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        <title>Autobiography of
 <emph rend="bold">Col. Richard Malcolm Johnston: </emph>
Electronic Edition.</title>
        <author>Richard Malcolm Johnston, 1822-1898</author>
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        <edition>First edition, <date>1997.</date></edition>
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        <pubPlace>University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, </pubPlace>
        <date>1997.</date>
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at Chapel Hill. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text.</p>
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        <note anchored="yes">Call number PS2148 .A3 (Davis Library, 
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill)</note>
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          <title>Autobiography of Col. Richard Malcolm Johnston</title>
          <author>By Richard Malcolm Johnston</author>
          <imprint>
            <pubPlace>Washington</pubPlace>
            <publisher>The Neale  Company</publisher>
            <date>1900</date>
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            <item>Johnston, Richard Malcolm, 1822-1898.</item>
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            <item>American literature -- Southern States -- History and
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            <item>American literature -- Georgia -- History and criticism.</item>
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    <front>
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            <p>[Cover Image]</p>
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      </div1>
      <div1 type="frontispiece image">
        <p>
          <figure id="frontis" entity="johnstonfp">
            <p>FROM AN OIL PAINTING BY THOMAS C. CORNER OWNED BY THE UNIVERSITY CLUB, BALTIMORE, MD. COL. RICHARD MALCOM JOHNSTON<lb/>[Frontispiece Image]</p>
          </figure>
        </p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="title page image">
        <p>
          <figure id="title" entity="johnstontp">
            <p>[Title Page Image]</p>
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      </div1>
      <titlePage>
        <titlePart type="main"><emph rend="bold">Autobiography</emph> 
                                 of                                                           
<emph rend="bold">Col.  Richard Malcolm Johnston</emph></titlePart>
        <docImprint> <pubPlace>WASHINGTON</pubPlace>
                          <publisher>The Neale Company</publisher>
<date>MCM</date></docImprint>
        <titlePart type="verso">Copyright, 1900, by the Neale Company</titlePart>
      </titlePage>
      <div1 type="preface">
        <head>INTRODUCTION</head>
        <p>Some years ago my friend Henry M. Alden,
at whose house I was staying  for  the  night, 
said that I ought to write a book telling
reminiscences of myself and others whom I
had known.    At that time I thought little of
the suggestion,  not that I was not much interested
in my many friends and very many 
acquaintances,  and intensely so in myself,  but
I did not see how I could make clearly  my
recollection of these interesting to others.  
Now that I have grown old and,  like others
at my time,  growing more and more fond of
looking back and admiring the past,  I decide
to put down some notes which I trust will be
perused with interest by those who have
known me,  particularly those who have known
me best.  These, I am sure, will not believe
that in this I am seeking any more notoriety 
than what has already come from my published
<pb id="johnston6" n="6"/>
6
works, which is already much more
than I had expected, and more, as I sincerely 
feel, than I deserve.  The favor with which
they have been received has surprised none
more than myself, and it has been the more
gratifying because of having been, of late, the
chief means of my support, after others, for 
reasons outside of advanced age, had been 
cut off.  Remembering and intending to try 
throughout to remember for whom, mainly, I
am writing,  I begin.</p>
      </div1>
    </front>
    <body>
      <pb id="johnston7" n="7"/>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <head>CHAPTER I.</head>
        <p> My father , Malcolm Johnston, was fond of
talking with his children about the antecedents 
of his family.  Since his death I have often
regretted that I did not listen with more 
attentiveness.  On his father's side he could
not go farther back than to his grandfather, 
Rev.  Thomas Johnston, who, early in the last 
century, emigrating from Scotland, came first 
to the State of Pennsylvania  -   what county I 
can not now say.  He had already taken orders 
in the English Church.  Some time after his
coming he intermarried with Sallie Adamson, 
who came of the family of a gentleman who
afterwards was well known in the early history 
of Charlotte County, Virginia, Colonel Thomas 
Bouldin.  In this journeying southward he at 
first went no farther than Prince George County, 
Maryland, and for some years was rector of
a parish therein.  Subsequently Colonel Bouldin
 <pb id="johnston8" n="8"/>after becoming settled in Virginia, removed 
him thither, where he was settled on 
a piece of ground named “The Glebe,” in the
parish of Cornwall, County of Charlotte. 
Among his children the eldest was William,
who, after serving in the War of Independence, 
at its end removed, with his family, in
the year 1799, to Hancock County, Georgia,
settling on a plantation four miles west of the 
village of Powelton.  My father, Malcolm, 
who was the younger of the two sons of their 
parents, was then eleven years old, having 
been born in Charlotte County in 1788.</p>
        <p>William Johnston's wife was Rebecca 
Mosely, whose mother was Amy Goode, whose
mother was Amy Greene, all of Charlotte
County.</p>
        <p>My mother was Catherine Davenport.  Her 
father, John Davenport (whose mother was a 
Hancock), was killed at the battle of Guilford
Court House.  One of his <sic>ancesters</sic>, on immigrating
to this country, settled in Connecticut. 
Whether or not he was the same who founded                                                              
<pb id="johnston9" n="9"/>the city of New Haven I know not.  He 
resided in, and probably was a native of, the 
same county of Charlotte, wherein he intermarried 
with Lucy Barksdale.  Some years 
after the death of my maternal grandfather his 
widow was married to Henry Burnley, who, 
in the year  1789,  removed to the County of 
Warren, on the border of Hancock, State of 
Georgia.</p>
        <p>As it seems to me now, my childhood was
unmixedly happy in spite of my being throughout 
of weakly health of body, and so continued 
until I was fifteen years old.  The living at 
our house was mingled of strictest discipline 
with affectionateness to whose tenderness there 
seemed to be no bounds.  We children were 
an ardent set, and our parents punished our 
oft offendings with switches pulled from the 
peach tree.  But afterwards we were not subjected 
to everlasting talkings about it.  Instead, 
a reasonably healthy flagellation satisfied
every demand, and we began with restored 
love and confidence upon a new career.
<pb id="johnston10" n="10"/>Like other children who are not strong enough 
to be much out of doors, and who must be 
occupied with something within, I learned 
early to read.  I have no recollection of a 
time, except one, when I could not read, and
I remember how my father was chagrined in
that case.  It was with me then as it has been 
ever since   -   to apprehend quickly and as 
quickly forget.  One day a gentleman visiting 
at our house noticing me upon the floor interested 
about some trifle, made some remark. 
My father said with some pride that I knew 
how to read, and forthwith he took from a 
table near by a copy of <hi rend="italics">Mercer's Cluster</hi>, the
hymn book then used by the Baptists, called
me, lifted me upon his lap, and opening somewhere 
confidently bade me proceed.  I looked 
on the page and thought how singular that I 
should have forgotten every blessed thing the
familiarity with which had been making the 
whole family so proud.  But I had forgotten 
the art.  So I looked up to my father in 
vague shame and sympathy.  After some vain
    <pb id="johnston11" n="11"/>remonstrances he let me go down, I don't 
remember if the guest laughed.  I was then
somewhere between three and four.</p>
        <p> I can just remember that my father during 
these times was an active, ardent, rather gay 
man in spite of his weight of two hundred and 
fifty pounds, and that my mother, somewhat 
his senior, had a quietness which tended more 
and more toward melancholy.  He was a 
leader in neighborhood parties whereat indulgence 
in dancing was not forbidden too 
strictly.  He was fond of fox hunting, and 
being one of the five freeholder judges of the 
county court, he not seldom, when its session 
was over, lingered at Sparta, the county seat,
and for a day or two and as many nights 
played poker with other friends of that game.  
Afterwards, and when he become a clergyman, 
in referring to these games he used to
say with pardonable pride that he came off 
winner more often than loser.</p>
        <p>When he was about five and thirty he felt 
as if he ought to change the manner of his
<pb id="johnston12" n="12"/>life.  There was no Episcopal church near by, 
so he joined the denomination of his mother, 
the Baptist.  Not long afterwards Jesse Mercer, 
the head Baptist in Georgia, one of the wisest 
men whom the South has produced, prevailed 
upon him to become a clergyman.  He had 
had an education much more limited than 
that of his father, but on a line with that of 
some of the leading men of the State.  And 
so he set forth.  Some persons who used to 
hear him preach have told me that he was 
uncommonly succinct, sometimes almost eloquent 
in delivery of his views, and (what in 
those days was as delightful as rare) he used
to stop when he was through with what he 
had to say.  I remember to have heard him 
preach once or twice, and that he seemed to 
be rather embarrassed, even when giving expression 
to strongest denominational opinions.  
He was an ardent partisan as well in religion 
as in politics.  I heard him say once that 
for all his preachings during twenty years 
he had not been paid as much as twenty-five
<pb id="johnston13" n="13"/>dollars in money.  Indeed, many of the Baptist
divines in those days had more worldly 
goods than a large majority of their congregations, 
and so they were in condition to avail 
themselves of that higher beatitude  -  giving, 
instead of receiving.  The policy of Jesse 
Mercer was to make preachers of leading 
planters.  It was wise; it led to the bringing
into the Baptist Church of probably three-fourths 
of the land-owners and negro-owners 
of Middle Georgia.</p>
        <p>My father's conversion, as they used to 
call it, was followed by quick changes.  He 
gave up dancing and card-playing.  Before
that he used to make a bowl of toddy of mornings
before breakfast, have it graced by the 
touch of my mother's lips, modestly sipped by 
us children, then drained by himself.  All 
these were stopped at once.  He used to be 
what they called a bright Mason, once presiding, 
in the absence of the Master, over the 
Grand Lodge of the State.  But his denomination 
being hostile to that institution, although
         <pb id="johnston14" n="14"/>he ever spoke of it with respect and 
some fondness, he never again met his brothers 
of the mystic tie.</p>
        <p>Our life at home was ordered by rules which
to our parents seemed the very best to employ. 
The strictest obedience was required, and its 
violations were met with quick punishment. 
Even delegated authority was rigidly ratified 
there.  Punishments at school were not reported, 
as we foresaw that they were most
likely to be approved without enquiries as to 
the merit of their infliction.  When night came 
a chapter was read, a hymn sung, a prayer 
said, and by nine o'clock everybody was in 
bed and soon afterwards asleep.  The next 
morning's newly risen sun would find all, old 
and young, awake and preparing for the work 
of the new day.  I look back with much fondness
to those evening <sic>orisons</sic>.  Both of my 
parents sang well, and some of the old hymns 
were ineffably sweet.  Yet, somehow, my 
recollections of the Sundays, except one, were 
always rather sad.  The great monthly meeting
<pb id="johnston15" n="15"/>day was grand.  We two youngest children,
my sister Eliza and I, rode to church 
with my mother in the gig, drawn by Bob, the 
best of sorrels.  The rest of the day, after 
returning home, was cheerful, barring the long 
time we had to wait after the first table of
invited guests to dinner were served.  But the 
other Sundays seemed gloomy.  The children
were not allowed to go off the premises, or 
even to play, such was the idea of observance 
of the Sabbath.  My mother all day long read 
the Bible and <hi rend="italics">Pilgrim's Progress</hi>, and my 
father, naturally a cheerful man, meditated in 
harmony with the thoughts of this strange 
book.  Yet Monday morning lifted the sombre 
veil and all went cheerfully enough to their 
accustomed employment.</p>
        <p>When I was five years old I was sent to 
school along with my older brother, Mark.  
The teacher was a man named Hogg.  I can 
recall but one single incident occurring at this 
school, which was kept in a small log house 
in an old field near the line of the farms of two
                <pb id="johnston16" n="16"/>of our neighbors, Mr. Edmund Randle and 
Mr. Hamilton Bonner.  The teacher kept a 
large red book like a merchant's ledger, in 
which he was fond of drawing with a pen 
sketches of men, horses and other things. 
One day, going to him to ask something 
about my lesson, I inadvertently struck his 
elbow while in the midst of some essay of his 
art, and this incensed him to the degree that 
he gave me a box upon my cheek, and sent 
me away no wiser than when I came to him. 
He was succeeded by a man named Josiah 
Yellowby, whom and his wife Delilah I recalled
while writing my story of <hi rend="italics">How Mr. Bill Williams
Took the Responsibility</hi>.  Little do I remember 
of the times I had then except the
last day.  The boys had been asking, and in 
vain, for a holiday.  One morning they met 
the teacher at the school-house door, where 
the request was again made, and on his continued 
refusal they seized and carried him to
the spring branch.  Persisting in the refusal 
of their demands, four of the largest, taking
            <pb id="johnston17" n="17"/>him by the hands and feet, let him down into 
the stream.  The water had reached to his 
chin, when he gave up.  Then he dismissed 
the school (for it was near the end of the 
term), went away from the neighborhood, and 
I never saw him again.  His little dog Rum 
and his wife's mare Kate were as I have described 
them in my story, although what was 
told of the wife, a homely female, was pure
invention.</p>
        <p>My next teacher was James Hilsman, son
of one of the neighbors.  He kept school at a 
cross-roads near his father's residence, which 
was nearly two miles from our house.  This 
man was afterwards suspected of having been 
rather insane always.  He delighted in punishing. 
I think I must have gotten an average 
of at least one whipping a day, though I 
was less than seven years old.  He was not as 
fierce as Israel Meadows, whom I have described 
in <hi rend="italics">The Goose Pond School</hi>, yet I remember 
that he had the circus and the horses.  In
the latter I used to alternate in the riding and
<pb id="johnston18" n="18"/>carrying with a boy named Buck Connell.  
The teacher bore with special heaviness upon 
his younger brothers.  I think. he must have 
intended to make such treatment pass for evidence 
that he was impartial in his discipline.  
At all events, no complaint was made of it,
many parents in those days seeming to believe 
that education could not be imparted so well 
in any other wise as by application of the rod.  
This poor man was afterwards killed by his 
son-in-law, whom he was pursuing and was 
about to shoot after a runaway marriage with 
one of his daughters.</p>
        <p>After him a man named Barnes Sims taught 
in a house that used to be occupied by Mr. 
William Long, from whom upon his removal 
to Troup County my father purchased it with 
the plantation.  I remember little of this 
school, beyond the fact that some of the larger 
boys established in a room of the second 
story what they called a “Freemason's 
Lodge,” and that I and several others about
my capacity were initiated with ceremonies
<pb id="johnston19" n="19"/>
that for a long time afterwards I could not 
recall without some resentment.  The teacher 
was a kind man, too kind, I suspect, for his 
vocation, which he soon after relinquished.  
Very often I recall a prayer that I made one 
day while standing alone by the spring at the 
foot of the hill.  My oldest brother, Albon,
just come to his one-and-twentieth year, had 
died that fall from sickness contracted while 
waiting on a sick child of Colonel Farmin, 
one of our neighbors.  This affliction bore 
with great heaviness upon my parents.  On
this occasion while thinking of my brother, 
partly for my own sense of his loss, but 
mainly for sympathy with the grief of others, 
I prayed that when I went home in the evening 
I might find him returned to life, and I 
indulged a strong hope that so it would be.  
My disappointment was very sorrowful and 
humiliating, but I spoke not of it to any one.  
Some time afterwards my mother, taking with 
her my next older brother, Mark, and sister 
EIiza, went for a visit of a day and night to
<pb id="johnston20" n="20"/>my sister Sarah Ann, who was lately married 
and living near the town of Crawfordville, 
ten miles away.  At night after supper my 
father and I were on the piazza, he sitting on 
a chair and I on the top step.  We had endured 
the absence well enough during the 
day, but now he lapsed into a silence  and I 
knew he was thinking of the dead as of the 
absent.  He sat and picked the seed from a 
parcel of cotton on his lap, a thing often done 
at night by men in our neighborhood, partly 
from habit before the invention of the gin, partly 
for entertainment, and partly because a softer 
staple than that gotten by the gin was obtained 
for thread in the knitting of stockings.  For 
some time I sought to entertain him, but 
when he only answered briefly what I asked 
and narrated, I became silent and sad also. 
It was the first wave of melancholy that had 
come over my spirit.  I listened to the katydids, 
and thought of how brother Albon used
to hear them, but not now.  Then I thought
that the time would come when like him my
<pb id="johnston21" n="21"/>mother and father would depart forever out of 
my sight.  Indulgence of the feeling was no 
doubt brief, but I remember it well, and that 
my heart was full of that sort of sadness of
which we never can speak, never can feel like 
speaking to another.  Since then the fondest 
to me of all night sounds has been what always 
seems the wailing of the katydid.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1>
        <pb id="johnston23" n="23"/>
        <head>CHAPTER II.</head>
        <p>In the  year 1831, when I was nine years
old, my father, leaving the plantation in the
hands of the overseer, removed with his family 
to Crawfordville, ten  miles distant, for the
purpose of getting better facilities for the 
education of his children.  The school was
kept by William Cowdry, a South Carolinian 
of liberal education.  At ten I was put in
Latin, but made little progress until three
years afterwards, when we removed to Powelton, 
only four miles from our plantation home. 
The school at Powelton had been excellent 
for several years.  It got its first reputation
under Salem Town, a Massachusetts man,
who not long had returned to his native State 
and become author of several school books,
which had a large sale.  Many boys educated 
at his famous school afterwards became distinguished, 
among them Governor Charles J.
<pb id="johnston24" n="24"/>Jenkins, Judge A. Nesbit, Senator Walter 
Colquitt, Hon.  Mark A. Cooper, and others. 
At this time the school was kept by Lucian 
Whittle, a native of Vermont and graduate 
of Middleburg College.  He was a man of 
excellent culture and one of the best of 
teachers.  Under him I learned Latin and 
Greek with much ease.  We lost him in a 
singular way.  His assistant in the school was
Miss Rebecca Pratt, also a native of Vermont 
and one of the loveliest as well as most accomplished 
of women.  For her I had a sort of
worship.  I used to feel rather sad sometimes 
to think how much too young for her I was.  
I remembered this in the little story of <hi rend="italics">Mr. 
Thomas Watts</hi>, though the state of my feelings 
never became known to her nor anybody else.  
With her Mr. Whittle fell deeply in love, and 
desired earnestly to marry her.  She did not 
return his affection.  So one day, it was in 
the year 1835 he left the village, saying that
he was going to Augusta, the principal town
in that region, for the purpose of purchasing
<pb id="johnston25" n="25"/>some dramatic pieces for us to enact at the 
approaching midsummer commencement.  We 
never saw him again.  His reason had become 
unsettled.  He wandered off to the West, and 
we never heard what became of him afterwards. 
I felt deeply his loss, because I had 
grown to have for him much affection, in 
spite of the rigor of his discipline.  I had 
great dread of his displeasure.  His tasks upon 
me were always as much as I could do, even 
with the help of my prayers.  For a long time 
I had the habit of leaning my head upon the 
desk just before I was to be called to recitation 
and saying a silent prayer that I might 
say my lesson in a manner acceptable to Mr. 
