-born; </l>
          <l>Her heart is hate, her soul is scorn. </l>
          <l>Blinded with blood, she cannot see </l>
          <l>To do any deed of charity.”</l>
        </lg>
        <p>And again remembering the thought expressed in
the lines:</p>
        <lg type="verse">
          <l>“You cannot tame the tiger,</l>
          <l>You dare not kill the dove;</l>
          <l>But every gate you bar with hate</l>
          <l>Will open wide to love.”</l>
        </lg>
        <p>No such army ever trod this earth as the Army of
Northern Virginia, composed of the best body of
fighting men that ever shouldered a musket.
President Roosevelt said of them: “The world has
never seen better soldiers than those who followed
Lee.”</p>
        <p>The Federal General Hooker  -  “Fighting Joe,” as
he was aptly called by his soldiers, in his testimony 
<pb id="cboy355" n="355"/>
before the committee of Congress on the
conduct of the war, in speaking of the Army of
Northern Virginia, among other things said: “That
army had by discipline alone a character for
steadiness and efficiency unsurpassed, in my
judgment, in ancient or modern times. We have not
been able to rival it.”</p>
        <p>Colonel David F. Pugh, a gallant Federal soldier,
and a late commander of the Grand Army of the
Republic, in an address delivered by him at the
unveiling of the Confederate monument at Camp
Chase, Ohio, June 7, 1902, said: “All the bitterness
has gone out of my heart, and in spite of a
Confederate bullet in my body, I do not hesitate to
acknowledge that their valor is part of the common
heritage of the whole country. We can never
challenge the fame of those men whose skill and
valor made them the idols of the Confederate army.
The fame of Lee, Jackson, the Johnstons, Gordon,
Longstreet, the Hills, Hood and Stuart and many
thousands of non-commissioned officers and private
soldiers of the Confederate armies, whose names
are not mentioned on historic pages, can never be
tarnished by the carping criticisms of the narrow and
shallow minded.”</p>
        <p>If this be the estimate of a Northern president
and of a leading general of our adversaries, who
<pb id="cboy356" n="356"/>
at one time commanded the gallant Army of the
Potomac, and of the other brave Federal soldier
whom I have quoted, what shall we in truth say for
ourselves?</p>
        <p>Lieutenant-General Early, among the bravest and
best soldiers in the Army of Northern Virginia, and
who fought nearly a hundred battles and skirmishes,
hence competent to speak on the subject, in his
Memoirs says: “I believe the world has never
produced a body of men superior in courage,
patriotism and endurance to the private soldiers of
the Confederate armies. I have repeatedly, seen
these soldiers submit with cheerfulness to privations
and hardships which would appear to be almost
incredible; and the wild cheers of our brave men,
when their lines sent back opposing hosts of Federal
troops, staggering, reeling and flying, have often
thrilled every fiber in my heart. I have seen with my
own eyes ragged, barefooted and hungry
Confederate soldiers perform deeds which, if
performed in days of yore by mailed warriors in
glittering armor, would have inspired the harp of the
minstrel and the pen of the poet.”</p>
        <p>But arguing the nobility of the Confederate
soldier is like arguing the brightness of the sun at
noonday. The Confederate soldier was truly an
American, for his people in the South were the
<pb id="cboy357" n="357"/>
truest type of Americans in the land, having very
little foreign population among them. Again, this
Confederate soldier was born and reared a
gentleman, was so by instinct. He was not a
mercenary; he was neither for conquest nor
aggression, but stood purely for self-defense. He
believed in his inmost soul that no people had juster
cause, higher aspirations, or made braver or nobler
resolves for cause, country, families, homes and
firesides. I turn to ask, who were these Confederate
soldiers? They were principally country folks,
farmers, mechanics, school boys, as stated; native
born Americans, descendants of Revolutionary
patriots, by no means all slave owners; thousands
never owned slaves, and many were opposed to the
institution. The Confederate soldier was always
impatient of military restraint, feeling himself the
equal of and as good as any man, and not inferior to
his superior in rank; in battle, as a rule, his own
general; his individuality and self-reliance, among his
noted characteristics, were the crowning glory of his
actions, and this self-reliance taught him when it was
wise and prudent to fight, and when it was the better
part of valor to decline. On the battlefield he was at
his best; “his clothes might be ragged, but his musket
and saber were bright. His haversack empty, but he
kept his cartridge box filled. Often
<pb id="cboy358" n="358"/>
his feet were bare, blistered and bleeding;
occasionally he might straggle on the march, but
was up when the battle was on.”</p>
        <p>Barefoot, ragged, without food, no pay and
nothing to buy if he had money, he marched further,
laughed louder, making the welkin ring with his rebel
yell; endured more genuine suffering, hardship and
fatigue, fought more bravely, complained and fretted
less, than any soldier who marched beneath the
banners of Napoleon. His nerve was steady and his
aim was sure, and his powers of endurance and
resistance unmeasured. This same Confederate
soldier fought and hoped and hoped and fought:</p>
        <lg type="verse">
          <l>“Sometimes he won, then hopes were high;</l>
          <l>Again he lost, but it would not die;</l>
          <l>And so to the end he followed and fought,</l>
          <l>With love and devotion, which could not be
bought.”</l>
        </lg>
        <p>Though his ears were often greeted with the
cries of woe and distress of those at home (enough
to break his heart), his ardor chilled not; he had a
never faltering courage; his spirit remained
unbroken, his convictions never yielded. In the
darkest hour of our peril, in the midst of dark and
lowering clouds, with scarcely the glimmer of a star
of apparent hope, he still stood firm
<pb id="cboy359" n="359"/>
and grasped his musket with a tighter grip.
Following is the description given of this soldier by
another:</p>
        <p>“Look at the picture of this soldier as he stood in
the iron and leaden hail, with his old, worn out
slouch hat, his bright eyes glistening with
excitement, powder-begrimed face, rent and ragged
clothing, with the prints of his bare feet in the dust
of the battle, a genuine tatterdemalion, fighting
bravely, with no hope of reward, promotion or pay,
with little to eat and that often cornbread and
<sic corr="sorghum">sorphum</sic> molasses. If he stopped a Yankee bullet
and was thereby killed, he was buried on the field
and forgotten, except by comrades or a loving old
mother at home.”</p>
        <lg type="verse">
          <l>“In the solemn shades of the wood that swept</l>
          <l>The field where his comrades found him,</l>
          <l>They buried him there  -  and the big tears crept</l>
          <l>Into strong men's eyes that had seldom wept.</l>
          <l>His mother  -  God pity her!  -  smiled and slept,</l>
          <l>Dreaming her arms were around him.”</l>
        </lg>
        <p>In modern times there has never been such valor
and heroism displayed as in our Civil War, never
such soldiers as the Union and Confederate, and
certainly never such as the Confederate soldiers,
and it would be nothing to their credit to have
achieved victories over less valorous foes
<pb id="cboy360" n="360"/>
than the Union soldiers, and no credit to the Union
soldiers that they overwhelmed men of less bravery.
The individuality of the Confederate soldier was
never lost, and this with his self-possession and
intelligent thought made him well nigh invincible.
The Army of Northern Virginia as a whole was
never driven, from a battlefield, although confronted
by as good soldiers as were on the continent. No
danger could appall these men of Lee, no peril awe,
no hardships dismay, no numbers intimidate. To
them duty was an inspiration. They had devastated
no fields, desecrated no temples and plundered no
people, always respecting woman, and feared no
man. The record of these soldiers since the war is
clean, their names a stranger to criminal records;
few, if any, who followed Lee have been behind the
bars of a jail. He was their great exemplar.
Thousands of these non-commissioned officers and 
private soldiers, after the first year of the war, were
fitted not only to command regiments, but could well
have filled much higher military positions.</p>
        <p>Great soldiers were Lee, Johnston, Jackson,
Longstreet, Hills, Pickett, Stuart and others, but who
made them great? No generals ever had such
soldiers. It was these Confederates in the ranks that
made the names of their generals immortal. 