Whittle.  Soon afterwards Miss Pratt married
Colonel Boydman, a wealthy planter from the 
County of Houston.</p>
        <p> After the departure of Mr. Whittle the trustees 
secured Simpson Fouche, esq., a native of 
the County of Wilkes.  He had been educated 
at the University of Virginia and had practiced 
some years at the bar.  I rather think
	 <pb id="johnston26" n="26"/>that he was the first well-educated native to 
keep a school in that region.  He was a man 
of fine ability, and would have become a 
distinguished politician if he had known better 
how to restrain his too-ardent temper.  As it 
was, he sometimes would take prominent part 
in campaigning, especially Presidential, and 
he could hold his own well with the best 
stump-speakers.  As a teacher he was perfect, 
with one exception.  His discipline was extremely 
rigorous, and he punished with a passion 
and severity that sometimes bore very 
hard upon those who were not too large to be 
out of danger.  I went to him for two years 
and a half, and never during a single day all 
that time was I free from the fear of being 
punished before the day ended.  Yet I liked 
him because he was so competent, so faithful, 
and meant to be entirely just.  He kept a list 
of all the lessons, perfect and imperfect, that 
had been recited during the term, and read it 
aloud at the midsummer examinations, which, 
occupying two days, were attended by many
					
<pb id="johnston27" n="27"/>hundreds of visitors.  On such occasions the 
pride that I used to feel when my imperfect 
lessons were sounded aloud to be <hi rend="italics">none</hi>, filled 
me with pride which seemed to me then eminently 
noble, and I was fully compensated for 
all the apprehensions that I had undergone.</p>
        <p>At the end of the year 1837, my brother 
Mark having returned from the University of 
Virginia and I being destined to go to college 
after another year, we removed to our home 
on the plantation.  At that time I was almost 
a dwarf in size, and never having been strong, 
continuous attendance at school had kept back 
my growth.  I was ready for the sophomore 
class half advanced, but my father saw fit to 
detain me at home for a year, and required me 
to work with the negroes four days in the 
week  -  from Monday morning to Thursday 
night.  On Fridays and Saturdays I was 
allowed to hunt with my gun and dogs.</p>
        <p>Conscious of the vast benefit that I was 
getting from this service, I tried, but in vain,
to like it.  Instead of this I hated it  -   hated
<pb id="johnston28" n="28"/>all of it, plowing, hoeing, gathering corn and 
cotton.  Sometimes when plowing in the summer 
afternoons I would keep my eyes from 
the sun for quite a time, having a sort of resentful 
suspicion that when I watched it it 
refused to advance, and many a time, after 
thus forbearing, have I turned to it again and 
sighed to think how near it was to the place 
in the heavens where I had seen it last.  I 
never could understand, considering how diligent 
at my studies I had been always, that I 
should be so reluctant to do farm work.  I 
have always loved the country and the sight of 
country work, but never could overcome 
the irksomeness of doing it myself.  My 
father was not one whom it would have been 
worth my while to undertake to divert from 
his purpose, and so I continued to work with 
more or less fidelity.  When Thursday night 
came whoever would have liked to see a glad 
boy would have been satisfied to come to our 
house.  This discipline served its purpose, and 
I grew in size, strength, and health.</p>
        <pb id="johnston29" n="29"/>
        <p>Manual labor two hours a day was a part of 
the discipline in Mercer University, whither I 
was sent in February of 1839.  At the end of 
that year I had grown from something under 
five to my present height, six feet, and had 
acquired a soundness of body which has kept
with me until now. I doubt if ever there was a boy more green
than I had been always and continued to be. 
I used to be the most credulous of mankind. 
In my father's house there never had been 
secrets of any kind.  He and my mother were 
entirely candid with each other, their children, 
their servants, their neighbors, all with whom 
they ever met.  I believed what the negroes, 
even the negro children, said, the same as 
everybody else.  I used to envy our negro 
boys, Antony, Simeon, Ned, and others of 
my own age, for knowing so much more about 
everything than I did, except books.  Away 
from home I felt a sense of incompleteness in 
myself which seemed to disqualify me for anything 
except preparing well lessons in my 
<pb id="johnston30" n="30"/>books.  Up to this time I had read <hi rend="italics">Don 
Quixote, Alonzo and Melissa, The Bandit's 
Bride, The Three Spaniards, The Scottish 
Chiefs, </hi> and <hi rend="italics">Thaddeus of Warsaw.</hi>  I have 
been sorry ever since I read the first when so 
young.  It interested me deeply, but not the 
humorous with which it abounds.  I loved 
the episodes in it, and whatever had anything 
about love, especially love opposed or delayed 
by difficulties.  I often laugh at the remembrance 
of things therein recorded, the humor 
of which I did not then perceive.  For the 
Don I had much compassion always, and I 
think I was rather glad when Sancho Panza 
would shut his mouth.  The other books 
absorbed me quite.  I love yet to think of the 
delight, sometimes painful, even terrified, with 
which I pored over them.</p>
        <p>My sensitiveness was extreme.  When 
people laughed at my mistakes it cut me to 
the quick, often to shedding tears of shame. 
I took the notion that I would never be able 
to manage any business well, or do anything
<pb id="johnston31" n="31"/>that would be of value to anybody, including 
myself.  But going from home imparted more 
strength.  I had been so well prepared in 
studies that I found myself at once able to 
keep along with the best of the sophomore 
class which I entered.  When my father, after 
leaving me at the college, drove out of the 
village, I watched him from behind a chimney 
of one of the college buildings and wept and 
wept when he had gotten out of my sight.  
Our home was but a little more than twenty 
miles away, and as often as once in every two 
months, after making up my lesson for Saturday 
morning, I got leave, and walking to the 
residence of my youngest sister's father-in-law,
four miles out, or to one of his neighbors, 
begged on a Friday afternoon  -  and was 
always granted  -  the loan of a horse for a two 
days' visit home.  The one whom I wished 
most to see was my mother, in whose lap I 
used to lay my head as she fondled my hair, a
practice continued through our joint lives 
<sic>ntil</sic> her death, when I was twenty.</p>
        <pb id="johnston32" n="32"/>
        <p>College life imparted to me some self-reliance,
which theretofore I had never been 
able to acquire.  I soon began to take part in 
the Saturday morning debates of the Phi Delta 
Society, of which I was a member.  Declamation 
had been ever taught in our school, and 
it was not very difficult for me to acquire a 
leading position. I often recall, with a sense 
of the extreme ridiculousness of it all, the 
oratorical attitudes and words which I and my 
rivals could employ with imagined high passion 
in those Saturday discussions, upon questions 
of whose merits we knew hardly one 
single thing.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="johnston33" n="33"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER III.</head>
        <p>Within the last two years loss of their 
property had befallen the husbands of my two 
oldest sisters, and one of them, Madison Callaway, 
husband of Catherine, my next oldest 
sister, died.  It became necessary for my 
father, who went to the relief of their families, 
to retrench expenses.  So immediately after 
my graduation, in July, 1841, I took a school 
in the village of Mount Zion, in our county.  
This I was not far from abandoning on the 
morning of the first day.  The gentleman 
whom I succeeded was singularly unqualified 
for the discipline of a class in which were several 
boys nearly grown, and habituated to 
mischief.  I was much pained by the rude 
liberties taken by one of these, a boy of nearly 
my own size and only a little younger, as I 
was moving among them, examining boys and 
girls with a view to classifying.  Though tall,
<pb id="johnston34" n="34"/>I was very slight, and very decidedly averse 
to violence of any kind.  Some of this boy's 
attitudes were so unbecoming that I asked 
him softly and with some timidity to please 
carry himself with propriety.  He changed as 
I was looking at him, but in a few minutes 
was behaving as before.  Again I asked him,
in the same manner and tone, to oblige me by 
complying with the request.  The same pretended 
respect was paid, followed by a speedy 
withdrawal.  I went back to my seat by the 
fireplace and looked at him.  He seemed much 
amused by my discomfiture, which was plain 
to all eyes, and I noticed that he had a large 
knife open in his hand.  I looked at my hat, 
and then I resolved what I must do.  Suppose
I should leave the house and this, the first 
business upon which I had entered.  He was 
heavier than I was, but I had never felt personal 
fear of any person except my parents 
and others who had right to claim my obedience 
and punish for refusal to render it.  Yet 
I was almost made sick at the idea of having
<pb id="johnston35" n="35"/>an encounter with one of my size and nearly 
my age in the beginning of an engagement for 
which I believed myself rather incompetent, 
to the undertaking of which I had almost to 
be driven by my father and urged by other 
friends.  I thought how it would seem, if, 
before I had undertaken it, or in the inception 
of undertaking, I should suffer myself to be 
driven away by a great, ill-behaved, lubberly 
boy.  In a very few moments I came to myself, 
so entirely as to feel much indignation, 
and with an eager wish to encounter him, 
particularly when I noticed he had in his hand 
an open knife.  He was reclining on the last 
bench.  I walked rapidly down the aisle between 
the desks of the boys on one side and 
the girls on the other.  Getting to where he 
was, I asked again for his name, and then 
said: “I have asked you twice as respectfully 
as I know how to sit upon your seat becomingly.  
If you had known anything of good 
manners you would not have needed any such 
reminder in the presence of these girls, to say
<pb id="johnston36" n="36"/>nothing of what is due to me.  Now I tell you 
again to take down those great, ugly, feet, and 
if you lift them again in that disgraceful way, 
I'll beat you so that your people will not know 
you when you get back home.” He settled 
himself instantly.  I went back to my seat, 
looked around, and saw and felt that I could 
be master.  The feeling of manhood, for the 
first time in all my life, rose in me with a 
strength that filled me with delight.  I felt as 
relieved as dear old John Perrybingle, just 
after resigning the thought of running away 
from Dot, for indeed, like him, “I was very
near it.”</p>
        <p>Looking back, it never fails to seem strange
that in those times violence was regarded as 
the only fit punishment for derelictions in 
schools.  I believed then that a better discipline 
could be employed.  Hereafter I will 
speak of how I inaugurated one.  Yet school 
boys and school girls were happy.  The whippings 
were never thought to impose disgrace,
and with the truly educated teachers who had
  <pb id="johnston37" n="37"/>come in these could be avoided by diligence 
and proper deportment, which under such a 
<hi rend="italics">regime</hi> obtained rewards that nearly all to 
whom they were possible loved to win.  
Examinations were the great days of the year.  
They closed with exhibitions of plays, to witness 
which men, women, boys, girls, even 
children, used to come as far as ten and fifteen 
miles.  I have seen more than a thousand at 
one of these exhibitions on a stage under an 
arbor of green boughs in front of the schoolhouse.  
To persons of culture the fun was 
mainly the crude conception of scenery and 
other appointments of the dramatic art.  To
the rest, even to these, the enjoyment was 
simply glorious.</p>
        <p>Nearly all the schools in that region were 
mixed, or, as it is now called, co-educational.  
For many years the Powelton Academy, 
known far and wide, had far more boarding 
than resident pupils.  There were no laws 
against association of boys with girls, yet in 
all its history there was never a scandal,
  <pb id="johnston38" n="38"/>
although many a happy marriage resulted 
from affections there begun.  I sincerely believe 
there was never a community in which 
the tone of purity was higher.  After teaching 
until the end of the year 1842 I decided 
to study for the bar.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="johnston39" n="39"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER IV.</head>
        <p> I had read <hi rend="italics">Blackstone's Commentaries</hi> during 
the last year at Mount Zion.  Early in December 
I went into the law office of Colonel Henry
Cumming at Augusta, and at the same time
attended the law lectures of Mr. William 
Tracy Gould (afterwards judge), son of Judge 
Gould, who with Judge Reeve held many 
years the well-known law school at Litchfield,
Connecticut.  I was admitted to the bar at 
Augusta in about two months, and returning 
to Hancock was taken into partnership with 
Captain Eli W. Baxter (afterwards judge), a
lawyer of much eloquence, but neither studious 
nor regular in his methods.  Few men, I suppose,
were ever more careless in the arrangement
of papers and the preparation of cases.  
Yet his vigorous intellect and fervid eloquence
gave him a high standing.  He had much 
boldness and sincerity in asserting his opinions.
              <pb id="johnston40" n="40"/>This cost him the loss of his party nomination 
for governor (I believe it was in 1839), 
when he announced himself in favor of a 
national bank.  Elected by the legislature
judge of the northern circuit, he resigned six 
months before the expiration of his term and
removed to the State of Texas.</p>
        <p>I was married in November, 1844, to Mary 
Frances Mansfield, whose father, Eli Mansfield, 
was a native of New Haven.  Her 
mother was Nancy Barrow Hardwick, of our 
county.  I was then twenty-two and my wife 
fifteen years of age.  In these two years I had 
done little in the profession besides clerical 
work.  Almost all my leisure was spent in
reading Latin <sic>aad</sic> English literature.  After 
marriage I decided to withdraw from the bar.  
The academy at Mount Zion was offered to me, 
so I returned and kept it until the end of the 
year 1846.  The class was large and promised 
to increase yet more, but Mr. James Thomas
(afterwards judge) offered me a partnership,
which I <sic>dicided</sic> to accept.  Returning to
      <pb id="johnston41" n="41"/>Sparta in December I determined to study the 
law industriously.  I reported cases in which 
we were not of counsel, not only in our 
county, but those of other counties in which
we practiced.  I read constantly three years, 
taking notes.  In that time I found myself 
regarded as a lawyer well grounded in principles 
and familiar with pleadings, which in that
time, following English precedents, were much 
complicated.  But the habit of depending upon
my senior in the conduct of jury trials I could
never overcome.  Demurrers or other issues
involving purely legal questions I was rather 
fond of arguing, but I was extremely reluctant 
to wrestle with facts before juries.  This infirmity
increased to the degree that I began to 
suffer poignant anxiety at the approach of 
court sessions.  In the year 1849 my partner 
retired, to be made not long afterwards judge 
of the circuit.  I retired also, much against 
his most friendly, earnest remonstrances, and
for two years kept the academy in Sparta. 
Again I came back and became partner of
     <pb id="johnston42" n="42"/>Linton Stephens, who had married a daughter 
of Judge Thomas.</p>
        <p>On the retirement of Judge Baxter, six 
months before the expiration of his term, executive 
appointment to his late position was 
offered to me, and I was much urged by him
and others to accept it.  But I, the Democratic 
candidate for the judgeship, had been beaten 
a few weeks back in a contest before the 
people by Judge Garnett Andrews, whom the 
“Know-Nothings” had put up, and so I declined
this appointment.  It was understood 
that I was to be put up again before the legislature 
of 1858, the election of judges having 
been remanded to that body.  That legislature 
was Democratic, and therefore I should have 
been elected.  But a vacancy in the professorship 
of English literature having occurred in 
the State University by the resignation of Rev.  
Dr. Wm.  T.  Brantly, at the commencement 
in August, 1857, I was elected to it.  I accepted 
after some hesitation, and retired for 
good and all from a profession for which, in
 <pb id="johnston43" n="43"/>some of its most important and trying functions, 
I felt myself to be not sufficiently 
qualified.  During the first four or five years 
after coming to the bar I took active interest
in politics, not infrequently taking the stump.  
In time I discovered that I was of too ardent 
a temper for a politician.  Once even at the 
bar I came near getting into a duel with a personal 
friend on account of some intemperate
language on my part, upon what I regarded 
and so characterized as rather unprofessional 
action on his.  Friends of us both presently interfered, 
and I was very glad on the next day 
to receive his hand instead of the challenge 
which I had expected and made up my mind to 
accept.  I was also involved in several political 
disputes which sometimes threatened serious 
consequences.  Reflection led me to retire from 
active partisan contests, although I have ever 
felt a warm interest in the principles to which 
I have ever given my adherence.</p>
        <p>A week before my election to the professorship,
the trustees of Mercer University, my
   <pb id="johnston44" n="44"/><hi rend="italics"><foreign lang="lat">Alma Mater</foreign></hi>,  unanimously elected me its president, 
despite the remonstrances which, being 
one of the board, I made.  The salary was 
larger than that of the professorship, the offer 
of which I had been led to expect, and they
would have increased it further.  But this 
was a denominational institution with a department 
of theology attached.  I loved the 
place and some of the faculty, but I felt sure 
that the trustees had made a mistake, and 
that I would make a greater to accept the 
offer.  First, I would have preferred a professorship, 
even then, to the presidency, having 
little fondness to the course of college 
discipline then obtaining everywhere.  I knew 
that I could never practice over youth an 
espionage from which my feelings revolted. 
Yet my chief reason for declining was that, 
although I was a member of the Baptist 
Church, my trust in some of its principles had 
dwindled, although I had never contemplated 
withdrawal from it altogether.  Besides, I 
had not taken part in any of the public exercise
              <pb id="johnston45" n="45"/>of the congregation, and it would have 
much embarrassed me to lead the morning 
and evening prayers in the chapel.  After the 
election the meeting dispersed for dinner.  
Two hours afterwards I declined the offer, 
and we at once elected another.</p>
        <p>The election at the State University had not 
been solicited by me.  Yet after reflecting 
upon it for some weeks I decided to accept. 
It was extremely sad to me, the parting from 
my partner and dearly loved friend, Linton 
Stephens.  I remember always with sweet 
pleasure the intimate intercourse held by me 
with him, who was one of the most true-hearted, 
affectionate, as he was one of the 
very greatest, men that the State of Georgia 
ever had.  The next year, or the one thereafter, 
he was raised to the bench of the
Supreme Court, and his decisions, during the 
brief time before his resignation, compare
well with those of any judge in American or
British courts.</p>
        <p> The times, oh, the times, which he and I have
	      <pb id="johnston46" n="46"/>had together, both at his house and mine, and 
in our buggy travels to and from county 
courts in our circuit.  I shall refer to him 
again when I come to speak of his brother 
Alexander.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="johnston47" n="47"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER V.</head>
        <p>Our life at Athens during the four years we 
spent there was very happy.  My wife and I 
were met with heartiest hospitality, and we 
made some very warm friends, to be loved
afterwards, living and dead.  The tone of 
society therein had long been high, probably 
equally so with any town in the whole South. 
The president of the University, Rev. Dr. 
Alonzo Church, a native of Vermont, but 
since his youngest manhood a resident in 
Georgia, was a gentleman of courtliest manners. 
His colleagues were good men, social,
honorable, and during his sojourn never was 
there a serious dispute in the faculty.  After 
evening prayers several among us used to 
walk, generally to the new cemetery on the 
banks of the Oconee River.  Several evenings
in every week my wife and I were with friends, 
either at their homes or at ours, when, besides
<pb id="johnston48" n="48"/>conversation, we had music, I being a moderately 
good flutist and she a very excellent 
pianist.  They used to call on us for such 
entertainment even at large parties.</p>
        <p>With one matter in the University I became 
dissatisfied at the start.  My recitation-room 
was in the second story of the building known 
as New College, and I was to become responsible
for the good order of that story during the
day, the tutor, who slept in one of the rooms, 
having it in charge at night.  Looking over 
a  printed copy of the rules that I had not seen 
before, I saw that professors were required to 
visit every student's room within his range 
once a day.  The reading surprised me, and 
pained somewhat.  Yet I did as required, 
hoping the while to be able to devise some 
plan by which a surveillance so inconsonant 
with my feelings could be avoided.  I often 
smile to remember how ashamed I felt when, 
in answer to my knock (for I never would 
enter without notice), I was invited within,
saluted, and offered a chair with even more
				
<pb id="johnston49" n="49"/>cordiality than might have been expected by 
the most welcome of visitors.  Sometimes, for 
mere decency's sake, I sat down for a few 
moments, conscious of the meanness of entering 
as a mere spy, while I was being treated 
as a gentleman.  I almost swore (to myself) 
that I'd stop such as that.  A happy thing 
occurred one afternoon in (I think it was) my
first week.  The door of my room was at the 
foot of the stairs leading to the third story, 
which was under the jurisdiction of another 
of the faculty.  As I sat in my rocking chair 
ruminating upon this new life, an iron ball, 
four or five inches in diameter, that once 
belonged to a dumb-bell, was started from the 
upper story, and rolling down step by step,
was stopped at my door.  I sprang up astonished,
not to say terrified  by the vast sound;
indeed, I half suspected that the whole of the
upper part of the building was crumbling in.  
Entire silence followed the stopping of the 
projectile, and presently old Sam, the negro 
man-of-all-work for that building, came running
<pb id="johnston50" n="50"/>up, seized upon the ball, and entered
where I was.</p>
        <p>“What is it?”  I asked.</p>
        <p>“It's a i'on ball what dem young men upstairs 
rolled down de steps, gis for badness.
I'm guine to hide it.”</p>
        <p>“Do no such thing,” I said; “put it back 
and leave it where you found it.”</p>
        <p>He was much astonished, but obeyed.  