<pb id="cboy361" n="361"/>
Who would have ever heard of them, or of
General Grant, but for the Confederate soldier?</p>
        <p>What this Confederate soldier has been to the
South since the war cannot be measured or stated.
Shortly after the close of the conflict and he had
reached his home, if he had one left, his troubles
were not over. He was confronted with the
aftermath  -  the carpet-bagger and the <sic corr="scalawag">scallawag</sic>, as
well as by military-enforced reconstruction, the
blackest spot on the page of American history. Well
we might and did forgive the wrongs of war, but
how were we to overlook and forget the outrageous
and shameful things done in the name of restoration
of civil government, by the carpetbagger, Northern
political pest and pirate  -  the Southern <sic corr="scalawag">scallawag</sic>,
the low, mean, unworthy Southern white man, thrown to 
the surface by the revolution, but, like all dirt and filth, 
to go to the bottom and sink in the mud when the flood 
had subsided.</p>
        <p>Serious and grave as these questions were, which
sorely tried the Confederate soldier's courage,
patience and forbearance, as they had been tested
in war, he met them bravely, firmly and by his
indomitable spirit directed and controlled them. His
broad, keen, intelligent knowledge of men and things
finally carried him through the trying ordeal, and
crowned his labors with stable
<pb id="cboy362" n="362"/>
governments for the states of his Southland, the
most American conservative portion of the republic,
made so largely by the brain, brawn, energy and
industry of the Confederate soldier, who has been
the leader, promoter and architect of her industrial
and political fortunes, the idol of her people, her
representative in the every fiber and thought of her
existence and governments. He has raised her from
her ashes and poverty into a veritable garden and to
industrial and political power. The last roll call will
shortly be sounded, his sun will soon set  -  what a
hero! What an object of interest, will be the last
surviving soldier of the Confederacy (I crave to be
the one!), the only and last representative of that
government of which the great English scholar and
poet, Professor Worsely, has written:</p>
        <lg type="verse">
          <l>“No nation ever rose so white and fair, </l>
          <l>Or fell so free of crime.”</l>
        </lg>
      </div1>
    </body>
    <back>
      <div1 type="appendix1">
        <pb id="cboy363" n="363"/>
        <head>Appendix No. 1</head>
        <pb id="cboy365" n="365"/>
        <head>RANK, WOUNDS, DEATHS, DISCHARGES,
ETC.</head>
        <list type="appendix1">
          <item>No. 1. James H. French, captain first year of war;
led the company in battles of Bull Run and
First Manassas.</item>
          <item>No. 2. Eustace Gibson, first lieutenant first year of
war; in battles Bull Run and First Manassas.
Brave soldier.</item>
          <item>No. 3. W. A. Anderson, second lieutenant first
year.</item>
          <item>No. 4. Joel Blackard, second junior lieutenant first
year; elected captain at reorganization, April,
1862; in battles of Bull Run, First Manassas,
Williamsburg, Seven Pines, Cold Harbor;
killed in Battle of Frazier's Farm, June 30,
1862.</item>
          <item>No. 5. R. H. Bane, sergeant; elected first lieutenant
at reorganization, April, 1862; promoted
captain on death of Blackard; wounded at
First Battle of Manassas; led the company
for the remainder of the war; died since the
war.</item>
          <item>No. 6. John W. Mullins, second sergeant; promoted
to first sergeant; elected second lieutenant at
reorganization, April, 1862; wounded at
Second Battle of Manassas and Howlett
House, dying of wound received at last
named place.</item>
          <item>No. 7. Elisha M. Stone, corporal; elected third
lieutenant at reorganization, April, 1862;
wounded in battles of Williamsburg and
<pb id="cboy366" n="366"/>
Gettysburg; captured at last named battle;
remained a prisoner to close of the war; led
Company E, 7th regiment, in Battle of
Gettysburg.</item>
          <item>No. 8. Elijah R. Walker, elected second junior
lieutenant in 1862; promoted to second
lieutenant on death of Mullins; wounded in
battles of Seven Pines and Gettysburg;
disabled for service in last named battle, and
retired in April, 1864.</item>
          <item>No. 9. Thomas S. Taylor, first sergeant; elected
second lieutenant, November 25, 1864;
slightly wounded at Gettysburg; captured at
Battle of Sailor's Creek.</item>
          <item>No. 10. A. C. Pack, first sergeant; in battles of Bull
Run and First Manassas; discharged on
account of disability in Fall of 1861.</item>
          <item>No. 11. B. P. Watts, elected second sergeant, but
on account of ill health not mustered into
service.</item>
          <item>No. 12. J. C. Hughes, elected third sergeant in
April, 1861; in prison at close of war.</item>
          <item>No. 13. William D. Peters, fourth sergeant in April,
1861; third sergeant at reorganization;
severely wounded at Battle of Five Forks,
April 1, 1865.</item>
          <item>No. 14. Hamilton J. Hale, fifth sergeant; died at
Culpeper, October, 1861.</item>
          <item>No. 15. A. L. Fry, first sergeant; wounded at First
Battle of Manassas; captured at Warrenton,
September, 1862; slightly wounded at Battle
of Plymouth, N. C., April, 1864; captured at
Battle of Sailor's Creek, April, 1865;
<pb id="cboy367" n="367"/>
a prisoner at Point Lookout at close of the
war.</item>
          <item>No. 16. W. H. H. Snidow, second sergeant; in
Confederate prison at close of the war.</item>
          <item>No. 17. Joseph C. Shannon, fourth sergeant;
slightly wounded at Battle of Frazier's Farm;
captured at Battle of Sailor's Creek; a
prisoner at Point Lookout.</item>
          <item>No. 18. David E. Johnston, fourth sergeant; slightly
wounded at Battle of Williamsburg;
appointed sergeant-major 7th Virginia
Regiment, December 10, 1862; severely
wounded at Battle of Gettysburg, July 3,
1863; left on the field and captured; also
captured at Battle of Sailor's Creek, April 6,
1865; a prisoner at Point Lookout at end of
the war.</item>
          <item>No. 19. T. N. Mustain, second corporal;
transferred 1862 to 57th Virginia Infantry.</item>
          <item>No. 20. John W. Hight, fourth corporal; 
wounded at battles of Seven Pines and Second
Manassas; captured at Gettysburg on third
day's battle; deserted.</item>
          <item>No. 21. A. J. Thompson, first corporal; wounded at
Battle of Williamsburg; in prison at close of
war. No better soldier.</item>
          <item>No. 22. Daniel Bish, second corporal; wounded at
Battle of Frazier's Farm; killed at Battle of
Gettysburg, third day.</item>
          <item>No. 23. George C. Mullins, third corporal; captured
at Battle of Five Forks; a prisoner at Point
Lookout.</item>
          <item>No. 24. Jesse B. Young, fourth corporal; temporary
regimental ensign; wounded at battles of
<pb id="cboy368" n="368"/>
Frazier's Farm and Gettysburg and captured;
again wounded in Battle at Clay's House. A
brave and valiant soldier.</item>
          <item>No. 25. Edward Z. Yager, first sergeant in 1864;
wounded in Battle of Williamsburg; captured
at Sailor's Creek; prisoner at Point Lookout.</item>
          <item>No. 26. David C. Akers, wounded at Battle of
Frazier's Farm; killed in Battle of Gettysburg.</item>
          <item>No. 27. George W. Akers, died in 1862.</item>
          <item>No. 28. W. R. Albert, discharged in 1862.</item>
          <item>No. 29. Allen M. Bane, transferred from 4th
Virginia regiment in exchange for John H.