When the class came in for recitations not
very long afterwards, seeing the ball, I noticed 
that some of them were disappointed that I 
made no allusion to the matter.</p>
        <p>More happy was another about two weeks 
afterwards, when I had returned from a journey 
to my family, whom I had not yet removed 
from my home in Hancock.  I could not 
reach Athens on the return in time for the 
before-breakfast recitation of one of my classes 
on Monday morning, and so I had asked one 
of my colleagues to meet them in my stead.  
He did so.  On Tuesday morning, on repairing 
to my room, I was surprised to find no
<pb id="johnston51" n="51"/>lesson had been prepared.  On asking the 
reason, the youth whom I had called upon 
answered that none had been assigned by the 
professor who had taken my place the day 
before.  It was the junior class in rhetoric, 
and they had been regularly reciting to me a 
fixed number of pages.</p>
        <p>I felt much indignation at a subterfuge so 
unfair, and, with as much coolness as I could 
command, remonstrated.  I said that I regretted 
that a necessary absence from my 
college duties had hindered their proper performance 
in even a small degree; that I had 
not believed it important to ask my colleague 
to make specific announcement concerning a 
matter which I had, as I believed, abundant 
reason to suppose was fully understood; that 
hereafter I must leave to chance what unfinished 
business of my own I had left behind, 
so as to avoid doing injury to the obligations 
that I had assumed here; that having claimed 
to be a gentleman, and having passed for one 
theretofore, it seemed rather hard that such
<pb id="johnston52" n="52"/>claim should be ignored simply because of my 
having quit one profession and undertaken 
another, and that whatever was the motive 
that prompted behavior so unexpected, it had 
succeeded at least in inflicting pain which 
would have been greater but for my consciousness
of not deserving it.</p>
        <p>Some time afterwards I said that hereafter 
I should not visit students'  chambers unless I 
had something to say; that on my entry into 
them, sometimes, I found them not fully 
dressed, or not otherwise prepared to receive 
visitors outside of their own set, and that such 
meetings were embarrassing to me, more so 
since it was well understood that I came, not 
as a visitor, but as an official on his rounds, 
and that whenever one of them wished to 
have the place assigned to him during study 
hours, I would thank him to give me notice 
and ask permission, which I was sure that I 
would seldom feel that I ought to withhold. 
Yet the most fortunate of all was another,
which put me securely on living terms.</p>
        <pb id="johnston53" n="53"/>
        <p>I decided to spend a few minutes before the 
hour of recitation was out in reading to the class 
from one or another of the English authors. 
On the second day thereafter I thought I 
noticed in a member of the class a movement 
which indicated that he was bored.  I addressed 
him with some sharpness, saying that if he 
chose to do so he might retire from the 
recitation-room if such behavior was repeated.  I 
added that I should give up what I had intended 
purely for their benefit.  He was a 
good young man, but unambitious, even indolent. 
When the class was dismissed a few 
minutes afterwards he was the last to leave the 
room, and looked at me as if he would say 
something.  I remarked to him that he seemed 
to have been hurt.  He answered that he was, 
and that I had been mistaken altogether in 
what I suspected of his action.  I replied that 
I was very much gratified to have him say so, 
and that I regretted that I had spoken to him 
with such acrimony.  He left at once, well 
pleased with what I had said.</p>
        <pb id="johnston54" n="54"/>
        <p>In the walk that afternoon I mentioned to 
one of my colleagues this occurrence, and said 
that upon my meeting the class on the next 
morning I should make to this student the 
apology to which he was entitled.  This gentleman 
remonstrated earnestly against what he 
prophesied would hurt my standing in the 
institution.  He even came to see me after 
supper and urged me to give up my purpose. 
I could only answer that I felt myself bound 
to undo my own wrong as far as possible,
without taking into view the consequences of 
such action.  On the next morning at the 
close of the recitation I spoke about thus :</p>
        <p>“Gentlemen, yesterday, in your hearing, I 
reprimanded Mr.  -   with some severity.  In 
a conversation held with him since I was convinced 
that my suspicion of the intention in 
his deportment was unfounded, and therefore 
my language was unjust.  I said as much to 
him ; but as the class were witness to the 
affront, I thought that they were entitled to
hear this withdrawal and apology.”</p>
        <pb id="johnston55" n="55"/>
        <p>I have been seldom more gratified than by 
what followed. They clapped with their hands, 
stamped with their feet, and beat the benches 
with their books.  Then I knew that I had
not been mistaken in my notion of how it was
best to deal with them.</p>
        <p>Our house was nearest of all to the college 
buildings.  My wife was warned against attempting 
to raise fowls.  She did not harken, 
however, believing that she could succeed. 
She began the habit of inviting the students, 
in more or less numbers, to tea, and afterwards
they smoked with me in the library.  She
never lost a chicken.  These used to wander 
out of the yard, even as far as the campus, but
it was understood that they were not to be 
molested.  One day a student, seeing a young 
chicken, took up a stone to cast at it.</p>
        <p>“Stop that,” cried another; “that is 
Mrs. Johnston's chicken.”</p>
        <p>“No,” answered the first, “it belongs to 
those people over yonder,” as he pointed to a
house beyond our side of the campus.</p>
        <pb id="johnston56" n="56"/>
        <p>They ran down the intruder, and a court 
was improvised to decide if it was liable to 
confiscation.  A gentleman, now well known 
in Georgia, stood for the defense.  The jury 
finding that the defendant was the property of 
Mrs. Johnston, it was acquitted, thus escaping 
until such time as suited its owner's purposes, 
the griddle or the frying-pan.</p>
        <p>It is very pleasant to recall many of the 
scenes in this happy period.  To me now it 
seems to have been almost unmixedly contented 
until its last year, 1861 when the Confederate 
war came on, and I deemed it best to 
resign my position, retire to my home in 
Hancock and open a boarding school for boys.</p>
        <p>I had been opposed to the movement for the 
secession of the State from the Union, although
I believed that as a matter of right it belonged 
to Georgia and every other of its confederates.  
The people of Athens, led by the brothers 
Howell and Thomas Cobb, were nearly <sic>uananimous</sic> 
in its favor.  This was the first occasion 
on which Thomas, the younger, had taken
							
     <pb id="johnston57" n="57"/>any public interest in political matters.  Into 
this campaign he rushed with all his ardor,
which was greater than that of any man whom 
I have ever known.  He had been one of the 
most eminent and successful lawyers of the 
State from the time when he was not more 
than twenty-four until now, when he was 
thirty-seven years of age.  He was deeply 
pious, often leading with impassioned addresses 
in the prayer meetings of Athens and other
towns while in attendance upon court sessions.  
He believed firmly that it was a solemn duty, 
owed by him to the Supreme Being, to urge 
secession as a means pointed out by Providence
for the security of the South, in preserving 
its liberties and institutions.  The 
crusade conducted by him was really wonderful.  
His great ability, his burning eloquence, 
his entire confidence in the integrity of his 
motives and the righteousness of the cause, 
conspired to make him irresistible.  To him, 
more than to any other, was due the success of
the movement in the State.  Always he held
<pb id="johnston58" n="58"/>himself ready to take all risks and sacrifices.</p>
        <p>When the Ordinance of Secession was accepted 
by the State Convention I felt profound, 
painful solicitude, and did not forbear 
on proper occasions to give expression to it.  
Heartiest congratulations were felt and indulged 
among the townspeople and the students, 
and it was proposed that on some night 
all the houses should be illuminated in witness 
of the universal joy.  A dear friend of mine 
among the faculty, who was an ardent secessionist,
first mentioned that matter to me, 
expressing the hope that I would not make 
myself the only exception among the citizens, 
and expressed apprehensions of insult offered 
to me if I did so.  I said at once that nothing 
could induce me to join in a public <sic>manifestatation</sic> 
of delight on an occasion so solemn 
and, in my opinion, destined to lead to misfortune. 
I never asked, and never knew what, 
if any, influence my position had with the 
abandonment of the purpose.</p>
        <p>The trustees passed unanimously a resolution
<pb id="johnston59" n="59"/>of regret when my resignation was acted 
upon.  Not long after the beginning of the 
next year the college exercises were suspended, 
most of the students having gone into 
military service.  At the end of the year I 
retired to the new settlement made upon the 
plantation in Hancock, my native county, 
preparatory to opening a school for boys.  I 
gave it the name of “Rockby,” suggested by 
the many huge granite <sic>bowlders</sic> on the hillside 
above the spring in the rear of the mansion.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="johnston61" n="61"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER VI.</head>
        <p>I began this school upon a system unlike 
any other that I had known or heard of.  The 
class, beginning with twenty, was engaged
several weeks before the opening in January, 
1862, made up of sons of leading merchants, 
lawyers, and planters in several portions of 
the State.  At the opening I said to them that 
I should neither practice espionage upon them 
myself, nor permit them to practice it upon 
one another, at least with intent of reporting 
to me; that no pupil should give to me information 
of another's misconduct, unless it was 
hurtful to him personally or of a nature that 
an honorable person was in duty bound to 
make public, as an admonition to others to 
withdraw from the society of the doer; that 
whenever I regarded it important for me to 
know the persons and facts connected with 
any matter of dereliction, I should call them
<pb id="johnston62" n="62"/>all together and demand that those persons 
should report themselves to me in my study, 
and that if any one failed to respond promptly 
to this requisition, and the fact should be 
ascertained by me afterwards, the one thus 
failing would be at once dismissed from the 
school.</p>
        <p>On Saturdays I occasionally permitted one 
or more to go to the village, Sparta, three 
miles distant, without attendance by myself 
or my assistant.  Two things every one was 
bound by promise to report of himself  -  any 
indulgence in profane language or in intoxicating 
drinks.</p>
        <p>I allowed use of playing cards, confining it, 
however, to the drawing-room and the hall 
and piazza of the mansion.  I forbade it in 
chambers and elsewhere, knowing that, except 
when within sight or hearing of their elders 
they would get into <sic>disputings</sic>, as is the case, 
strangely enough, with adults.  They were 
also forbidden to have cards of their own.</p>
        <p>Occasionally on Friday evenings we invited
					
<pb id="johnston63" n="63"/>girls, daughters of our neighbors, and, to the 
music of a negro fiddler, we had dancing in 
the dining-room.  Many of my neighbors belonging 
to the several religious bodies were 
much surprised and a few shocked at such a 
system as far contrary to those theretofore obtaining, 
and disastrous results were confidently 
predicted.  Those owning orchards and other 
things which from all times schoolboys were 
wont to invade had the usual apprehension.  
In time, although the cost was high comparatively 
($500), the school increased to beyond 
fifty, and applications many times that number 
were disappointed.</p>
        <p>The school was continued through five 
years and a half with a success far beyond even 
my own first expectations, and I sincerely 
believe that, to say nothing of diligence and 
advancement in studies, there has been not 
another anywhere in which veracity and other 
things becoming honorable deportment were 
more habitually practiced.  In every session, 
naturally, it became necessary to dismiss one
               <pb id="johnston64" n="64"/>or more who were not strong enough to conform 
to a discipline at once so liberal and so 
exacting, and occasionally one, long used to 
another, would have broken in the point of 
absolute veracity in dealing with me but for 
the high tone among leading pupils of which 
he was more afraid than of myself.  In those 
years grew attachments which matured into 
affection between my pupils and me, which 
even yet I am extremely fond to recall and
to cherish.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="johnston65" n="65"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER VII.</head>
        <p>After the close of the Confederate war life 
on a plantation in a neighborhood wherein 
negroes were more numerous than whites 
became far less agreeable than it had been 
theretofore.  Mine for half a mile bordered on 
the public road leading from our county seat 
to the one adjoining on the east. like other 
landholders thus situate, I allowed persons 
dwelling behind me to pass through my plantation 
through a gate kept in the rear.  All, 
from oldest to youngest, regarded the obligation 
to shut a plantation gate after passing 
through as most solemnly binding.  Yet the 
negroes in my rear, meaning by that means 
among others to evince their consciousness of 
freedom, neglected this duty, thus exposing 
my fields to inroads from cattle and other 
beasts browsing upon adjoining fallow fields.  
I then put a padlock on the gate, but this they
      <pb id="johnston66" n="66"/>tore away, and afterwards, instead of following 
the path set apart along my fences to the public 
road, took that leading to my dwelling, and 
walking around and in front of it, took my 
carriage way to the public road.  After several 
remonstrances I threatened them with my 
shotgun, and this diminished their <sic>maraudings</sic>
considerably.</p>
        <p>In this connection it seems to me proper to 
say that through foresight of the emancipation 
of the slaves, its fact afterwards gave to me 
never even the slightest sense of pain.  While 
I did not regard it as wrong to hold them in 
slavery, yet I had begun to feel embarrassed 
and oppressed by thoughts of the future of 
both races, especially in view of the fact that 
the inferior was increasing with great rapidity.  
The responsibility of their care was always felt 
by me with much seriousness, and, except by 
the continued appreciation of their moneyed 
value, I accumulated by their work and my 
own nothing beyond the maintenance of my 
whole family.  Often while speculating upon
<pb id="johnston67" n="67"/>the subject, my feeling was that if present conditions 
were not the best for both races, and 
especially if there was anything in them contrary 
to the will of the Creator, they would be 
changed; and during the remainder of my life, 
when emancipation became an accomplished 
fact, I had a sense of relief from very great 
responsibility  -  never before quite 
comprehended  -  although my estate was thereby reduced 
to nothing from fifty thousand dollars 
that it would have brought at sale at the commencement 
of the war.  I then had a family 
of seven children, six of whom were ready to 
be educated.</p>
        <p>At this time one of my daughters, Lucy, a 
child of fourteen, seeming to her parents to be 
of uncommonly good promise, after an illness 
of six days from pleuro-pneumonia, died.  
Prostrated by this loss, and apprehending deterioration 
of the white race in being thus surrounded 
by negroes, I and my wife, who was 
now my  chief counsellor, after much reflection, 
decided to go away from the place.  I knew
   <pb id="johnston68" n="68"/>that whithersoever we went, unless it was in 
an unreasonable distance, I could take my 
school with me.  In time we decided upon 
Baltimore, and in the month of June, 1867, we
removed thereto.  Having purchased a place 
within the suburbs, we gave it the name of
“Pen  Lucy,” in honor of the child whose 
grave we had left behind.</p>
        <p>Forty boys (as many as could be accommodated) 
followed.  Here for six years I conducted 
my school after the same methods as 
at “Rockby.” After about three years financial 
matters in Georgia, from which came my
main supply of pupils, became greatly depressed.  
The price of cotton  -  twenty-five 
cents immediately after the war  -  declined 
rapidly to a figure below ten, and I got no 
more than about twenty pupils from that 
source, so I supplemented this failing with 
day pupils from Baltimore.  I found it more 
difficult to maintain my methods now than 
before, because of less personal contact and 
familiar acquaintance with half of my pupils.
       <pb id="johnston69" n="69"/>Yet the school prospered as before, and lost 
none of its good name.  Thus it was when an 
important change occurred.</p>
        <p>This was my conversion to the faith of the 
Roman Catholic Church.  This, as I foresaw 
that it must, caused the boarding department 
(now being made up increasingly less from 
Georgia) to dwindle.  I had not, and never 
had had, as a boarder a son of Catholic parents, 
for Catholics, as is generally known, 
do not send their children to schools (boarding 
schools) wherein they can not receive religious 
instruction.  Although the matter had been 
revolved in the minds of my wife and myself 
during a considerable time, it was known to 
few outside of the family, and when the change 
became public it occasioned much surprise,
and indeed many regrets, among our friends 
and acquaintances.</p>
        <p>I continued the school, however, with annual 
lessening attendance for two or three 
years, then, declining to receive the few boarding 
pupils who offered, I opened and kept a
<pb id="johnston70" n="70"/>small day school in Baltimore.  This I gave 
up in a short time, and taught a few pupils in 
private.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="johnston71" n="71"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER VIII.</head>
        <p>And then I bethought me to become an 
author.  I had already written a few short 
stories intended to illustrate characters and 
scenes among the simple rural folk of my 
native region as they were during the period 
of my childhood, before the time of railroads.  
To this period I have always recurred, and I 
do so now, with much fondness, and indeed 
with high admiration for the good sense, the 
simplicity, the uprightness, the loyalty to 
every known duty that characterized the rural 
people of middle Georgia.  Two or three of 
these stories were written while I lived in the 
State.  After my removal to Baltimore, Mr. 
Henry C. Turnbull, Jr., between whom and 
myself soon arose a very cordial friendship, 
beginning publication of , <hi rend="italics">The Southern Magazine</hi>
asked me to allow him to print these 
stories, which had appeared in a Georgia journal
<pb id="johnston72" n="72"/>and were not copyrighted.  I consented to 
do so, supposing they were to be my last essays 
on that line of endeavor.  They were so well 
received that I began to write others, partly to 
assist my friend in his enterprise and partly to 
subdue as far as possible the feeling of homesickness 
for my native region.  It never 
occurred to me that they were of any sort of 
value.  Yet when a collection of them, nine in 
all, was printed by Mr. Turnbull, who about 
that time ended publication of his magazine, 
and when a copy of this collection fell into the 
hands of Henry M. Alden, of  <hi rend="italics">Harper's Magazine</hi> whose acquaintance I had lately made, he 
expressed much surprise that I had not received 
any pecuniary compensation, and added that 
he would have readily accepted them if they 
had been offered to him.  Several things he 
said about them that surprised and gratified 
me much.</p>
        <p>I then set into the pursuit of that kind of 
work, and down to this time, besides my three 
novels,  <hi rend="italics">Old Mark Langston</hi>, <hi rend="italics">Widow Guthrie</hi>,
     <pb id="johnston73" n="73"/>
and <hi rend="italics">Pearce Amerson's Will</hi>, and  other literary 
work in the way of lectures, juvenile articles, 
a <hi rend="italics">History of English Literature</hi> and a <hi rend="italics">Biography
of Alexander H. Stephens</hi>, (the last two
in collaboration with Dr. William Hand 
Browne, of Johns Hopkins University); I have 
written and printed about eighty of these
stories.</p>
        <p>To the publication of the collection made 
by Mr. Turnbull I give the title <hi rend="italics">Dukesborough
Tales</hi>, entirely arbitrary, as also was my <hi rend="italics"><foreign lang="fr">nom 
de plume</foreign></hi>, “Philemon Perch.” By the name 
“Dukesborough” was intended Powelton, 
four miles from my native place, and at whose 
academy I was educated the last four years 
preparatory to college.  Of all places this is 
and has been ever most fondly loved by me, 
and I have gotten very, very much solace to 
the sadness of long separation from it in 
recalling people, places, and occasions  -  once 
familiar  -  and imagining  their like in new
inventions.</p>
        <p>In making up a story of imagination I never
<pb id="johnston74" n="74"/>could do without places. I must see in my 
mind those places which I have seen with my 
eyes.  My imagination, such as it has been, 
has taken care of the rest.  In order to give 
greater verisimilitude to these stories, I sometimes 
introduced myself upon the scenes as 
taking part in their action.  This was wholly 
imaginary, as well as most of the actions in the 
stories themselves.  As it seemed to me, there 
was in that region, consisting (as far as I became 
well acquainted with it) of five or six 
counties, an almost wonderful amount and 
variety of individualism.  To varieties in districts 
of one county were <sic>superadded</sic> others 
entirely distinct in the others.  Often when 
with intent to get up something new for a 
magazine, without a single idea or purpose in 
my mind, I have held my pen in hand for an 
hour or more, then laid it down, feeling that 
I had about gleaned all from my little field.  
But not content to turn myself away from the 
perspective of a check that for several sufficient 
reasons would be acceptable, I have turned
<pb id="johnston75" n="75"/>
<hi rend="italics"/>my eyes again upon the past, and in time 
appeared before them yet another scene, 
whether in family life, in the village, courtroom, 
or elsewhere, as I began to revive it.</p>
        <p>In the start I usually had only one or two 
characters in my mind, and none or little 
thought as to how long the story was to be 
conducted and how ended.  As the subject 
revived in interest, other characters presented 
themselves, and according to my feeling the 
story went to five thousand, ten thousand, 
or twenty thousand words.  Whenever it extended 
as far as the last figures, the manuscript, 
after the first writing, was wholly without 
unity, for during its writing other characters 
and scenes introduced changed entirely 
the current as it started forth.  I seldom ended 
a story with the names I started with, for they 
also have always seemed important to my own 
satisfactory understanding and picturing of 
characters.  Thus it happened very, very 
often, that an incident that I could have told 
in five minutes has developed into a story
    <pb id="johnston76" n="76"/>requiring one or two hours in the reading.  
As often has it occurred that a character 
selected for certain illustrations has evolved 
traits of which I had no thought at first, and 
varied far from the line which I had (but 
never very clearly) projected.  Therefore, my 
custom has been to rewrite, seldom less than 
twice, frequently as many as four or five times.  
I could never feel that a story was finished 
until I could plainly see my characters and 
become thoroughly acquainted with their actions 
and the intent of their words.  As for 
attempting to analyze them, I never felt that 
I had any sort or sign of gift for a matter that 
always appeared to me too subtle for me even 
to essay to study it.  Recalling a scene of my 
boyhood or young manhood, and afterwards 
dwelling upon it with fondness, yet seldom 
without some sadness, I have put it into men, 
women, and children, often out and out inventions 
of my own  imagining, yet in harmony, 
as I clearly remembered those whom I well 
knew in those periods.</p>
        <pb id="johnston77" n="77"/>
        <p>Several times when a new story was called 
for, and my mind was feeling absolutely 
empty, my wife would bring to my mind some 
remembered oddities among our common 
acquaintances that would serve for another 
temporary supply, and I have gone to work 
again with some heartiness.  Quite a  number 
of the stories, such as <hi rend="italics">Operchee Cross-firings</hi>,
<hi rend="italics">Moll and Virgil</hi>, and <hi rend="italics">The Suicidal Tendencies 
of Mr. Ephroditus Twilley</hi>, I owe to her timely 
suggestions.</p>
        <p>I have been often asked of which among 
my characters I was most fond.  Perhaps the 
two most often recurring to my mind are Mr. 
Bill Williams and Old Mr. Pate, each of 
whom I extended through several sketches.  
Both of these are entirely imaginary, although 
in time they grew to seem to me more real 
than the rest, and I often suffer myself to 
linger in their society, as if they were as real 
as any whom I ever knew.</p>
        <p>  As for laying out in my mind plans for a 
story, I never once did or attempted it.  That
<pb id="johnston78" n="78"/>is a thing for which I never believed myself 
to have any capacity.  Characters and scenes 
starting from one slight initiation in a place 
well remembered, have come along as my 
pen moved, and the <hi rend="italics"><foreign lang="fr" rend="foreign">finale</foreign></hi> became such as 
served to fit the actions.  I always thought 
with my pen in my hand.  Therefore, my first 
manuscripts were filled with erasures, interlineations, 
changes of names, new directions 
given to characters and incidents, and others 
of like sort.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="johnston79" n="79"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER IX.</head>
        <p>It was always a gratification to me that
among the surviving acquaintances of my
earliest youth, even the plainest, not one, so
far as I have heard, ever suspected me of 
meaning to ridicule them, either in class or in
individual.  Instead, whenever one or even
many of my sketches may have seemed familiar,
and not infrequently some have said confidently
that they knew whom and to what I
referred, they have recognized not only the
affection I have always had for them, but the
respect, admiration, and oft reverence.  I never
heard complaint that I had done injustice to
any man of his memory.  In the particular
neighborhood wherein I was born, and the
period of my childhood was spent, I often
recur in this latest time to the high standard
then obtaining in domestic and social life,
regarding them as the more noteworthy because
   <pb id="johnston80" n="80"/>education in  books was so little diffused.  
It was about the time of my birth that academies
were established in a few villages, 
notably in Powelton and Mount Zion, in our 
county.  These within a few years rose to 
great importance, and were widely known and 
patronized by leading families in several 
counties.  But the rural people in general 
received no higher instruction in books than 
was to be obtained in what were known as 
Old Field schools, wherein besides spelling, 
reading and writing, geography, arithmetic, 
and English grammar were taught after fashions 
varying with the particular make-up of 
the schoolmasters, a class of beings as unique 
as perhaps were to be found in the world.  
Yet those early settlers, some of them of good 
Virginia and North Carolina families, who 
had been lowly reduced by the War of Independence, 
brought with them, along with 
sturdy purposes, an amount of common sense, 
and of observance to recognized obligations 
whose influences were to a very high degree
    <pb id="johnston81" n="81"/>benign.  It was a healthy, fertile region, 
undulating in small hills, vales, and creeks, 
and covered with dense forests of oak, hickory,
and kindred growth.  Living was easily gotten, 
and mere money-getting almost unknown.  
While patrician rule obtained for many years, 
as in all newly settled communities was always 
necessarily the case, yet community existence 
formed itself on a basis approaching as nearly 
approximate equality as was possible to the 
sense of individual differences distinctive in 
all minds.  Hospitality was regarded as indispensable, 
even sacred, duty.  The most leading 
citizens not infrequently sat at the board 
of their less gifted neighbors, and had the 
latter perhaps more often at their own.  Thus 
a sense of freedom was in every man's mind, 
and this led to the evolution of those numerous
individualities by which that and the 
region around was particularly distinguished.  
Interchanges of visits, general rendering of 
helpful services in cases of sickness or other 
needs, contributed their part to the development
	
<pb id="johnston82" n="82"/>of loyalty to every duty, to charitableness
veracity, and courage.  The people all 
laughed at one another's eccentricities and
instances of <sic>overweaning</sic> and aspirations, and
equally despised meanness, stinginess, cowardice
lying, and other such defalcations from
integrity and manfulness of life.</p>
        <p>A large majority of the purely rural population 
were Baptists.  Quite a number  of  men 
were members of some church;  the women 
were so almost without exception; the nonprofessing 
husbands being as zealous as the 
others in all things needed for  the maintenance
of the meeting-house, and as ardent partisans 
for the tenets of the faith practiced by 
their wives.  Under the lead of the greatest 
preachers of the period, Jesse Mercer of the 
Baptists, and Lovick Pierce of the Methodists, 
was a good deal of asperity in discussion both 
inside of the pulpit and out.  Men, sometimes,
women,  freely engaged in animated argumentation 
upon  doctrinal points, the very 
subtlest and knottiest; men  who were not
       <pb id="johnston83" n="83"/>members perhaps counting for the salvation 
of their souls upon their being at least not 
Methodists or not Baptist according to the 
membership enrollment of their wives.  Among 
these people generally, especially among  the 
women, was piety that was as sincere as it 
was in the main cheerful.  Many had read the 
whole Bible over and over again, and were 
able to quote freely its recorded doings and 
sayings.  As for feminine honor, it was not 
more free from hurt than the apprehension or 
thought of it.</p>
        <p>The stated Sunday meeting day was attended 
by all from oldest to youngest, and many a 
marriage resulted from courtings on horseback 
rides to girls' homes when the exercises 
were over.  Among other things, as I recall 
them, the men as a rule had a sort of reverence 
for their women.  According to the laws 
of the State regarding property, the husband 
became owner of the whole of the wife's property.  
I do not now recall a case of either 
anti-nuptial or post-nuptial settlement of even
  <pb id="johnston84" n="84"/>a part of the latter.  Husband and wife were
regarded, as far as concerned business with
the world, one being, that of the latter having
been merged in that of the former.  The
marriage union was regarded indissoluble,
except by act of the Creator who had formed 
it. I can remember the first libel for divorce 
in that region, and the awe which it put upon 
almost all minds.  As for domestic happiness, 
I doubt if it was ever on a better scale anywhere 
else.   As a rule, marriage took place 
as soon as boys and girls grew to puberty.  
Courtships were brief, yet hands were joined 
with profound assurance that they were to be 
parted by nothing except death.  The young 
bride knew that with herself and her name 
she gave all else that she possessed, and she 
joyfully let herself become absorbed into the
one whom she believed that Heaven had sent
for her one earthly guide and defender.</p>
        <p>Out of this simple life I have drawn from 
memory the materials used in my Sketches, 
which, although in far the greatest number of
<pb id="johnston85" n="85"/>cases were inventions, yet are in entire harmony 
with the real as I recall it.  As for the 
dialect, I do not see how I could make a mistake, 
accustomed as I was to both hearing and 
speaking it when in familiar intercourse with 
persons of all degrees of culture.  Educated 
persons, including eminent lawyers and divines, 
loved it well, and spoke it often even in 
the society of themselves alone, except when 
in serious discourse.  There are things in one's 
thoughts sometimes, particularly upon humorous 
themes, that can not be put with near as 
much aptness and poignancy in entirely grammatical, 
rhetorical phrases.  Even if this were 
possible, the characters that I have tried to
illustrate spoke the language that I put into 
their mouths.</p>
        <p>I said that I began writing after my removal 
to Baltimore, partly for the sake of 
subduing as far as possible the sense of homesickness.  
I might add, of alleviating the burden 
of misapprehension which soon befell me,
that perhaps after all I had made a mistake in
<pb id="johnston86" n="86"/>coming so far away from the other people who 
knew me, and setting out to maintain my large 
family among strangers, by practice of my 
profession, my entire competency for which 
was not known outside of my native State.  In 
the fall of 1867 the price of cotton began to 
decline rapidly, and foreseeing that planters
and others who had sustained me heretofore 
must lessen in numbers, I became intensely 
apprehensive of the consequences upon my fortunes.  
I knew well that if I were to return to 
Georgia I could reinstate myself without difficulty 
or delay.  But my wife, who was always 
my most earnest, trusted, and efficient 
counselor, decided to remain, a decision which 
after all I feel confident was the better.  I 
mention this fact in connection with the preceding 
to show the frame of mind in which I 
wrote some of my stories, in which only the 
humorous appears.  This was the case, I remember 
well, particularly with that called 
<hi rend="italics">The Early Majority of Mr. Thomas Watts</hi>, 
which perhaps was the most popular of all my
<pb id="johnston87" n="87"/>platform readings, although I wrote it when 
most heavily weighed down by a load of apprehension.  
The work did its part in rescuing 
me from entire despondency.  I suppose that 
many writers of humorous tales have had like 
experiences.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="johnston89" n="89"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER X.</head>
        <p>I may as well give in this connection a brief 
account of my business experience as an 
author.  My first paid story, <hi>Mr. Neelus Peeler's
Conditions</hi>,  printed in <hi rend="italics">The Century</hi> (at that
time <hi rend="italics">Scribner's</hi>) magazine, and its half dozen 
successors in that and <hi rend="italics">Harper's</hi> went with 
most gratifying favor.  In the year 18  -    
Messrs.  Harper &amp; Brother purchased from me, 
for one hundred dollars, the nine stories 
printed in <hi rend="italics">The Southern Magazine</hi>, for the purpose 
of printing in their   “Franklin Square” 
series, along with several others printed in 
their magazine and <hi rend="italics">Scribner's</hi> afterwards <hi rend="italics">The
Century</hi>.</p>
        <p>The greatest part of the income received 
from my stories has come from the compensation 
paid by the magazines at the time of their 
acceptance, and from readings of extracts upon 
platforms.  The editors both of  <hi rend="italics">The Century</hi>
<pb id="johnston90" n="90"/>and <hi rend="italics">Harper's</hi> have been satisfactorily liberal in
the sums paid, and the not-very-many readings
given by me have been received by the 
public with a favor very gratifying.</p>
        <p>My other literary work has consisted mainly 
of lectures read before classes of adults at 
Peabody Institute, and at the Convent of
Notre Dame, Baltimore.  They are about a 
hundred in number.  Twenty of these were 
published by the Bowen-Merrill Company, 
Indianapolis, in two series, entitled <hi rend="italics">Studies,
Literary and Social</hi>, and about a dozen more
by D. H. McBride &amp; Co., Akron, Ohio,
entitled <hi>Studies on English, French and Spanish
Literature</hi>.</p>
        <p>Some years ago the Baltimore Publishing 
Company printed for me a work, entitled <hi>Two 
Grey Tourists</hi>.  This house became insolvent, 
and the plates and copyright were purchased 
(for what sum I never knew) by P. F. Kennedy, 
New York.  Another work of mine,
<hi>Mr. Billy Downs and His Likes</hi>, was printed 
by Charles L. Webster &amp; Co. At the sale of
   <pb id="johnston91" n="91"/>their effects by the trustee appointed at their 
failure in business, I purchased the plates, 
which are now in my possession.<ptr targOrder="U" id="ptr1" n="1" target="note1"/></p>
        <p>In conjuction with Prof.  William Hand 
Browne, of Johns Hopkins University, I have 
published two other works, one a <hi rend="italics">Biography
of Alexander H. Stephens</hi> and the other a <hi rend="italics">History
of English Literature</hi>.  The latter has 
been used as a text-book in several colleges 
and schools, and we have gotten a small yearly 
income from it.</p>
        <p>In the year 1895 the thought which I had 
been revolving for a year and more presented 
itself distinctly to my mind, that I should 
retire from the sort of work I had been doing, 
and I resolved to do so whenever I could find 
another occupation.  I did not like the idea 
of continuing at story telling down to the very 
grave.  Besides, while I was conscious of 
little dereliction of understanding, and invention 
(a thing, through the kind forbearance of
<note id="note1" n="1" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr1">*Editor's Note.  -  These plates have recently been purchased
by The Neale Company, Washington, and an edition issued
therefrom September 1, 1900.</note>
<pb id="johnston92" n="92"/>the Creator, common to all men), yet I felt 
sure that such dereliction, in the natural 
course of things, must come and be apparent 
<sic>ere</sic> long.  I had often thought of the admonition 
in Philip James Baily's “Festus, know 
when to die,” and I decided to make application 
of it at the earliest opportunity.  In this 
frame of mind, I sought a position under the 
United States Government.  Having little or 
no acquaintance with Maryland politicians, 
after a vain appeal to President Cleveland, 
who, answering my letters promptly, referred 
them to the head of the department (State) in
which I first sought employment, I made 
known my wishes to a few old friends in 
Georgia.  These promptly wrote to Hon. Hoke 
Smith, urging him to obtain a place for me.  
He, whom I had never known personally nor 
even seen, yielded to the petitions of those 
Georgians who were his friends as well as 
mine, and so, after a brief stay in the employment 
of the Commissioner of Labor and on the 
preparation of the <hi rend="italics">Blue Book</hi>, I was placed in
    <pb id="johnston93" n="93"/>the Bureau of Education, with a salary of 
twelve hundred dollars.  There I have been
since the first of January, 1896, going back and 
forth every week day.  The diversion I feel to 
have been a benefit, notwithstanding the very 
laborious work, which, notwithstanding some 
very kind admonitions of my chief, Hon.  Wm.  
T. Harris, I somehow could never feel that 
it would be quite fair to make less.  The first 
ten weeks of my time in the Bureau were given 
to assisting in editing and indexing the papers 
of the Commissioner.  About the middle of 
March the latter suggested that I write a paper 
on early educational life in my native region,
middle Georgia, beginning with the rural 
schools known as “Old Field.” I was to tell 
of the sort of teachers, the schoolhouses, 
text-books, manner of teaching, the sports 
and games of school children, of holidays, 
turnouts, etc.  To this end I read quite a number
of books of school life, and upon children's 
sports in England, Japan, etc.  This
was printed in the Commissioner's report, and
<pb id="johnston94" n="94"/>was followed by another paper of about equal 
length in which were told first of boys and girls
out of school, the rise of academies, the effort 
to maintain a manual labor school, ending 
with a sketch of the State University.</p>
        <p>Since the completion of these papers I have 
been employed in synopsizing educational reports 
of States and cities and in translating 
from the French articles mainly upon educational 
subjects, from such writings as the Constitution, 
Lavoisier, and several others.  Within 
the last eighteen months, besides reviewing 
many books upon the several subjects in hand, 
I have written for the Bureau near four hundred 
thousand words.  The Commissioner of 
Education, who, besides being one of the most 
gifted and cultured of men, is also one of 
the kindest, and some of his next subordinates 
have advised me several times against 
overworking myself.  But when I went into 
the service of the Government I had the natural 
desire of honorable men to evince that, 
old as I was, I could do adequate, satisfactory
  <pb id="johnston95" n="95"/>work.  I felt that I owed to the Government 
six and a half hours of faithful work, which 
I was in honor bound to bestow.  Then somehow 
I never could work satisfactorily to myself 
without doing so rapidly.  Slow, deliberate 
work at any business always seemed to 
fatigue me more than rapid.  Not seldom have 
I begun at nine o'clock and been surprised at 
the clock's stroke of twelve, when I had not 
moved the while from my chair.  True, I sometimes 
felt the consequences of such confinement 
late in the afternoon, but have been able 
to go back to work next morning feeling 
refreshed.</p>
        <p>The diversion from long-continued habitudes 
I feel has been beneficial to me.  The 
certainty of fortnightly payment of wages, 
small as they are, has served to keep my mind 
comparatively free from anxiety as to income, 
and the work I have had to do has been comparatively 
easy of quick dispatch.  Sometimes, 
but only during the summer months, I
have felt right heavily pressing the daily
    <pb id="johnston96" n="96"/>eighty miles travel between Washington and 
Baltimore, particularly on the return in afternoons.  
But the Government's liberal allowance 
of vacation with continuance of pay 
seem to give nearly all the recreation 
I have seemed to need.</p>
        <p>In some points life in one of the Departments 
in Washington has been interesting.  
When I first became engaged on the <hi rend="italics">Blue Book</hi>,
my desk being in the Patent Office, I began a 
diary, which I kept for about a week, and then 
stopped, deciding that although several things 
coming under my observation were interesting 
to me, they were too inconsiderable in themselves 
to be favorably written down,  to say 
nothing of the fatigue.</p>
        <p>In so far as daily official life is concerned, 
that in the Bureau of Education, so far as I 
have seen it, and heard of other Departments, 
is most exceptional in that particular.  Dr. 
Harris is a noble exemplar of what a high 
Government officer may be to his subordinates.
While he is exacting of faithful work,
   <pb id="johnston97" n="97"/>it is within the limits of reason.  He trusts 
to his employees to do their work well, and 
privately and kindly chides them when they 
are remiss.  His invariable courtesy has made 
him not only respected, but to a degree loved.  
I venture to express the belief that in no other 
branch of the public service is done more competent 
and cheerful work.</p>
        <p>Since I have been in this employment, I 
have been reminded several times, and in a 
rather ludicrous way, that a man, no matter 
how old he is, will continue in some things to 
be a boy.  While I have been frequently 
assured that the work I have done has been 
even more than satisfactory, and been admonished 
against too constant devotion to it, yet, 
most unexpectedly, there have been occasions 
whereon I have had thoughts akin to those I 
used to feel when a boy at school.  Never 
having been, since my school and college 
day, under the surveillance of any, I have 
been occasionally surprised to the degree that 
has caused me to laugh at myself at my
   <pb id="johnston98" n="98"/>own embarrassment on occasions when the 
Commissioner coming into the room unexpectedly 
has found me idle, and perhaps telling 
my colleagues of some ludicrous story.  I 
suspected from his smiling that he saw and 
was amused by the quick alteration in my face 
and voice.  Smaller and less humane officials 
would have been pleased with that instance of 
what is due to official superiority.  It reminded 
me, yet with no pain or sense of abasement, of 
my young time when, as I easily recalled, I 
was always the easiest boy in school to be 
caught at laughing out or other pranks, from 
never finding out how to dodge detection.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="johnston99" n="99"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER XI.</head>
        <p>During my life I have become acquainted, 
and more or less familiar, with some characters 
in several ways interesting.  I have already 
spoken of those teachers from New England 
who acquired high distinction in their vocations,
both as teachers and divines.  The influence 
wrought by them was rapid, and in most 
respects highly salutary.  Perhaps they were 
too rigid in their teaching of the uselessness of 
observance of such holidays as before their 
coming had been recognized as becoming, and 
indeed due to the source of their establishment, 
such as Good Friday, Easter week., Whitsuntide 
and others theretofore regarded as even of 
religious obligation, by the most cultured in 
the communities wherein they settled.  It was 
not difficult with a simple-minded people to 
eradicate what recollections they had of the 
pious observance of those days.  When I was
<pb id="johnston100" n="100"/>
a little child I was aware, as were even our
negroes, of their recurrence, although there
was pious observance only in a very few families.