Martin, of Company D; wounded in Battle of
Williamsburg; captured at Battle of Frazier's
Farm; transferred to 1st Kentucky battalion
of cavalry.</item>
          <item>No. 30. Alexander Bolton, cook and member of
ambulance corps; a prisoner at Point
Lookout.</item>
          <item>No. 31. Joseph E. Bane, killed at First Battle of
Manassas.</item>
          <item>No. 32. Jesse Barrett, killed at Battle of
Gettysburg, third day.</item>
          <item>No. 33. Travis Burton, wounded at Battle of Seven
Pines; transferred.</item>
          <item>No. 34. W. H. Carr, wounded at Second Battle of
Manassas; retired.</item>
          <item>No. 35. James M. Collins, detailed as blacksmith.</item>
          <item>No. 36. John R. Crawford, slightly wounded at
Battle of Boonsboro Gap; captured in Battle
of Five Forks; a prisoner at Point Lookout.</item>
          <pb id="cboy369" n="369"/>
          <item>No. 37. William Crawford, over age; discharged.</item>
          <item>No. 38. James B. Croy, on special service;
captured and held a prisoner until near end
of war.</item>
          <item>No. 39. James Cole, killed at Battle of Boonsboro
Gap.</item>
          <item>No. 40. T. P. Darr, wounded and taken prisoner at
Battle of Frazier's Farm; captured at Battle
of Sailor's Creek; a prisoner at Point
Lookout.</item>
          <item>No. 41. John S. Dudley, wounded in Second Battle
of Manassas; also at Sharpsburg, and
captured; slightly wounded at Dreury's
Bluff; captured at Five Forks; a prisoner at
Point Lookout.</item>
          <item>No. 42. M. J. Dulaney, died June, 1862.</item>
          <item>No. 43. D. R. Dulaney, transferred to Virginia
Reserves.</item>
          <item>No. 44. W. H. Douthat, discharged in 1862.</item>
          <item>No. 45. Thomas Davenport, deserted in Spring,
1862.</item>
          <item>No. 46. David Davis, discharged in 1862.</item>
          <item>No. 47. Elbert S. Eaton, wounded in Second Battle
of Manassas; captured in Battle of Sailor's
Creek; a prisoner at Point Lookout.</item>
          <item>No. 48. Elisha D. East, whipped out of service.</item>
          <item>No. 49. John W. East, wounded in battles of
Williamsburg, Plymouth, N. C., and Dreury's
Bluff; deserted in 1864.</item>
          <item>No. 50. Joseph A. Eggleston, died in 1862 of
wounds received in battle of Frazier's Farm.</item>
          <item>No. 51. James H. Eggleston, died of disease, June,
1862.</item>
          <pb id="cboy370" n="370"/>
          <item>No. 52. John S. W. French, deserted at Suffolk, Va.,
May, 1863.</item>
          <item>No. 53. F. H. Farley, wounded in second battle of
Manassas; deserted in 1864.</item>
          <item>No. 54. William C. Fortner, wounded in battle of 
second Manassas; also at Gettysburg, where he was
captured.</item>
          <item>No. 55. James H. Fortner, wounded in second battle of
Manassas and Gettysburg; left on the field and
captured.</item>
          <item>No. 56. J. Tyler Frazier; slightly wounded in second
battle of Manassas; captured on retreat from
Petersburg, 1865.</item>
          <item>No. 57. William Frazier, died October, 1861.</item>
          <item>No. 58. Creed D. Frazier, discharged in fall 1861.</item>
          <item>No. 59. W. A. French, in battles of Bull Run and first
Manassas; discharged July, 1861.</item>
          <item>No. 60. Andrew J. French, discharged in fall of 1861.</item>
          <item>No. 61. James H. Gardner, slightly wounded in battle
of Bull Run, July 18, 1861; deserted May, 1863.</item>
          <item>No. 62. Francis M. Gordon, wounded in battle 
of Frazier's Farm; captured in battle of Sailor's Creek;