The young and the workers accepted
the holidays with thanks, and spent them in
repose, or in hunting and other sports.  By
the time I was eighteen, the meaning and the 
recollection of them had gone from nearly all
minds and their observance had entirely ceased.</p>
        <p>Among the men in prominent careers in my
native region were some of marked ability.
 William H. Crawford,  becoming early superannuated 
by paralysis, which prevented his 
being President of the United States, was retired; 
and Joseph Henry Lumpkin, the greatest 
orator of his time,  was forced, from a serious 
affection of his throat, in the midst of his 
prime, to leave the bar, and take the Chief 
Justiceship of the Superior Court, which had 
lately been created.  When I came into the 
profession in 1843 the bar, in the Northern 
Circuit especially, had a considerable number 
of lawyers of very great ability.  With these
      <pb id="johnston101" n="101"/>were joined several from the two adjoining 
circuits, the Middle and the Ocmulgee.  In 
that rural region leading lawyers were wont to 
travel outside of their circuits in order to get 
full employment of their time and adequate 
compensation for their professional acquirements.  
Francis H. Cone, William C. Dawson, 
Iverson L. Harris, from the Ocmulgee, habitually; 
Charles Jenkins, Andrew Miller, and 
W. V. Johnson, from the Middle, occasionally 
attended our courts.  Noteworthy was the high 
standard of professional honor among the 
leaders of the bar of that generation.  To 
a degree they were in some respects, even 
more than clergymen, conservators of public 
tranquillity and social business fair dealing.  
In general, litigant parties were counseled 
fairly, and persuaded to submit to proposals 
from each other that seemed to be reasonable 
compromises.  In the trial of issues before the 
courts, while counsel were not oblivious of 
what was due to their opponents and to the 
main requirements of justice, yet the struggles
   <pb id="johnston102" n="102"/>before the court and before jurors were often
extremely interesting to witness.  In the last
of a supreme tribunal for correction of errors
of courts of <hi rend="italics"><foreign lang="lat">Nisi Prius</foreign></hi>, issues of law were of
constant recurrence because of never having
been definitely ascertained and authoritatively
settled.  Adjudications in one circuit were
often different from those in another, according
to the difference in understanding and
temper among presiding judges.  Then, also, a
judge in one circuit was sometimes led to 
over-rate his own decisions after subsequent study
and reflections or the overwhelming argument
of some very great lawyers.  Thus it was that
the very incertitude in the laws and in the rulings
of different incumbents of the bench and
in their own individuality served to evoke the 
greatest endeavors of  counsel.  Some of the
very ablest, most eloquent addresses were often
made upon issues wherein the amount of money
in dispute was not more than a few hundred
dollars.  Three or four thousand dollars was
a large income to a lawyer in a circuit of eight
 <pb id="johnston103" n="103"/>or nine agricultural counties, holding two 
court sessions, averaging about five days each
in the year.  No lawyer had ever been known 
to grow rich from the proceeds of his practice.  
A large fee was a rarity, because the wealthiest 
farmers generally chose to adjust serious differences 
by arbitration of common friends rather 
than resort to the law, whose uncertainties 
were well known to them, and whose frequent 
long delays they revolted from enduring.</p>
        <p>In such a state of things it was always an 
advantage in jury trials for a lawyer to get the 
concluding address before jurors.  The rules 
of court assigned that to the plaintiff, except 
in cases where the defendant introduced no evidence.  
Very often it occurred that the latter's 
counsel forbore from such introduction for the 
sake of concluding the argument before the 
jury.</p>
        <p>Yet able and adroit counsel learned acts to 
avoid some of the consequences of lack of this
advantage.  Judge William M. Reese told me
one day of a case of this sort occurring between
<pb id="johnston104" n="104"/>Alexander Stephens and Joseph Henry Lumpkin
in Wilkes County.  Lumpkin was a lawyer 
who owed much of his success to the warm, 
often passionate interest that it was in his impulsive, 
generous nature to feel in the cause of 
his clients.  It often seemed that he emerged 
from his own personality and became the client 
who was appealing for justice or (in criminal 
cases) for mercy.  The case referred to involved 
an inconsiderable sum, but much feeling between 
two respectable citizens of the county.  
From the opening and throughout the examination 
of testimony, Lumpkin evinced deep 
concern for his client, whom he had long 
known personally, and much liked.  Stephens, 
then young, but rising rapidly in his profession, 
noting this, resolved how he could manage 
in the circumstance of Lumpkin having 
the conclusion.  Passionate himself, he knew 
how to keep himself, or, at least, seem to keep 
himself, entirely cool.  Eye witnesses expected 
a highly animated combat between the great 
advocate and the younger, who had been showing
 <pb id="johnston105" n="105"/>promise of the high career he was destined 
to make.  They were strangely disappointed.  
When the case went to the jury, Stephens, in 
words and tones almost entirely conversational, 
referred to the unfortunate controversy between 
two gentlemen of the county equally respectable, 
alike honorable, intending to be to each 
other just.  In the same tone he reviewed the 
testimony, and while admitting that the jury, 
fair-minded men, might have some difficulty 
in adjusting a dispute that, at least, was of 
quite inconsiderable pecuniary or other importance, 
he could not but trust that the balance, 
so nearly equal, would be found by them 
to weigh upon the side of his client.  Lumpkin, 
one of the most open of men, evinced  
disappointment.   A greater part of his feeling 
subsided before an adversary who had parted 
from all his own, and was, perhaps, restrained 
to a degree little above his.  Stephens, who
(if my recollection does not fail me) prevailed, 
being told afterwards by some of the bar of 
their surprise at the little excitement manifested
			
      <pb id="johnston106" n="106"/>by him I answered, laughing, “I saw that 
Colonel Lumpkin was intensely excited, therefore 
I resolved to keep myself as calm as possible, 
although my feeling was as high as his;
for if I had given full expression to it, it would 
have excited him still higher, and having the 
conclusion on me, he would have torn to pieces 
me and my case.”</p>
        <p>Another instance was told me by Linton 
Stephens, who, when just after coming to the 
bar, was eye witness to a trial in Milbysville 
in which Lumpkin and the elder Colquitt 
were of counsel.  It was for murder.  Two 
lads of fourteen or thereabouts, sons of two of
the leading citizens of the town, falling into a 
dispute one day when, with several of their 
school-fellows, they were engaged in bathing 
in a swimming hole, one of them, seizing his 
knife, slew the other.  The father of the 
deceased prosecuted the slayer, employing 
Walter T. Colquitt.  Colonel Lumpkin was 
engaged for the defense; for indeed he would 
not serve as counsel for the State in cases
  <pb id="johnston107" n="107"/>involving life.  Colquitt was a very interesting 
man.  Neither a very learned lawyer nor 
a close student of questions of State, yet he
was an eloquent, successful practitioner at the 
bar, and on the stump or in the United States 
Senate could hold his own with the foremost, 
being possessed of a fiery temper and of a fund 
of partisan words which served to compensate 
far for his lack of large information.  Indeed, 
when in his prime no man in the State was 
more than a match for him in debate.  He 
was known to be thoroughly upright in principle, 
and this knowledge made amends for 
some eccentricities that in another might be 
liable to censure.  While at the bar he became 
a member of the Methodist Church, and 
almost immediately afterwards felt it his duty 
to include preaching along with his main 
vocation.  Brave to the extreme degree, he 
was as combative, even after he became a 
judge and a divine.  The following anecdote 
was told of him while serving as judge of the 
Chattahoochee circuit, in which (in the city
 <pb id="johnston108" n="108"/>of Columbus) he resided.  Late one night on
returning from the church in company with
several members of the bar, he recited with a 
smile, yet not without sign of regrets some of 
his actions during the day.  His words were 
these: “Well, well! I've had a rather curious 
and varied experience to-day.  I held 
court the forenoon, in the interval for 
dinner made a political speech in the courthouse 
square, held court in the afternoon, after 
adjournment whipped a Whig who had made 
insulting remarks in my presence about my 
noon speech, and preached to-night.”</p>
        <p>He had been an ardent supporter of President 
Jackson, and in 1840, when the majority of 
the Georgia delegation went to General Harrison, 
he, with A. Cooper and Edward J. 
Black, adhered to Van Buren.  In the campaign 
of 1844 he was easily in the lead of the 
Democratic party in the State in the support 
of James K. Polk against Henry Clay.  The 
first and only  time that I ever heard or saw 
him was at the Democratic mass-meeting at
 <pb id="johnston109" n="109"/>Macon in August, 1844.  It was intensely
interesting to note how for two hours he 
thrilled that vast multitude assembled in one
of the warehouses.</p>
        <p>To return to the trial in Milbysville.  He
and Lumpkin had been acquaintances and 
friends since  the years when they were in 
college together.  Apart in politics, yet there
was respect and friendship between them.  In
the trial of Milbysville, the State, as in all
cases, whether the accused does or does not 
introduce evidence,  has the conclusion in the
argument before the jury.  Lumpkin, as
Stephens had done with him in Wilkes, resolved
as best he could to lessen the fierceness 
of attack on the part of his adversary.  In 
criminal cases, juries, by the laws of the State, 
were made judges of the law as well as the
facts.   Charges from the bench, therefore,
necessarily had less weight than in civil suits.
When the issue in this case, at the close of 
the testimony on both sides, was to be submitted 
by counsel to the jury, Lumpkin, after
   <pb id="johnston110" n="110"/>an exhausting sifting of the facts, and a general 
pathetic appeal in behalf of the boy, who,
in a moment of passion, had slain his schoolfellow,
paused for a brief while, and looking 
at Colquitt, seemed to be resolving what was 
most fit and becoming to say.  Then he made 
a peroration that Linton Stephens declared to 
be a masterpiece of its kind.  Many of its 
words he remembered, as I remember them 
from his recital.  Some of them were as follows:
“Gentlemen of the jury  -  I am to be 
followed in this discussion by a man whom I
have known from our boyhood.  Walter Colquitt, 
even when a boy, was well known for 
adherence to the principle of his conviction, 
for intrepid defense of them, and readiness to 
incur all risks in their maintenance.  As ready 
for fight as for argument if his adversary so 
chose, there was ever little delay between the 
provocation and the conflict.  But, gentlemen,
Walter Colquitt was one who wanted a 
peer or a superior for his adversary.  He was 
never one to contend with a weakling of any
<pb id="johnston111" n="111"/>degree.  When a boy, he fought with boys 
his equal or his elder.  Grown to be a man, 
his fights have been with men, never more 
with boys.  This chevalier among men has 
never combatted with those who were not in 
all respects able to strike back with the strength 
of a man.  To-day to find himself unequally 
matched, the great, eloquent, powerful lawyer, 
with yonder stripling sitting silent, yet 
silently appealing for forgiveness of a vast act 
done without premeditation or malice, which 
from his heart he regrets, and he will ever 
regret more sorely than all others.  Walter 
Colquitt will find such a combat unfit for the 
prowess of the man that he is, and you will
find that vain will be his efforts to maintain
it.”</p>
        <p>The effect of these words, according to Linton 
Stephens, was most apparent.  Colquitt 
must acquit himself of the professional obligation 
assumed by him, but throughout his 
address he evinced, as his opponent predicted,
his sense of the inequality of the combat, and
    <pb id="johnston112" n="112"/>subdued most of the fire of his assaults.  The 
lad was easily acquitted, even of manslaughter.</p>
        <p>The northern circuit may well claim Colquitt, 
as his childhood and early manhood 
were spent in Hancock County.  The family 
afterwards removed, first to Monroe, then to Columbus.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="johnston113" n="113"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER XII.</head>
        <p>The two lawyers who easily led at the bar 
of the northern circuit during, the whole 
course of their practice were Robert Toombs 
and Alexander Stephens.  Of about equal 
age, the former only one year older, they at 
their coming out almost at once became distinguished, 
and although professional rivals 
were dear friends throughout life, with the 
exception of a brief while, due to a misunderstanding, 
after the passage of which they were
the same to each other as before.</p>
        <p>Toombs, who was generous to the highest 
degree, having inherited an ample property, 
was attracted to Stephens, who, despite both 
poverty and weak health, was struggling with 
increasing pertinacity towards the height for 
which he felt to be competent, if life was spared 
to reach.  At one of the towns of Taliaferro 
Court, his home, Stephens becoming obliged
       <pb id="ohnston114" n="114"/>by ill health to absent himself, Toombs put 
himself promptly into all his cases, so as to 
prevent harm from falling upon his clients by 
their continuance.  It was always pleasant to 
witness the warm attachment between them.  
Both were men of ardent temper; Stephens 
naturally irate and resentful, and both fired 
with high ambition.  It was evident that they 
avoided as much as possible being put into 
conflict before the courts, and that when this 
was unavoidable, each was careful of touching 
unpleasantly the other's feelings.</p>
        <p>In my judgment, Toombs possessed an intellect 
above that of any other man with whom I 
ever had acquaintance.  He became a learned 
lawyer.  It was not known, except to a few, 
that, despite all appearances to the contrary,
he was a deep student, having capacity far beyond
any other lawyer of his day for rapid, 
intense study during the interstices of public 
business and the claims of domestic and social 
life, the latter never being neglected.  In reading 
cases found in law reports he had the faculty
    <pb id="johnston115" n="115"/>of quickly noting the points involved, 
decisions upon them, and the reasons assigned.  
Dr. Samuel Johnson, who almost 
never read a book through, was not more 
prompt and accurate to discover what was valuable
in it.  At village taverns during the week
sessions of the spring and fall terms, either in 
the big hall then called the bar-room, or in his 
own and other chambers, his habit was to spend 
hours in chit-chat, in which were had some of 
as racy rehearsings of anecdotes and other 
stories as were held in such reunions anywhere.  
At bedtime, on his retiring, he would 
spend several hours studying his cases and reports
in which their likes had been adjudicated.  
It was so in his office and on the courthouse 
square in Washington, where he resided.  
Interviews with clients, that is to say, business
interviews, were brief.  Quickly perceiving
the points involved in their cases, his counsel
followed at once, and then either there, or 
upon the street, sitting before the door of one 
of the stores, he would chat about crops and
       <pb id="johnston116" n="116"/>other rural things of interest, and yet find 
time for study, sufficient for the unexampled 
rapidity with which he could pursue it.  </p>
        <p>He was the only eminent lawyer who made
 agriculture one of his studies to the degree that 
he made money by its pursuit.  With the 
others this and practice at the bar seemed not 
well to coincide, and so not many of them 
worked farms, except on an inconsiderable 
scale.  Yet Toombs held frequent communications 
with overseers on his plantations, one 
of which was in Stewart County, near one 
hundred and fifty miles distant, sending to the 
manager there and receiving weekly bulletins.  
In a conversation with him one day he said to 
me that in the matter of overseers he always 
avoided selection of one with other than a 
moderate, even tending to low, understanding.  
He spoke about thus: “I wouldn't have on 
one of my plantations an overseer who believed 
himself competent to run it on his own judgment.  
What I want in an overseer is for him,
besides understanding what is good work and
<pb id="johnston117" n="117"/>how it is to be done, to have just sense enough 
to do implicitly what I tell him I wish done.  
He must write me once a week the condition 
of things and their various accidents.  Then I 
write, giving instructions of what he must do. 
In seasons, wet and dry, I instruct him how to
have the work distributed.  If a mule is sick 
or dies, I make the changes needed.  In fine, 
I manage my plantations myself.”  It was 
thus that he became acquainted with even the 
lesser matters in agricultural life, and succeeded 
in making good yearly accretions to his 
estate.</p>
        <p>As an advocate before juries he was without 
a peer.  Powerful before the court, before 
which his arguments were always brief, he was 
almost resistless.  What, to a high degree, had 
contributed to this was the conviction usually 
felt that the cause of his clients was just and 
ought to prevail.  Recognizing on their first 
presentation the law and the right, unless those, 
in his opinion, were in their favor, his habit 
was to counsel against litigation, that after
      <pb id="johnston118" n="118"/>being conducted in anxiety and acrimony 
would end in failure.  There was not his equal 
in readiness to accept what he regarded fair 
proposals of compromises from the opponents 
of his clients.  If the latter, moved by combative 
feelings, or eager to strive for more than 
their cases could justly claim, rejected such 
proposals, he would promptly declare that if 
they persisted he would sever his connection 
with them, saying, in his open manner: “The 
terms are fair; if you won't agree to them get 
somebody else to plead your case.  I go out of 
it, for I will not be the instrument either of 
your resentment or your greed.”</p>
        <p>Thus it was that before a jury he felt himself 
to be in a just cause and bound at all points 
for its lead.  His examinations, especially 
cross-examinations of witnesses, always seemed 
to me perfect.  The truth, whatever of it was 
in a witness' mind, he would have.  One who 
was prejudiced or reluctant he comprehended 
at once.  Placing himself close to a witness-stand, 
and fixing his eyes upon him, he plied
  <pb id="johnston119" n="119"/>him in a wise that was irresistible.  One day 
such a witness in Taliaferro Court, before his 
searching, fainted and fell upon, the floor.
“Take him out!” cried Toombs;  “his travail
in the forced letting out of what was in him
has been too much for him;  take him out!”</p>
        <p>When the issue was to be argued, it was singular
what disregard he had for mere acts of 
speech.  With him these seemed to be counted 
as of little value.  He did not undertake to 
persuade.  His aim and his labor were to convince.  
He forbore from praise of juries for 
their intelligence and honorable intents and 
purposes.  In rapid and always brief speech he 
commented  upon the facts, making the jury
understand that he relied for a verdict upon 
their being fair-minded, honest men, whom he 
virtually defied to act against justice and their 
consciences.  In not one of the many addresses 
before juries that I have heard him make do I 
recall an Instance in which he employed words 
or tones of  flattery .  He not often spoke more 
than half an hour.   Ignoring all side or unimportant
<pb id="johnston120" n="120"/>issues, he seized upon the one or two 
strong points of the case until he had made it 
absolutely clear, and when this was done he
turned away with the looks of one who, having 
discharged his own portion of responsibility,
had left it with those whose final decision 
would depend upon the question of whether 
they were intelligent men or fools, honest men 
or knaves.  Yet, except Lumpkin, no lawyer 
of his time equaled him in excitation of pathos
in juries, but he did so by no appealings, but
by the presentation of a case of injustice and 
oppression with such force as occasionally 
moved to pity and indignation, finding vent in 
tears, even in cries.  A case of this sort was 
related to me by Linton Stephens, at Athens, 
shortly after I had withdrawn from the bar and 
entered the University.  It was in a suit for 
damages, brought by a young girl, through her 
relations and friends, against a Baptist clergyman.  
I well remembered its frequent calls 
upon the docket for years, and its as many 
continuances, for one cause and another, by
<pb id="johnston121" n="121"/>the defendant, who stood in much dread of the 
influence of Toombs's invectives, which he 
foresaw.  It was the habit of both the latter 
and Stephens to leave their seats in Congress 
during the spring and fall sessions of the courts.  
Toombs made it a special matter to be present 
at the call of this particular case.  I was present 
at one of the continuances, and as the defendant, 
after succeeding in his motion, was 
leaving the bar, scowling upon him he said, in 
words audible to several around him: “You 
may dodge, you old reprobate, but I shall get 
to you at last.”</p>
        <p>The plaintiff, an orphan girl of sixteen or 
seventeen years, was a ward of the defendant.  
She was of rather weak understanding, and 
perhaps slow in rendering service such as her 
guardian deemed it his right and duty to exact.  
One day (my recollection is) she mislaid a 
bunch of keys where it could not be found.  The 
defendant, suddenly exasperated with anger, 
seized a hickory and punished her with some 
severity.  The girl's relations, indignant at the
   <pb id="johnston122" n="122"/>outrage, withdrew her and instituted suit, laying 
the damage of two thousand five hundred 
dollars.  More than once, through her friends, 
she offered to compromise on the payment of 
fifteen hundred.  The offer was rejected, for 
the defendant had no notion that, even if the 
verdict should be rendered against him, the 
damages would be so great for inflicting a punishment 
which in that day and generation was 
not uncommon in domestic life.  When the 
case at last came up for trial, and after the evidence 
was ended, Toombs, excited to the highest 
degree, stood before the jury and delivered 
a speech, of which Linton Stephens declared 
his opinion that it had never been surpassed in 
all the annals of the bar.  Indeed, an intelligent 
gentleman, a physician of the county, who 
had been a friend of the defendant, said to me 
afterwards that the effect of the speech on all, 
jurymen and bystanders, was overwhelming.  
The large court-room was crowded with spectators.
These and all, whilst the orator was 
declaiming upon the audacity of a large, powerful
    <pb id="johnston123" n="123"/>man, a professed minister of the Word of
God, inflicting a disgraceful penance upon a
weak, orphaned girl for a trifling offense  -  an
outrage from the sight of which even the
Creator, whom he pretended to serve, must 
have turned away in horror  -   bowed their heads
in their hands and cried aloud.  The speech 
was brief.  When it was over, the jury rushed
to their room as if they felt that instantaneous
recompense must be rendered  -  even for their
own security against charge or suspicion of 
complicity  -  wrote out their verdict, rushed
back, and their foreman handed it to the clerk,
who read in a loud voice the finding to be five
thousand dollars.  Half of this sum, as all lawyers
know, must have been recouped, but for 
the following noteworthy circumstance.   At
one of the continuances made by the defendant  
the showing was loss of  the original writ,
which, as has been seen, laid the damages at
two thousand five hundred dollars.  In making
out what in the law is styled an <hi rend="italics">alias</hi>, Toombs,
who  wrote it, being fully convinced that one
   <pb id="johnston124" n="124"/>of the local counsel had purposely withdrawn 
and hidden the original, raised the figures to 
five thousand.  The physician above alluded 
to told me that after the verdict was rendered 
one of the defendant's counsel, intending to 
reassure him, told him that he need not be 
distressed, for there was no doubt of being 
able to obtain a new trial, by writ of error to 
the Supreme Court, he, lifting his hand, answered:
“No!  I never want to hear anything 
of it again, the good Lord knows I don't!”</p>
        <p>Toombs' career as a member of Congress is 
generally well known.  At the dissolution of 
the Whig party, and the overthrow of the 
Know Nothing, he became allied to the Democratic, 
and was among the foremost among
the leaders in opposition to the measures eventually 
leading to the Confederate war.  Next 
to Thomas Cobb his was the most powerful
influence upon the movement for secession by 
the State.</p>
        <p>For a time there was prospect that he would 
be made President of the new Confederacy.
       <pb id="johnston125" n="125"/>Perhaps he would have been but for one of 
those accidents, apparently of not serious importance, 
but that serve to impart turns to 
most serious undertakings.  At the first Congress 
at Montgomery, Alabama, his name was 
mentioned more often and earnestly than any 
other for leadership.  By a singular mishap, 
Toombs, on the occasion of a party given to 
the members of the new Congress, partook too
freely of wine.  The most ardent and impulsive 
of men, a very little of spirituous, or even 
vinous, liquors served to excite his brain 
more highly than others would have been by
much larger potations.  It is not improbable 
that he partook less freely than any other at 
the dinner.  Yet the fact brought apprehension
upon some of the delegates who had been 
among his supporters, and when the name of 
Jefferson Davis was mentioned they reluctantly 
left him for the latter.  He had not avowed 
himself a candidate, and, so far as I have been 
able to find out, exhibited no signs of disappointment.</p>
        <pb id="johnston126" n="126"/>
        <p>After the election of Davis it was believed, 
particularly among Toombs' friends, that he 
would be offered the portfolio which, under 
the circumstances, was the most important of 
the Cabinet, that of Minister of War.  But 
the President, declaring the while that he 
regarded himself bound to offer the highest, 
appointed him Secretary of State.  Toombs,
feeling that this was not only an empty but 
an insincere compliment, at first declined, 
but, at the instance of Stephens, afterwards
accepted it.</p>
        <p>Assured in his own mind that the President 
had assigned him to this position in order to 
neutralize any efforts that he might make to
    <pb id="johnston127" n="127"/>interfere with his own policy, Toombs after 
some months resigned and was made a 
brigadier-general.</p>
        <p>It was easy to foresee that a man of consummate 
genius, ardent, open as the day, 
would be hampered in a situation so far subordinate 
to those who were for the most part 
his unequals.  Soon detecting the weak points 
in the administration, and never having learned 
how to refrain from expression of his opinions, 
the coldness between him and the President 
became constantly more pronounced, until he 
retired from the army altogether.  Long before 
the end of the war he felt that the cause 
of the South, under existing plans and purposes 
of the administration, must fail.  One 
day when a man asked him about the condition 
of the public finances, he answered:
“Oh, they seem to be getting along swimmingly.  
The officials charged with the manufacture 
of money spend every day in grinding 
it out for the government, and all night for
themselves.”</p>
        <pb id="johnston128" n="128"/>
        <p>When the war ended he resolved, if possible, 
to avoid arrest; and so one day, when 
notified by one of his neighbors that a squad 
of cavalry had just come into the town of 
Washington, where he resided, he retired to 
the back portion of his premises, and mounting 
his good mare, Alice, he escaped the 
comers, who shortly afterwards repaired to 
his house.  Of his wanderings, if he had so 
chosen, he could have told some interesting 
things.  Failing in his efforts to get out of
the country through the west, he turned to the 
south.  Two of my neighbors, Col.  A. J.
Lane and Major Edgworth Bird, and myself 
were his escort during portions of the nights 
in both of these endeavors.  Our residences 
were two or three miles from the village of 
Sparta (where was a squad of Federal soldiers
under command of a lieutenant), mine on the 
north, and my neighbor's on the south of 
the road leading towards Augusta.  Receiving 
word one night from Colonel Lane that 
the fugitive was a second time in a pine
  <pb id="johnston129" n="129"/>thicket near his house, I mounted my horse 
and went thither, and we and Major Bird 
escorted him through my plantation to the 
road leading northwardly and for some miles 
thereon.  I remember well that as we crossed 
the road from Colonel Lane's, Toombs, taking 
off his hat, waved and uttered his respects to 
the lieutenant commanding in the town.  He 
was accompanied by Charles Irwin, a youth, 
son of his dearly beloved friend, Isaiah Tucker 
Irwin, who, in the session of the legislature 
before the war, was Speaker of the House of 
Representatives, and until his untimely death 
was regarded as the most prominent candidate 
for Governor.  They traveled altogether at 
night, his guide during the day procuring all
things needed for his health and comfort.</p>
        <p>A few weeks afterwards, again receiving a 
message from Colonel Lane that Toombs, who 
had been concealed in a pine thicket near his 
residence during the day, needed our further 
assistance, I again repaired there, and we two,
with Major Bird, conducted him through the
<pb id="johnston130" n="130"/>latter's plantation to the road leading south.</p>
        <p>In neither of these journeys, according to 
my memory, did he speak a single word of 
bitterness about the condition of the country 
or his own.  During the last ride, for several 
miles toward the end of our guidance, he and 
I rode side by side, the rest being ahead of us.  
A few months before, the elder of his two 
daughters, Mrs. Felix Alexander, had died, 
and this was only a few weeks after the death 
of my daughter Lucy.  In extending condolence 
to me, he referred to his own loss, and 
for several minutes he wept freely, talking the 
while on the sufferings which, more keenly 
than all others, such bereavements inflict upon 
the human heart.</p>
        <p>It is known that after journeying through 
southern Georgia and Florida, he succeeded
in making his way to Havana from whence 
he proceeded to France.  He had been only a 
brief while in Paris, when one day, while at 
dinner, a telegram was brought to him 
announcing the death of his only other child, 
Mrs. Dudley Du Bose.</p>
        <pb id="johnston131" n="131"/>
        <p>As soon as it appeared that he could return 
without risk of arrest and prosecution, he did 
so, and for the rest of his life gave his time 
mainly to rehabilitating the State and arranging 
a new constitution.  Declining to apply 
for amnesty, his native boldness found expression 
in public and in private upon his regrets 
for the failure of secession, and for the disasters 
to come from it upon constitutional 
liberty.  He persisted in claiming Georgia for 
his country.  He was the acknowledged 
leader in the formation of the new constitution, 
his strong personality and overpowering 
genius easily having their way.  The convention 
expenses had been about twenty-five 
thousand dollars over the limits, and at its 
adjournment he gave his own check for the 
deficit, for prudent investments before the war, 
outside of land, had saved a considerable 
part of his estate, and besides he had gotten 
several large fees from railroad and cotton
litigations.</p>
        <p>The alienation between him and Stephens
   <pb id="johnston132" n="132"/>was of very short duration, growing out of 
some misunderstanding regarding the lease 
of the State railroad.  They were both profoundly 
gratified at the reconciliation.  Not long 
afterwards Toombs had an opportunity of 
evincing in a signal manner his devotion to 
this friend of forty years.  After the nomination 
of Horace Greeley for President, Stephens 
became so hostile to his election that he established 
a journal in Atlanta in order to control 
a more extensive field than he could cover by 
stump-speaking.  It was a very unfortunate 
undertaking financially.  Whatever were the 
profits, not a dollar came into his hands, but 
on the contrary claims upon claims were presented, 
for which, when the campaign was 
over, he gave his promissory notes.  When 
this became known to Toombs, he repaired to 
Atlanta, sought out the holders, and, paying 
them off to the amount of several thousand 
dollars, took them to Stephens' room, and 
throwing them upon the table said about as
follows: “Here, Ellick, are your notes given
 <pb id="johnston133" n="133"/>to those Atlanta people.  I couldn't bear the 
idea of their being hauled about the streets, 
and so I took them up.” Stephens' death 
was an occasion to him of profound sorrow.</p>
        <p>Ignoring Federal affairs, he continued to 
take an intense interest in those of the State.  
Despising with all his heart the men who, as it 
seemed to him, evinced early and eager desire 
to be restored to the good-will of those with 
whom they had lately been contending, and 
pained at sight of the general demoralization 
which, as after all great wars, befell the people, 
particularly those engaged in politics, he 
was accustomed to indulge in wrathful feelings, 
to which no man living knew how to give 
more poignant, effective expression.  For the 
last legislature before his death, he had most 
pronounced hostility.  In his opinion it continued 
to sit far longer than was necessary, 
and mainly for advancing the personal interests 
of a large number of its leading members.  
From his bed of sickness, which proved to be
the bed of death, he hurled invectives toward
    <pb id="johnston134" n="134"/>those, calling many of them by name, who had 
degraded so far below the old standard of patriotism 
and honor in the State.  One day, 
while near the end, slightly emerging from 
obscuration of understanding, he inquired if 
the legislature had adjourned; being assured 
that it had not, in a low, just audible voice he
replied, “Send for Cromwell!”</p>
        <p>Various are the estimates that have been 
placed upon Toombs' character and career.  
One thing is certain, the men who were nearest 
to him, who were closest witnesses of his 
actions, whether as colleagues or as rivals, both 
knew and most admired his genius and his 
magnanimity.  If he had been less indifferent 
to men's opinions before or after death, he 
would have left some written memorial of his 
actions and their motives.  He was often urged 
to do this, but he forbore, and was content to
be judged by the Creator and the country.</p>
        <p>Thinking of Toombs, I sometimes recall 
what seem to me apposite words of the Emperor 
Augustus, on occasion when he happened
<pb id="johnston135" n="135"/>to find a young lad in his household with a 
volume of Cicero, which he had been furtively 
reading.  The Emperor, taking the book out 
of the hands of the lad, who was dreading a 
rebuke, after glancing over the pages for a few 
moments in silence, handed it back, with the 
words: “My son, he was a great man, and 
loved his country.”</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="johnston137" n="137"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER XIII.</head>
        <p>In collaboration with Professor Wm.  Hand 
Browne, of Johns Hopkins University, I have 
already written a biography of Alexander 
Stephens.  In this memoir I shall mention 
some things not seeming fit to be included in 
that more important work.</p>
        <p>My intimate acquaintance with Stephens began 
during the Know Nothing campaign in the 
year 1855.  Although born within ten miles 
of each other, though in adjoining counties, 
being of different politics, he a Whig and I a 
stripling Democrat, we did not happen to become 
on particularly friendly terms with each 
other until this campaign.  Although neither 
he nor I knew much of the dogmas of the 
Roman Catholic faith, yet we both revolted 
from the thought of proscription of its adherents.  
He had about decided that he would 
retire from Congress and keep to his profession.
<pb id="johnston138" n="138"/>It was wonderful how the sudden passionate 
hostility against foreign-born citizens, particularly 
Catholics, spread among Southern 
Whigs, who could not be Free Soilers, as their 
allies in the North became, nor join with 
Democrats with whom for years and years 
they contended on gory fields.  And so when 
Know Nothingism was born, they flooded to 
it, accompanied by a not considerable number 
of pious Democrats, who, supposing that the 
time had come for suppressing Antichrist, or 
the Scarlet Woman, whichever of those might 
be the Pope, joined their forces.</p>
        <p>The central point of Know Nothingism in 
the State was the city of Augusta, where 
there was quite a number of politicians among 
the Whigs who for some years had been disposed 
to get Stephens out of the way, partly 
because of his independence of party constraints 
and partly for his well-known affiliations 
with rural instead of urban people.  On 
account of the constantly increasing exasperations 
in Congressional discussions upon the
  <pb id="johnston139" n="139"/>question of slavery, and what appeared to him 
growing dangers to the Federal Constitution, 
he decided during the last months of his term 
to retire from politics and devote himself entirely 
to his profession.  The figure of speech 
employed by him in talks with his friends was 
this: Supposing himself on a railroad train, 
foreseeing there was to be a wreck of some 
sort, he had decided to get off at the next 
station.  The announcement of his intention 
gave rise to much comment, particularly in 
Augusta, where some of the leading men of 
the new party declared that he had retired with 
pretended self-denial because of knowing he 
could not be elected.  Although not vindictive, 
he was keenly resentful to unjust reflections 
upon his courage or his integrity.  When 
these remarks were repeated to him he immediately 
reversed his decision and announced 
himself for reelection, and appointed an early 
day for opening the campaign in Augusta.  
His conduct of this campaign was to me 
always the most interesting portion of his
     <pb id="johnston140" n="140"/>career.  An orator rather persuasive than 
otherwise, in this, from the beginning to the 
close, he was denunciatory to the highest 
degree of passion.  To-day he would harangue 
to a multitude two or three hours, and afterwards 
retiring to his hotel, change for fresh 
vestments those which had been drenched 
throughout with perspiration, take his dinner, 
enter his buggy with Harry, his driver, and 
Rio, his dog, and make for another appointment 
for the morrow twenty-five or thirty 
miles distant.</p>
        <p>It was the most exciting political campaign 
ever made in the State.  Stephens was 
unquestionably its most influential leader.  
Wherever he spoke vast numbers of both parties 
came to hear him.  Know Nothingism 
was defeated for good and all, and afterwards 
very many persons of entirely upright intentions 
long regretted the delusion into which 
they were led.</p>
        <p>It was in the village of Warrenton during 
a session of the Supreme Court, while the
<pb id="johnston141" n="141"/>campaign was at its midst, that the intimacy 
between him and myself began.  I had just 
been defeated by Judge Garnett Andrews, the 
Know Nothing candidate, for judge of the 
circuit.  The present incumbent was Judge 
Eli H. Baxter, a Know Nothing himself, although 
a particular friend to me.  His term 
was to expire after six months.  One night he 
called me to his room in the hotel and said 
that he intended to resign as soon as the present 
term of Warren Court was ended, and he 
besought me to accept appointment to the 
place which he was confident the Governor 
(Howell Cobb) would offer.  I at once said 
that I would not accept, as I should have only 
a term of six months, in which time the mistakes 
necessarily made by a young judge 
would not have time and opportunity for 
correction.  Besides, I must lose somewhat by 
withdrawal from my practice.  Baxter was so 
urgent that I decided to take counsel with 
Stephens, who at once coincided with my 
views.  The friendship thus begun continued
<pb id="johnston142" n="142"/>eventually with much intimacy until his 
death twenty-five years afterwards.</p>
        <p>As a lawyer Stephens was unequal to several 
others whom he met habitually at the bar.  
He came forward after a few weeks' preliminary 
study, and became involved in politics 
too soon afterwards to allow opportunity for 
very elaborate study of legal principles.  But 
his strong intellect, his excellent common 
sense, his quickness to perceive the main 
issues in cases, his intense sympathy with his 
clients, capped by his very great powers as an 
advocate, enabled him to stand on a level with 
the best.  Then the knowledge not obtained 
by reading he got in apparently sufficient 
quantity through his quick absorption from 
the debates of more learned compeers, Lumpkin, 
Toombs, and Cone.</p>
        <p>His manner before juries was in the main 
persuasive, yet he knew as well as any the 
value of satire and passion, and employed 
them often with wonderful effect.  If he had 
given himself entirely or mainly to the profession
<pb id="johnston143" n="143"/>he would have made a great lawyer.  
But he loved politics.  Within only a year or 
two after coming to the bar he was sent to the 
legislature, where he continued until he was 
elected to Congress.</p>
        <p>Possibly no man in the State (if one may 
except Howell Cobb) was as adroit in the 
management and conduct of political campaigns.  
At his home in Crawfordsville, near 
the western limits of his Congressional district, 
he was made familiar by personal visits of 
subordinate leaders and by correspondence 
with conditions in every county, and had <sic>controling</sic> 
influence of its nominations for the 
legislature and county offices.  When upon 
the stump he always drew a large audience.  
This was owing in good part to his unique appearance  -  
his youthfulness (as a boy of seventeen), 
beardless face with a pallor of death, 
his emaciated body of weight little over eighty 
pounds, his voice that was as that of a woman, 
and his eyes that pierced like the eagle's  -  
these were a charm that not seldom rose to infatuation.
  <pb id="johnston144" n="144"/>Above these, doubtless aided by 
the contrast, were his instant recognition of 
the quality and temper of his audience, the 
never-failing deliberation and art with which 
he gathered them in hand, the choice of arguments 
and words, the gradual rise into high, 
passionate declamation got and easily held 
sway.  Fine as his voice was, the distinctness 
of his utterance made him clearly audible to a 
larger audience than any other man in the 
State could have commanded.  As a stump 
speaker, in my judgment, he was without a 
peer among all whom I have known.</p>
        <p>Of his course in Congress Dr. Browne and 
myself have spoken in our biography, There 
are some things not contained therein relating 
to his conduct during the period of secession 
and the war that followed which I will relate.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="johnston145" n="145"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER XIV.</head>
        <p>The rise <sic>oi</sic> the Soil party and its rapid 
growth from small beginning gave much concern 
to Stephens, as well as to a large majority 
of thoughtful minds North and South.  He 
had intense admiration for Douglas, whose 
bold  -   and what Southern people regarded  -  
unselfish, patriotic endeavors, served to postpone 
the final issue.  In the Democratic Convention 
of 1852 this eloquent champion was 
supplanted by General (after President) Pierce, 
an honorable man, but not of signal ability, 
as he had not rendered specially important 
service to the country on any line.  The same 
was done in 1856, when Douglas was again 
turned down and Buchanan received the nomination.  