prisoner at Point Lookout.</item>
          <item>No. 63. Andrew J. Grigsby, promoted to Major 27th
Virginia regiment.</item>
          <item>No. 64. Charles A. Hale, surrendered at Appomattox.</item>
          <item>No. 65. John A. Hale, wounded in battles of
Williamsburg and Five Forks.</item>
          <item>No. 66. John D. Hare, died November 23, 1861.</item>
          <item>No. 67. Isaac Hare, slightly wounded in battle of
<pb id="cboy371" n="371"/>
Bull Run, and severely wounded in battle of
Williamsburg; transferred.</item>
          <item>No. 68. John R. Henderson, died October, 1861.</item>
          <item>No. 69. James B. Henderson, captured in battle of
Sailor's Creek; in prison at Point Lookout.</item>
          <item>No. 70. B. L. Hoge, at home sick at close of the war.</item>
          <item>No. 71. James Hughes, discharged, died in 1861.</item>
          <item>No. 72. James J. Hurt, wounded in battle of Gettysburg;
captured at Sailor's Creek, and prisoner at end of
the war.</item>
          <item>No. 73. George W. Hurt, detached as teamster.</item>
          <item>No. 74. John F. Jones, wounded in battle of
Gettysburg; leg amputated; discharged.</item>
          <item>No. 75. George Johnston, discharged.</item>
          <item>No. 76. Manilius S. Johnston, wounded in first battle of
Manassas; discharged.</item>
          <item>No. 77. George Knoll, wounded in battles of
Williamsburg and Boonsboro; captured at last
named battle.</item>
          <item>No. 78. Charles N. J. Lee, wounded in first battle of
Manassas; discharged.</item>
          <item>No. 79. Henry Lewey, wounded in first battle of Manassas; 
surrendered at Appomattox.</item>
          <item>No. 80. Joseph Lewey, wounded at battle of Seven
Pines; surrendered at Appomattox.</item>
          <item>No. 81. W. H. Layton, deserted, February, 1862.</item>
          <item>No. 82. James Lindsey, discharged, 1861.</item>
          <item>No. 83. P. H. Lefler, discharged in 1862.</item>
          <item>No. 84. Anderson Meadows, wounded in battle of
Williamsburg; captured at Sailor's Creek; prisoner
at Point Lookout.</item>
          <item>No. 85. John Meadows, wounded in battles of
<pb id="cboy372" n="372"/>
Williamsburg and Gettysburg; died in 1864. </item>
          <item>No. 86. Ballard P. Meadows, died June 18, 1862, of wounds
received in battle of Frazier's Farm.</item>
          <item>No. 87. N. J. Morris, discharged in 1862.</item>
          <item>No. 88. George A. Minnich, wounded in battle of Frazier's
Farm; captured in battle of Sailor's Creek; prisoner
at Point Lookout.</item>
          <item>No. 89. Christian Minnich, captured in battle of Sailor's
Creek; prisoner at Point Lookout.</item>
          <item>No. 90. John H. Minnich, discharged in 1861.</item>
          <item>No. 91.  A. D. Manning killed in battle of Seven Pines.</item>
          <item>No. 92. Raleigh Merricks, detailed as teamster.</item>
          <item>No. 93. T. P. Mays, wounded in battle of Frazier's Farm;
killed in battle of Boonsboro.</item>
          <item>No. 94. John H. Martin, transferred in 1861 to 4th 
Virginia regiment in exchange for Allen M. Bane,
transferred to Company D from 4th Virginia
regiment.</item>
          <item>No. 95. John Q. Martin, killed in second battle of
Manassas.</item>
          <item>No. 96. W. W. Muncey, wounded in battle of
Gettysburg.</item>
          <item>No. 97. James J. Nye, died of wounds received in second
battle of Manassas.</item>
          <item>No. 98. John Palmer, deserted in spring of 1862.</item>
          <item>No. 99. Charles W. Peck, Second Corporal, wounded in