Then he resolved to not submit 
another time to such treatment.  For this he 
was blamed by Stephens, whom I have heard 
say that Douglas's one infirmity was personal
<pb id="johnston146" n="146"/>ambition; that while the South owed more to 
him than any other statesman in the North for 
his services and sacrifices in their behalf, he, 
as a true patriot, ought to have been content 
with consciousness of the merit of these services 
and sacrifices and restrained personal 
resentment and kept himself in touch with his 
party.  His refusal to do this brought on the 
results of the Democratic Convention at 
Charleston in the summer of 1860, which, not 
agreeing upon a candidate, separated to meet 
afterwards in Baltimore.</p>
        <p>Having never been active in politics, and 
now for three years engaged in the State 
University, I had not supposed that such ending 
of the Charleston Convention foreboded 
very momentous consequences.  And so when, 
a few days afterwards, as I was returning to 
Athens at the close of the summer vacation, 
and stopped for the night at his house, I was 
much surprised to find him in a state of excitement 
far more intense than I had ever known 
of him.  During supper he had little to say,
<pb id="johnston147" n="147"/>even upon commonplace matters.  When we 
returned to his study, which was his bedroom 
also, I asked what he thought of the existing 
condition of the Democratic party.  I remember 
distinctly his answer, which was rendered 
in tone as if he was on the platform in the 
most passionate discussion before a large 
audience :</p>
        <p>“What do I think of it?  Why, sir, that 
we are on the verge of a civil war, which, 
when it comes, will be one of the most unhappy 
and disastrous of all in modern times!”</p>
        <p>This surprised me greatly, and I answered 
that I could not but believe that his apprehensions 
were without good foundation; that the 
dispersion of the Charleston Convention was 
only because of disagreement as to the nominee, 
and that interchange of opinion among 
the most prominent leaders the while would 
lead to some sort of compromise at the convention 
to meet at Baltimore some weeks afterward.</p>
        <p>He at once replied that such was a vain hope; 
that the time for compromise was passed, and
   <pb id="johnston148" n="148"/>intentionally so, through the influence of certain 
Southern politicians, among them William 
S. Young and Howell Cobb, who preferred 
secession to the election of Douglas.  The last 
hope of peace was blighted at Charleston.  
The convention at Baltimore would nominate 
an anti-Douglas ticket, and Douglas would become 
an independent candidate.  The division 
would make sure the election, whoever he 
might be, of the Republican candidate.  When 
that took place South Carolina would secede.  
As for himself, he would be willing for her to 
go. He had no doubt that in time she would 
return.  But her action would necessarily be 
followed by the Southern Atlantic and Gulf 
States.  What would add to the difficulties of
the situation would be that the border States
would hesitate until too late to hinder aggression 
from the Northern.</p>
        <p>Among many other things said by him during 
many hours, a great portion of which he 
walked about in the room, often gesticulating 
with passion, was the fact that the South was
    <pb id="johnston149" n="149"/>not possessed of statesmen from whom to choose 
one in all respects competent to lead in the 
coming crisis; that although its cause was just, 
conflict of force was being precipitated by men 
who, from disappointment of personal aspirations, 
had not made themselves <sic>familar</sic> with 
meeting exigencies that would be far more momentous 
than they were able to foresee, and 
that the North, with its far greater population 
and other resources, fortified as it would be by 
the opinions of mankind, would go into the 
struggle with manifold greater advantages.  
From the outside world the South would get 
no sympathy, except from individual minds; 
that even if it should have temporary success, 
it would be known as the Black Republic, and 
be a reproach among the nations.</p>
        <p>Since the above was written I have found 
what had been mislaid for several years  -  a 
blank-book, in which I set down events shortly 
after their occurrence, and bits of conversation 
I had with Stephens.  I find the following of 
the date of May, 1860:</p>
        <pb id="johnston150" n="150"/>
        <p>“J.  -  Well, the convention at Charleston has 
adjourned.  What do you think of matters 
now?”</p>
        <p>“S.  -   Think of them?  Why, that men will 
be cutting one another's throats in a little 
while.  We shall, in less than twelve months, 
be in a civil war, and that one of the bloodiest 
in the history of the world.  Men seem to be 
utterly blinded to the future.  Their reason 
has already left them, and in a little while they 
will be under the complete control of the worst 
of passions.  You remember my reading to you 
a letter I wrote to a gentleman in Texas, asking 
the use of my name in his State as a candidate 
for the Presidency?”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  The one in which you said that we 
should make Charleston at the time of the 
convention either a Marathon or a Waterloo?”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  Yes. Well, we have made it a Waterloo.”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  Don't you think it possible that matters 
may be adjusted in Baltimore?”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  Not the slightest chance of it.  The
<pb id="johnston151" n="151"/>party is split now and forever.  If it could 
have agreed, either on Douglas or any one else, 
we might have carried the election.  As it is, 
the cause is hopelessly lost.  The election can
not be carried without Douglas's support.”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  I hope he will give it.”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  Never! ”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  What a misfortune it is that he did 
not support the Lecompton constitution.”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  Yes; but he knew, as we all did, that 
it was procured by fraud.  I supported it, not 
because it was fairly obtained, but because it 
was right when obtained.  The fraud was 
glaring.  I feel, when looking back at it, like 
the sons of Noah when they saw their father 
naked  -  I wished it might be covered up from 
the world.  Douglas would not support it.  I 
thought it ought to be, and think so yet, because 
it gave us only what we were entitled to
under the Kansas Act.”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  You consider him entitled to the 
nomination, don't you?”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  I won't say that he is <hi rend="italics">entitled</hi> to it,
<pb id="johnston152" n="152"/>but I will say that he has done more for slavery 
than any other man in the North.  He 
has far surpassed all other men in vindicating 
the truth that the negro is the inferior of the 
white man.  And then his name has been the 
strongest in two conventions.  He voluntarily 
withdrew it in 1852; the same in 1856.  I 
suppose he has made up his mind not to do 
so a third time.  The only objections to him 
are his ambitions and his countless hordes of 
office-seekers that are in his suite.  If I could 
make a platform and nominate a candidate, I 
am inclined to think that I would nominate 
Hunter.  If the party were satisfied with the 
Cincinnati platform and would cordially nominate 
Douglas we should carry the election, 
but I tell you that now that is impossible.”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  But why must we have civil war?”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  Simply because there are not virtue, 
patriotism, and sense enough left in the country 
to avoid it.  I repeat that in less than 
twelve months we shall be in one of the 
bloodiest civil wars that history has recorded,
<pb id="johnston153" n="153"/>and what is to become of us then, God only 
knows.  The Union will certainly be dissolved.  
The South has strength enough to 
make a great empire if its men were wise and 
patriotic and prudent.  These are the only 
points on which I should have fears for the 
future.  But unless we change in these respects, 
this whole country, North and  South, 
will sink into the condition of Mexico.”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  Did you really say what was reported 
of you when you resigned your place in 
Congress  -   namely, that matters were going to 
ruin in Washington, and that you got off at 
the nearest station because you foresaw a
break down?”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  Yes; I think I used those very words.”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  Do you think you were right in refusing 
to allow your name to go before the 
Charleston convention?”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  I do.  I did not wish the office in the 
first place, nor any other.  What amazes me 
is to see Douglas' ambition to be President. 
I have asked him what he wished the office
   <pb id="johnston154" n="154"/>for.  It never yet has added to one man's 
fame.  You may look over the list of the 
Presidents.  Which of them made any reputation 
after he became President?  Four 
years, or even eight years, are too short a time 
to enable a man to employ any policy which 
will be permanent enough to give him reputation.</p>
        <p>“Louis Napoleon, as President under the
constitution which elected him, could have 
made more.  He is beginning now to make 
it. When he has been where he is as long 
again as he has been already, he may then, if 
he has really good ability, become illustrious.  
I never could see why so many men wish to 
become President.  People don't believe me 
generally, I suppose.  That is all indifferent 
to me.  Some of you people in Athens will 
persist in believing that I opposed the nomination 
of Governor Cobb at the Milledgeville 
convention.  I had nothing on earth to do 
with it, neither for nor against him.  I was 
perfectly willing that he should get the nomination
  <pb id="johnston155" n="155"/>if  he could.  I never had any doubt 
that he could not.  No, sir; I should prefer 
to live here, right here, to being President.  
If I had loved office, I should have continued 
Representative in Congress.”</p>
        <p>The next entry in my book was made on 
May 30, 1861.  It was on an occasion when 
Hon. Thomas W. Thomas, ex-judge of the 
Northern circuit, and myself met at Mr. 
Stephens' home in Crawfordville.  Among 
other things said by him, I recorded the following:</p>
        <p>“S.  -  All the Cabinet, except Blair, were
opposed to the war, honestly so.  They were 
driven into it by Cassius Clay, Jim Lane, and 
the Republican Governors.  The North, I believe, 
will go into anarchy.  They have lost 
all appreciation of constitutional liberty.  
They may hold up longer and break down in 
six months, but the ruin will come before 
Lincoln's administration is over.  They have 
never before had any just idea of the value of 
the South to them.  They are now like leeches
 <pb id="johnston156" n="156"/>that have been shaken off a horse's leg, and 
are beginning to find out what it was that 
fattened them.  We are the horse, and what 
they are determined to do is to get the horse 
back again.  Why, look now; three months 
ago William Soto was worth thirty millions 
of dollars; he is now worth fifteen.  He is 
likely very soon to be worth only one.  Brick 
and mortar are his property, and they had 
almost as well be in Babylon.”</p>
        <p>“Judge T.  -  Governor Cobb thinks that 
when Congress meets the showing which Secretary 
Chase will make of money will frighten 
them into a cessation of hostilities.”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  I wish in my heart it may be so, but 
I don't believe it.  Either they will do that, or 
they will become an assembly of French Jacobins, 
and, if necessary, will raise money by 
putting assignats upon Astor and the balance 
of the rich ones.  The Administration can not 
stop the war.  They are pushed on by the people, 
and they who hesitate will be hung or exiled.  
This is, in my opinion, what is to happen
   <pb id="johnston157" n="157"/>to Scott.  The Girondists in the French Revolution 
led first, and afterwards were put out of 
the way by the Jacobins.  Seward may be 
smart enough to become a Robespierre.”</p>
        <p>“Judge T.  -  What do you think of the South
 having a Dictator?”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  It would never do!  We are the only 
ones who can hold on to constitutional liberty, 
and we must not part with it for one day.  
Our War Department is managed badly.
  -   is very inefficient.  He'll do, and do, and do 
nothing at last.  He is like a man who is 
playing chess  -  thinks, and thinks, and thinks 
before moving, and then makes a feel move.  
He is very rash in counsel and lamentably inefficient 
and irresolute in action.  There were 
twenty thousand stand of arms offered him for 
sale.  He was urged to buy them, but postponed 
until after the fall of Sumter, then tried 
to get them, but it was too late.  Toombs 
ought to have been there.  He is the brains of 
the whole concern.  Slidell was offered a place 
among the Commissioners to Europe, but put
   <pb id="johnston158" n="158"/>his objection on the ground of there being 
three  -  he would have gone alone.</p>
        <p>“I could not for my life persuade General 
Lee that the North wanted specially to get 
back Harper's Ferry, and that it was the most 
important point for military operations on both 
sides.  I greatly fear that we have not sufficient 
force there.  Sidney Johnston is the 
man to lead the army.  Beauregard and Lee 
are best at inquiring.  We ought to have 
Johnston.  I very much fear that he has been 
arrested in New York.  We can whip in this 
fight, but we will have to fight hard.  It will 
be a hard one, I've not a doubt.  Ideas are 
changing  -  ideas of greatness.  The heroic 
spirit will be uppermost now for some time.  
If we had a million bales of cotton pledged to 
us we could borrow money in Europe and get 
as many ships as we want.”</p>
        <p>I remember to have heard him earnestly 
advocate the purchase by the government of 
cotton, which was then selling at eight cents.  
The government, if need be, might purchase 
at ten.</p>
        <pb id="johnston159" n="159"/>
        <p>In an interview on June 11, 1862, he said 
the following, among other things:</p>
        <p>“Beauregard is no general.  He is only a 
clever little fellow.  Instead of retreating on 
west, and protecting Memphis and the country 
between the Tennessee and the Mississippi, 
he has come farther south.  Memphis will 
fall, of course.  Beauregard expects Halleck 
to follow him.  He won't do it, in my opinion.  
All that our army can do where they are will 
be to eat up everything within fifty miles of
it. The day for a vigorous policy is past.  It
is too late to do anything.</p>
        <p>“What stupendous ignorance of the value 
of cotton to us!  The government and those 
who favored its policy did not undervalue it, 
but misunderstood the character of its value. 
In their opinion, cotton was a political power.  
There was the mistake  -  it is only a commercial 
power.  If it had been understood and 
employed that way, it would have been easy 
to manage the government by getting money
in Europe to buy enough ironclad ships to
  <pb id="johnston160" n="160"/>keep several ports open.  It is now too late 
for that.  Our portal system is closed effectually, 
and we can no more stand it than a man 
can stand the closing of his portal system.  
He dies of strangury, and we must naturally 
do the same.  I think we are ruined irretrievably.”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  Do you think that Mr. Davis has any 
confidence in the attainment of independence?”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  He acts as if he did not.  I suppose 
he intends to imitate the career of Sidney 
Johnston, the way I read some of his conduct.”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  Suppose the Government were to devolve 
upon you?”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  It would be too late to do anything.”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  You would not abandon it, however; 
you would take hold and <hi rend="italics">try</hi> to do something.”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  I can not say that I have most deeply 
regretted allowing the use of my name last fall.  
I don't know how I came to make the mistake,
but I hoped it would do good in the way of
preserving harmony.”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  In what shape, think you, our ruin is 
to come?”</p>
        <pb id="johnston161" n="161"/>
        <p>“S.  -  I don't know.  Our enemies do not 
know themselves what they intend.”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  What of the next elections North?”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  The Black Republicans will largely 
prevail.  No doubt that some of the present 
Congress will be left out, and others as bad, or 
even worse, will get in.”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  What, in your belief, will become of
 the negroes?”</p>
        <p>“I  -  I can't say.  No one but God can tell.  
If they are freed, they must become extinct 
after a while.  I have most abundant confidence 
in the Providence of God, and feel that 
His hand is over all, and that whatever comes 
to us all will be by His Providence.  Oh, the 
ruin, the ruin that war brings to mankind!  
Ruin to character, to domestic affections, to 
everything good and valuable!</p>
        <p>“Our last Congress was a weak and contemptible 
body.  They sat with closed doors.  
It was well they did, and so kept from the 
public some of the most disgraceful scenes ever 
enacted by a legislative body.”</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="johnston163" n="163"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER XV.</head>
        <p>The  following is a portion of a conversation 
with Stephens, on November 30, 1862:</p>
        <p>“J.  -  On what sort of terms are you now
with the President?”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  Very good, indeed.  Whenever we
meet he is perfectly agreeable.  We meet but 
seldom, however.  He used to send for me 
often to consult.  Since the Government was 
removed to Richmond he has done so, I think, 
but once.  Somebody, I suppose, told him of 
some remarks I made in the Provincial Congress 
on the government of the army.  I was 
very anxious for the Secretary of War to be 
present when I introduced the resolutions, 
and hoped he would be.  I was probably a 
little severe in my remarks upon the subject 
of granting furloughs to sick soldiers.  I 
wished to do away with the medical board 
established for that purpose, and leave granting
   <pb id="johnston164" n="164"/>of furloughs where it ought to be left, 
with the surgeons and colonels of regiments 
and the brigadier generals.  The Government 
objected on the ground that the surgeons 
might be corrupted.  I could not but feel 
some indignation at this, because one of the 
medical board I knew to be corrupt, as he 
was known by the Government to be so.  
Since that time, as I remember, the President 
has not sent for me.</p>
        <p>“He is awfully deficient in the dispatch of 
business.  Toombs would dispatch more in
twenty minutes than he does in three hours.”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  Are Toombs and he avowedly hostile?”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  Not at all; Toombs has no resentments 
whatever.  He has never gotten over 
a quarrel he had with him in the Gaskill 
case.  It is singular that I have forgotten 
this case.  My recollection is that it was 
of little importance, altogether too little to 
excite resentment in either of the parties.  Yet 
they are ostensibly friendly enough.  Toombs 
took dinner with him as he came through Richmond.
<pb id="johnston165" n="165"/>When the President was first elected 
I urged him to give Toombs first choice of 
place in his Cabinet, hoping that he would 
take, as he ought to have done, that of Secretary 
of War.  But he (the President) replied 
that he desired to pay him the highest compliment
by naming him to the highest position.  
When he did, Toombs answered declining.  
The President sent the telegram to me.  I then 
sent Toombs one, to Argus, where he then was 
with a sick daughter, urging him to accept.  
He answered that he would consider it; upon 
his return in May he decided to take it for a
short time.”</p>
        <p>“J.  -   Has not the Secretary of the Treasury
come somewhat near your views?  Is not the
Government buying cotton?”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  Yes, I believe so.  I received a note 
from Clayton, the Assistant Secretary, complimenting 
the speech I made upon the subject 
at Crawfordville, saying it was the best effort 
of my life.  I don't agree with him at all as to 
that, and was very much surprised at receiving
such a letter from him.”</p>
        <pb id="johnston166" n="166"/>
        <p>“J.  -  Have not your views of General Lee 
undergone some change?”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  No. He is about as good a general as
we have, and better than any in the North.  
But he does not reach with the great generals 
of the world.  I mean that he is nowhere such 
a man as Ceasar and Bonaparte.  He was evidently
surprised at Sharpsburg.  I do not think 
that he knew the enemy to be in his rear.”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  There seems to be a growing sentiment 
among the people in favor of a stronger government.  
The experiment of self-government by
the people is beginning to be regarded a 
failure.”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  There was no fault in the government.  
It was the best that ever was.  The difficulty 
was with the people.”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  But it <hi rend="italics">was</hi>  a failure, say from that 
cause.  Had we not, then, as well give up the 
question?”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  No, I say not.  I am not willing to
give up constitutional States rights.  I repeat
that the fault was not with the government,
    <pb id="johnston167" n="167"/>but with the people.  Until they become more 
virtuous and more patriotic, no government 
will stand with them.”</p>
        <p>On December  13 , among many other things 
said by him were the following:</p>
        <p>“S.  -  I knew that Douglas would oppose 
the settlement of the Kansas difficulties under 
the Lecompton constitution.  I won a bet on 
it from Governor Cobb.  I knew this because 
of the fraud that was prevalent in the election.  
The Free Soil men had been promised by Governor 
Walker, who told them that he spoke for 
one higher than himself, meaning the President, 
that the constitution should be again 
submitted to the people for their ratification or 
objection.  Acting upon that promise, they 
did not vote.  Douglas was willing to make
the issue upon the first election, but the 
Administration did not, because of the design to 
ruin Douglas at the North.  As the issue was 
then made, Douglas refused to abide by the 
first election.  I voted purely upon its legality 
and upon its being right.  There was immense
    <pb id="johnston168" n="168"/>fraud, but the election was right, as the result 
gave to the South only what was just and right.  
If the South had not seceded, Lincoln's 
Administration would have broken down in
sixty days.  He was entirely powerless to do
harm.”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  Do you not suppose that the Southern 
leaders who induce secession must shudder 
sometimes in contemplating its consequences?”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  No, not at all.  People can always find
somebody or something to blame rather than 
themselves or their actions for failures and disasters.  
Our people do not seem to understand 
anything of the nature and cause of this revolution.  
We seceded because the North refused 
to support the Constitution.  We seceded in 
order to retain it.  The people seem to think 
that we broke up the Constitution because it 
was found to be useless.  This Legislature 
abuses Governor Brown because he wishes to 
save the Constitution.  He is old-fashioned, 
yet he knows what he is about.  Truth is, he
has more sense than the whole Legislature.”</p>
        <pb id="johnston169" n="169"/>
        <p>On August 1,  1863, Stephens, while on a 
visit to his brother Linton, at Sparta, spoke by 
request of the people in the Baptist church.  I 
put down afterwards some of his words:</p>
        <p>“The country is in great peril, and matters 
will become worse before they are better; but 
there is not adequate reason for the great despondency 
now pressing upon the public mind.  