battle of Williamsburg; died in summer of 1862.</item>
          <item>No. 100. John W. Sarver, severely wounded in battle of
Frazier's Farm; disabled and discharged.</item>
          <pb id="cboy373" n="373"/>
          <item>No. 101. Demarcus L. Sarver, wounded in battles of
Williamsburg and Gettysburg; deserted.</item>
          <item>No. 102. Josephus Suthern, wounded in battle of Frazier's
Farm; captured in battle of Sailor's Creek; died in
prison at Point Lookout.</item>
          <item>No. 103. Samuel B. Shannon, wounded in battle 
of first Manassas; served his one year enlistment;
joined 1st Kentucky <sic corr="battalion">batallion</sic> of cavalry.</item>
          <item>No. 104. John P. Sublett, wounded in first battle of
Manassas; killed in battle of Gettysburg.</item>
          <item>No. 105. William T. Sublett, died October, 1861.</item>
          <item>No. 106. Alexander Skeens, discharged in 1862.</item>
          <item>No. 107. Joseph Skeens, discharged in 1862.</item>
          <item>No. 108. Lewis R. Skeens, died August 6, 1862.</item>
          <item>No. 109. A. L. Sumner, captured in battle of Five Forks;
prisoner in Point Lookout.</item>
          <item>No. 110. Thomas J. Stafford, discharged in 1862.</item>
          <item>No. 111. William H. Stafford, killed in battle of
Williamsburg.</item>
          <item>No. 112. R. M. Stafford, captured in battle of Sailor's
Creek; a prisoner in Point Lookout.</item>
          <item>No. 113. Adam Thompson, wounded in battle of 
second Manassas; deserted February, 1864.</item>
          <item>No. 114. Alonzo Thompson, died, November, 1862.</item>
          <item>No. 115. Lee E. Vass, died August 4, 1862, of wounds
received in battle of Frazier's Farm.</item>
          <item>No. 116. W. R. C. Vass, killed in second battle of
Manassas.</item>
          <item>No. 117. Gordon L. Wilburn, wounded in second battle
of Manassas; surrendered at Appomattox.</item>
          <item>No. 118. Hugh J. Wilburn, wounded in battles of
<pb id="cboy374" n="374"/>
Frazier's Farm and second Manassas; deserted
in May, 1863.</item>
          <item>No. 119. William I. Wilburn, wounded in battles of
Williamsburg, and second Manassas;
surrendered at Appomattox.</item>
          <item>No. 120. Lewis N. Wiley, wounded in battle of
Fredericksburg; captured in battle of Sailor's
Creek; a prisoner at Point Lookout.</item>
          <item>No. 121. Isaac Young, transferred to 28th Virginia
battalion.</item>
          <item>No. 122 Thomas J. Young, deserted in February, 1862.</item>
          <item>Total Enlistment, 122.</item>
          <item>Number killed in battle and died of wounds. . . .17</item>
          <item>Number died of disease . . . .14</item>
          <item>Number discharged for various causes. . . .29</item>
          <item>Number transferred to other commands. . . .6</item>
          <item>Number in prison at Point Lookout and other
places (at close of war) . . . .27</item>
          <item>Number absent, sick in hospital, wounded or
at home (at close of war) . . . .8</item>
          <item>Number surrendered at Appomattox . . . .9</item>
          <item>Number deserted . . . .12</item>
          <item>122</item>
          <item>Memo.  -  Absent, sick and wounded or at home at
close of war:</item>
          <item>B. L. Hoge.</item>
          <item>George Knoll. </item>
          <item>W. W. Munsey.</item>
          <item>J. B. Young. </item>
          <item>W. C. Fortner.</item>
          <item> W. D. Peters.</item>
          <item>James H. Fortner.</item>
          <item>John A.