The fail of Vicksburg and Port Hudson was a 
misfortune.  The fall of Charleston and Richmond 
would be another, but the former was 
not sufficient, and the latter would not be sufficient 
to discourage us.  There is but one 
question to ask ourselves  -  that is, Are we 
determined to be free?  If we are, subjugation 
is impossible.  Charleston, Savannah, and 
Augusta were all in possession of the British 
during the War of Independence.  Our Congress 
was driven from Philadelphia, as that 
city was long in their possession.  The taking 
of cities is but a small matter towards subjugating 
a people who are determined not to be
subjugated.  Frederick the Great of Prussia
     <pb id="johnston170" n="170"/>was driven back and forth over his dominions 
seven years, having his capital sacked twice, 
but resolving not to quit, he succeeded, coming 
out of the war more powerful than when 
he went into it.</p>
        <p>“We do not lack <hi rend="italics">courage</hi>.  The Yankees 
predicted that we would have enough of that ; 
but they predicted, also, that we would be lacking
in patience.</p>
        <p>“The idea of reconstruction is now obsolete.  
Some persons dream of it, especially the 
speculatives.  I see that Mr. Vallandigham 
dreams of it also.  It is a dream, and is like 
that of the Indian who trusts that when he 
dies his hunting ground and dogs will bear 
him company in the world beyond.</p>
        <p>“I loved the old Union.  If States Rights 
had been respected, as ought to have been 
done, we would have been the greatest, freest 
nation on earth.  We should be so if they 
were acknowledged now.  When South Carolina
seceded she ought to have been allowed 
to go in peace.  If it had been best for her
<pb id="johnston171" n="171"/>she ought to have done so.  If it had not been 
best, she would have returned, just as small 
bodies, on the principle of universal attraction, 
will return to the greater.  It is vain to hope 
for the intervention of France or Great Britain.”</p>
        <p>On March 4, 1868, I went to Crawfordville 
in response to a letter from Stephens on the 
eve of his departure from Richmond after the 
Fortress Monroe Conference, asking me to do 
so. I find on reference to my MMS. that I
recorded less of his conversation then than I 
had been supposing during the years since 
gone by.  The following are some of these:</p>
        <p>“The objects of this mission are misunderstood 
by the people.  It was to obtain a truce 
if possible.  Blair had stated in Richmond 
that President Lincoln was very much pressed 
by the Radicals at home to employ the most 
extreme measures with whom they termed the
rebels, and that now, as the relations with 
France were becoming embarrassing, it would 
be a good time to make overtures to the United
    <pb id="johnston172" n="172"/>States Government on the basis of the Monroe 
Doctrine.  I believed that Blair was sincere 
and that much good could be done by the exercise 
of prudence.  I urged Mr. Davis to 
keep the matter a profound secret, and to send 
some one from Richmond whose absence 
would not be noticed, and I suggested Judge 
Campbell.  He answered that the commission 
must consist of more than one.   I then suggested 
to add Tom Flourney, who at that time 
was in Richmond.  I was sent for afterwards 
by the President, who said that the Cabinet 
had agreed upon myself, Hunter, and Campbell.  
I found that the appointment was already 
generally known in Richmond.  Before 
that I had advised the President to go himself; 
but he declined, saying that President Lincoln 
would refuse to meet him.  I was reluctant to 
go, because the President sympathized little 
with the object of the mission.  But I concluded 
to do so, because it would have been 
mentioned to my injury if I did not, and because 
of even a slight hope of doing some 
good.”</p>
        <pb id="johnston173" n="173"/>
        <p>He then spoke of General Grant, whom he 
met for the first time while on the way to the 
conference, and of whose qualities and prospective 
fortunes he formed high opinions.
Among very many other things said in his
praise were these:</p>
        <p>“I  was much impressed by Grant, noticing
particularly his consideration of his subalterns.  
It is a great mistake to suppose that 
he is not popular with his army.  He is much 
beloved by them.  His quarters were in a 
double log house.  I noticed that when he 
spoke to an orderly he always concluded with 
about such words as these, ’Do this as quickly 
as you can, will you, orderly?‘ Grant is exceedingly 
anxious for peace.  He greatly dislikes 
the idea of a military despotism.  He 
wants peace, and with it, liberty for the people.</p>
        <p>“I strongly preferred a truce without terms, 
leaving the States to adjust themselves as 
would suit their interests.  If it was to their 
interests to reunite, they would do so.</p>
        <p>“President Lincoln and Seward admitted
<pb id="johnston174" n="174"/>
complications with France, but they did not 
expect us to speak publicly of that matter.  
They insisted on reconstruction.  I urged 
Lincoln to reconsider his conclusion that an 
agreement for reconstruction must precede a 
truce; he answered that he would, but that he 
did not think that he could change his mind.  
I insisted upon States Rights.  Seward put 
the case, supposing that Louisiana should 
secede and be united to France.  I answered 
that he took an extreme case, but if France 
would treat her better than the Union it would 
be right to do so.</p>
        <p>“President Davis received the report of the 
commissioners in the wrong spirit.  I urged 
that something might yet be done; but he 
would do nothing, and was inclined to complain 
of the terms in which the note was written 
by the commissioners to Grant.  We are 
at sea.  The President seems determined, if
he can not succeed on <hi rend="italics">his</hi>  plan, to ruin everything.</p>
        <p>“I do not believe that Europe has any notion 
   <pb id="johnston175" n="175"/>of interfering.  Momentous events will 
soon transpire.  We shall know by the summer 
solstice what is to be.  I hope that among 
the probabilities, ruin may be averted; but 
unless our policy changes it can not be.”</p>
        <p>I was much surprised, on looking up my 
manuscripts, which I had not regarded for 
many years, that I did not record what I well 
remember to have heard Stephens say of a 
portion of President Lincoln's remarks at this 
conference.  During the interchange of 
thoughts upon the subject of slavery, Mr. 
Lincoln, in his own peculiar manner of apparently 
unstudied speech, as if he were indifferent 
whether the words he spoke were regarded 
as expressing his sentiments, said 
about as follows, addressing himself familiarly
to Stephens:</p>
        <p>“Mr. Stephens, if I lived in the South  -  
although of course a man of my views about 
slavery wouldn't be allowed to live there  -  
still, if I did, it seems to me that I would 
counsel owners of slaves to decide upon some
  <pb id="johnston176" n="176"/>time when they would be emancipated: say 
twenty years, thirty years, or even fifty years.  
But to fix upon some certain date for which
they could make timely preparation.”</p>
        <p>Entirely clear interpretation of these words 
can not be given, but they seem to indicate 
that if the South would agree to reunion, favorable, 
even liberal, treatment of the slavery 
question would have been accorded in so far 
as it might be influenced by President Lincoln.  
He exhibited during the conference earnest 
desire for the composition of existing disputes.  
I have seen it stated that he proposed 
to the commissioners that, after writing upon 
a blank page the word “Reunion” they 
might insert the rest.  I have no idea that 
this is true.  Nothing like it was said by
Stephens to me, with whom he held closest 
intimacy.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="johnston177" n="177"/>
      <div1>
        <head>CHAPTER XVI.</head>
        <p>Mr. Stephens had resolved that in the 
event of failure of the Confederate cause he 
would not avoid capture by the United States 
Government.  Providing himself with what 
amount of gold he could get for allowable 
extra expenses in prison he remained at home, 
awaiting those who were to be sent for his 
arrest.  During his imprisonment at Fortress 
Monroe he kept a diary, intended only for his 
brother Linton and myself.  It contained 
some two hundred pages, with observations 
partly upon the occurrences of his life therein 
and upon philosophical and literary subjects.  
This MS. is now in possession of a member of
 his family.</p>
        <p>It seemed an unbecoming severity in placing 
so frail a man in a low, damp room.  
Therein he contracted the rheumatism, which
 <pb id="johnston178" n="178"/>remained throughout the rest of his life.  
When I met him upon his release several 
months afterwards he had grown quite gray 
and otherwise aged much.</p>
        <p>Upon his return he determined to exert his 
whole influence in counseling his people in 
the way of reconstruction.  He sorely regretted 
the death of President Lincoln, regarding 
it a great calamity to the whole country, 
particularly the South.  It was but an added 
great misfortune that his successor was a
Southern man.  Him the Southern people 
never liked, and the policy of reconstruction 
adopted by him they detested.  He made the 
mistake not uncommon with men in his condition 
of bestowing amnesty upon the great 
body of Confederates and withholding it from 
its leaders.  In this he showed that he was 
entirely ignorant of the Southern people.  
Imprisonment of those whom they had most 
trusted, both in peace and in war, alienated 
them further and further from him, who had 
vainly expected to form a party for himself by
   <pb id="johnston179" n="179"/>such action.  The exclusion from Congress of 
such men as Herschel Johnston and Alexander 
Stephen, and the acceptance of such as Foster, 
Blodget and his likes could not but serve to 
exasperate a brave people.  Yet, while Toombs, 
defiant to the last, kept himself aloof, Stephens 
entered heartily into the midst of existing conditions, 
counseling compliance with the inevitable, 
and endeavored to make all that was 
possible out of it.  He could not ally himself, 
as some did, with the Republican party; but 
he could commend patience that he practiced
himself.</p>
        <p>The following is the last extract that I shall 
make from these MSS.  They record a portion 
of the conversation had with him December 
4, 1866:</p>
        <p>“Nothing could have been worse than secession 
as a means of obtaining redress for the 
violated rights of the South.  Congress was 
against Lincoln, and would have rendered any 
unlawful action nugatory.  We were in the 
fort and the enemy outside.  We left it in order
   <pb id="johnston180" n="180"/>to fight him outside.  We have been conquered, 
and are now trying to get back into the fort 
and can not.  We are like a man who had a 
gun, while his enemy was unarmed, and who 
gave up his weapon.</p>
        <p>“I used to have great confidence in the good 
sense of the people, but I begin to fear that 
they are not competent to cope with the great 
difficulties before them.  The white people of 
the South are slow in being brought to see the 
necessity of doing justice to the negro.  The 
education of the latter is now absolutely necessary
in order to make him useful to the white 
man.  If we had risen at once to the full view 
of all the necessities attending the emancipation 
of the negro, we should have been in the 
Union long ago.  It is hard to get our people 
to the point where they can do the negro full 
justice.  I see it stated that General Grant has 
been advising the President to urge upon the 
South the adoption of the Constitutional 
Amendments.</p>
        <p>“I think Grant is in favor of the Amendments.
   <pb id="johnston181" n="181"/>He is an unsophisticated man.  He 
does not see the consequences of the Amendments. 
He believes that the enfranchisement
of the Southern whites would soon follow its 
adoption.”</p>
        <p>“J.  -  Do you not suspect now that he is
beginning to grow ambitious?”</p>
        <p>“S.  -  General Grant is combative.  We 
made the mistake of not cultivating him.  He
is destined to play an important part in the
future history of this country.”</p>
        <p>I saw much of Stephens during his last 
years in Congress.  He often appealed to me, 
in tones that were not easy to resist, to come 
to his rooms in the National Hotel on Saturday 
and remain until Sunday evening.  This, 
often inconvenient as it was, I did about once 
a month.  On Saturday night at the coming
in of other guests we had whist, of which he
was more fond than any person I ever knew.  
He and I were never partners, and had not
been in twenty years.  I always was surprised 
at the enjoyment in the game by one who
<pb id="johnston182" n="182"/>could become so angrily excited by a <sic>misplay</sic> 
of his partner.  Many years ago, at one of 
these on my part, his language was so offensive 
that, throwing down my hand, among 
other things I declared that I would never 
again be his partner in the game.</p>
        <p>At ten o'clock, after the departure of the 
other guests, he and I withdrew into his bedroom, 
where, after being undressed and lifted 
into bed by Aleck, a negro who had taken the 
place left by Harry's death, his pipe was 
lighted, and generally I read aloud to him 
until he fell asleep.</p>
        <p>Sundays he had eight or ten guests to meet 
me to dinner in his front room.  To my remonstrances 
against the needless expenditure, 
which he could not afford to undergo, he 
would answer about thus: “Ah, well! we 
can not be together much longer.” Later in 
the afternoon I left to return home.  It happened 
very often that immediately after my 
departure, he wrote to me, sometimes a long 
letter, telling me of his gratification at my
<pb id="johnston183" n="183"/>visit and the sadness of bidding me good-bye.</p>
        <p>Several times he had long, dangerous spells 
of sickness, and not unfrequently suspected 
that he was near his end.  During these seasons 
I went, at his pathetic request, to Washington 
at night, returning in time for my school 
next morning.  Times not to be counted have 
I heard him crying, with the feeling and voice 
of a child, at being left alone in the world, 
without parents, brothers, or sisters; indeed, 
of all persons whom I have ever known, his 
natural affections seemed to me the most passionate.</p>
        <p>There are many things that I could tell of
how he was beset and, as it were, robbed, during 
those years in Washington, by beggars, 
from the well-dressed to the squalid-beggars 
of all sorts, kinds, sexes, and conditions.  From 
these he was absolutely without power to tear 
himself away, and so his pockets, in a brief 
while, often were emptied to a few dollars or 
cents, which, as he used to say, he would keep 
for seed.</p>
        <pb id="johnston184" n="184"/>
        <p>At his Sunday dinners, besides several of the 
Georgia members, I sometimes met distinguished 
officials  -  Davis, of the Supreme Court; 
General Ewing, Senators Beck and Blackburn, 
and others.  He was a good host, learning 
easily how to accommodate himself to every
individual.</p>
        <p>On my arrival one Saturday morning he was 
preparing to take a party of several Georgians 
for a call upon President Grant.  He and the 
rest persuaded me to go along with them. 
In a few minutes after being, shown to a room, 
wherein was a long table, the President entered, 
and after introductions, sat down at the head 
of the table and spoke not a word.  His face 
seemed somewhat flushed, his eyes dull, and 
his linen collar rather drooping.  Stephens 
addressed several observations, which, after 
lifting his eyes from their recumbent position, 
Grant answered briefly, and let down his eyes 
again.  The only remark of Stephens which 
seemed to interest him, and that only slightly, 
was an allusion made by the former to a very
     <pb id="johnston185" n="185"/>severe criticism upon him that had appeared 
that morning in the New York <hi rend="italics">Sun</hi>.  Grant, 
bringing his eyes to a level, answered in about 
these words: “No; I never read anything in 
that paper.  The proprietor, shortly after my 
coming into office, applied to me for an office. 
I didn't give it to him because I didn't think 
he was fit for it.  Ever since then his paper
has been abusing me; but I never open its
pages.”</p>
        <p>Stephens did not take very well my rather 
teasing him for the President's silence and 
apparent indifference to all his callers.  With 
slight petulance he answered: “Grant is just 
as I've frequently told people  -  he never <hi rend="italics">talks</hi> unless he has something to <hi rend="italics">say!</hi>”</p>
        <p>I could not but smile at a reply that I 
thought I could make with some aptness, but 
I said no more because it was evident that he 
felt rather disappointed.</p>
        <p>He survived his inauguration as Governor 
but a few weeks.  It seemed fit that his last 
official act was signing the pardon of a convict.
    <pb id="johnston186" n="186"/>
The remnants of the hundreds of thousands
gotten by his work was about enough
for the payment to Linton's estate of the sum 
advanced to start his journal in the Greeley 
campaign.</p>
        <p>I thought it as well to record some of the 
parts of the many conversations we had
together during the war, a very small portion 
of which I wrote down at the time of their 
occurrence.  During that whole period he 
suffered often with much intensity from apprehensions 
of results of a revolution unwisely
brought on and conducted.  In time he lost
almost all confidence in President Davis, regarding
him as narrow, shortsighted, willful, 
arrogant, and resentful, long before it came, 
doomed to entire failure.  Very many things 
he said to me privately on several matters in 
his public policy, and other things which I 
did not record then and which I will not 
record now.</p>
        <p>After the return from Fortress Monroe, it
behooving him to get some sort of income for
 <pb id="johnston187" n="187"/>the maintenance of his very expensive family, 
not being able to follow the circuit as before, 
he accepted an offer from an agent of the 
United States Publishing Company, of Philadelphia, 
to write a history, which he styled 
“A History of the War Between the States.” 
Its success as a selling book was great, bringing 
him perhaps, if any, only a little less than 
a hundred thousand dollars.  This money, 
like the first that came and continued to come 
from other sources, went in the way of keeping 
to the last as from the first, in uncounted 
bestowment of charities, and keeping a house 
ever open at all hours, day and night, to visitors 
of every degree, from near and from afar, 
known and unknown, heard of and unheard 
of. It was really pathetic to his nearest people 
and friends, even a matter of some resentment 
now.  As some expressed it, he was eaten up 
by appeals for help which, although in far the 
greatest cases were little meritorious, he could 
no more turn away from than a mother could 
endure without feeling the moanings of her
sick child.</p>
        <pb id="johnston188" n="188"/>
        <p>His household continued to the last as before.  
His farm negroes rented at small cost 
the land, and his man-servant, Harry, and his 
family attended to affairs at the mansion.  The 
three persons most dear to him were his brother 
Linton, his nephew William Stephens 
(son of his brother John), and Harry.  The 
deaths of all of those, particularly Linton, the 
pride of his life, broke his heart.  On a visit 
I paid a year or so afterwards, he was in great 
prostration of spirit.  Among many other 
things, I remember his saying, while speaking 
of his death, about thus: “If I could have 
it as I wish, I would prefer being carried alone 
to the grave by the negroes with torches and 
be buried at night.”  Yet the necessity of 
bracing himself against utter despondency, and 
what was as urgent, that of continuing his 
hospitalities and charities, forced him to reenter 
politics, of his subsequent career in 
which it is not needful to speak.  He secured 
the nomination for Governor with a satisfaction 
that he did not express to others  -  indeed
<pb id="johnston189" n="189"/>endeavoring, I suspected, to keep it out of his
own consciousness.  He asked me to come to 
Washington on the day of his departure, and
be the last to take leave of him.  After shaking
hands with all among whom I am sure
there were at least twenty of the hotel servants,
every one of whom got a parting gift,
we entered a carriage, and were driven over 
several streets, his face indicating profoundest
sadness as he looked, knowing it was for the
last time, upon buildings very familiar to him.
As we passed one of these, on my asking what
it was, he answered, “That is the jail!  Do 
you know that it makes me sick at heart to
look at a jail?  The misery endured there from
false charges, neglect, from despotic treatment
and myriad forms of wrong and outrage, make
me sick in my heart to think of.”  Among
other things he said:  “I ought not to have
accepted this nomination.  I tell you I'm 
worn out.  I sometimes feel like I wish, and
that I ought to pray, that Gartrell [General
Lucius Gartrell, his opponent] would beat me.”
  <pb id="johnston190" n="190"/>In this there was no doubt in his mind that 
he deluded himself.  His defeat would have 
mortified him more than anything that ever 
occurred to his personal history.</p>
        <p>Regarding it from every point of view, the 
being of Alexander Stephens seemed to me the 
most unique of all with which I have been 
acquainted.  Extremes were more distant from 
each other, with many various means between.  
The wise man that he became kept within 
him very much of the little child.  His native 
irascibility showed itself in middle age and old 
as in childhood and youth.  An offense, or 
what he took to be such, roused instant resentment 
with desire to fight.  He challenged to 
the duel consecutively Herschel (afterwards 
Governor) Johnston and Benjamin (afterwards 
United States Senator) Hill.  His
pride, perhaps rather I should say his vanity, 
was as exquisitely sensitive to slight, real or 
apparent, as his own suffering body was to 
a new, sudden pain.  Yet of all men he was 
the most ready to forgive an enemy.</p>
      </div1>
    </body>
  </text>
</TEI.2>