Hale.</item>
        </list>
      </div1>
      <pb id="cboy375" n="375"/>
      <div1 type="appendix2">
        <head>Appendix No. 2</head>
        <pb id="cboy377" n="377"/>
        <p>In concluding my reminiscences I have
determined to add some statistics as to the
campaigns, strength and losses of the two greatest
armies of the war  -  the Army of Northern Virginia
and the Federal Army of the Potomac. Never
before in modern warfare had it fallen to the lot of
two such armies to fight so many bloody battles,
with neither able to obtain any decided advantage
over the other. Beginning with the battles around
Richmond in the spring of 1862, to the close at
Appomattox, these two armies fought many battles
through seven great campaigns. The Army of
Northern Virginia, under General Lee, numbering at
its greatest not exceeding 80,000 men, certainly
greatly inferior in numbers to that opposed  -  badly
armed, equipped and fed, fought against six most
distinguished Federal commanders, to-wit:</p>
        <list type="union commanders">
          <item>McClellan before Richmond.</item>
          <item>Pope, Cedar Mountain and Manassas.</item>
          <item>McClellan in Maryland.</item>
          <item>Burnside at Fredericksburg.</item>
          <item>Hooker at Chancellorsville.</item>
          <item>Meade at Gettysburg.</item>
          <item>Grant from the Rapidan to Appomattox.</item>
        </list>
        <p>In these campaigns the Federals lost in the
aggregate about 263,000 men. The Confederate
loss is not definitely known.</p>
        <p>General Grant's casualties were about 124,390
men, and in his campaign from March 29, 1865, to
April 9, 1865, his losses were 9944.</p>
        <pb id="cboy378" n="378"/>
        <p>General Lee's surrender at Appomattox embraced
28,356 men, of whom only 8000 had arms, the residue
being largely made up of broken down, barefoot and sick
men, teamsters and attaches of the medical, ordnance,
quartermaster, and commissary departments.</p>
        <p>It may be of interest to the reader to know the number
of men enrolled in the Union and the Confederate armies
during the war, and the losses in killed, wounded, and
prisoners held by each.</p>
        <list type="troops">
          <item>Official compilation shows that there were enrolled of
white troops in the Union army . . . .2,494,592</item>
          <item>Negro troops. . . .178,975</item>
          <item>Total. . . .2,673,567</item>
        </list>
        <list type="troops">
          <item>Of this number the white troops from the
Southern and border states. . . .278,923</item>
          <item>Negro troops. . . .140,298</item>
          <item><corr>Total. . . .</corr>419,221</item>
        </list>
        <list type="troops">
          <item>The enrollment of Confederate troops, 
estimated. . . .700,000</item>
          <item>This may not be entirely correct, but is
believed to be substantially so. </item>
          <item>The Union losses in killed, died from wounds, disease, 
and from other causes . . . .360,212 </item>
          <item>Of which the killed in action were. . . .67,058 </item>
          <item>Died of wounds received in action . . . .43,012</item>
          <item>Died of disease . . . .224,586</item>
          <item>Deaths from other causes, or from causes unknown . . . .25,556</item>
          <item>Total. . . . 360,212</item>
        </list>
        <pb id="cboy379" n="379"/>
        <p>The Confederate losses, as far as can be ascertained,
though not believed to be entirely correct,
were as follows:</p>
        <list type="Confederate losses">
          <item>Killed in action . . . .52,954</item>
          <item>Died of wounds . . . .21,570</item>
          <item>Died of disease . . . .59,297</item>
          <item>Total. . . .133,821</item>
        </list>
        <list type="troops">
          <item>The number of Confederate prisoners
taken and held by the Federal government
during the war was . . . .220,000</item>
          <item>Number that died in Northern prisons
(12 per cent of the total) . . . .26,000</item>
          <item>Number of Union prisoners held by Confederates. . . .270,000</item>
          <item>Number that died in Southern prisons
(less than 9 per cent). . . .22,000</item>
          <item>Confederate soldiers paroled, 1865 . . . .174,223</item>
          <item>Number of battles and skirmishes fought during the
war, over two thousand.</item>
        </list>
        <p>NOTE  -  The most of the above statistics were obtained
from “Confederate Military History,” edited by General
Clement A. Evans, and from “The Century Book of Facts,” by
Ruoff.</p>
      </div1>
    </back>
  </text>
</TEI.2>