<!DOCTYPE TEI.2 SYSTEM "http://docsouth.unc.edu/dtds/teixlite.dtd" [
<!ENTITY % external-entities SYSTEM "./extEntities.dtf">
<!ENTITY % internal-entities SYSTEM "./intEntities.dtf">
<!ENTITY leightp SYSTEM "leightp.jpg" NDATA jpeg>
]>
<TEI.2>
  <teiHeader type="" status="new">
    <fileDesc>
      <titleStmt>
        <title><emph rend="bold">Ten Years on a Georgia Plantation</emph>
<hi rend="italics">Since the War:</hi> Electronic Edition</title>
        <author>Leigh, Frances Butler, 1838-1910</author>
        <funder>Funding from the Library of Congress/Ameritech
National Digital Library Competition supported the electronic publication
of this title.</funder>
        <respStmt>
          <resp>Text scanned (OCR) by</resp>
          <name id="cg">Carlene Hempel</name>
        </respStmt>
        <respStmt>
          <resp>Title page  scanned by</resp>
          <name>Carlene Hempel</name>
        </respStmt>
        <respStmt>
          <resp>Text encoded by </resp>
          <name id="ns">Jennifer Stowe and Natalia
Smith</name>
        </respStmt>
      </titleStmt>
      <editionStmt>
        <edition>First edition,
<date>1998</date></edition>
      </editionStmt>
      <extent>ca. 550K</extent>
      <publicationStmt>
        <publisher>Academic Affairs Library, UNC-CH</publisher>
        <pubPlace>University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill,
 </pubPlace>
        <date>1998.</date>
        <availability status="unknown">
          <p>© This work is the property of the
University of North Carolina
at Chapel Hill. It may be used freely by individuals for research, 
teaching and personal use as long as this statement of
availability is included in the text.</p>
        </availability>
      </publicationStmt>
      <notesStmt>
        <note anchored="yes">Call number F291 .L52 1883 
(Davis Library, UNC-CH)</note>
      </notesStmt>
      <sourceDesc>
        <bibl>
          <title>Ten Years on a Georgia Plantation Since the
War</title>
          <author>Leigh, Frances Butler</author>
          <imprint>
            <pubPlace>London</pubPlace>
            <publisher>Richard Bentley
&amp; Son, New Burlington Street</publisher>
            <date>1883</date>
          </imprint>
        </bibl>
      </sourceDesc>
    </fileDesc>
    <encodingDesc>
      <projectDesc>
        <p>The electronic edition is a part of the UNC-CH
digitization project,
 <hi rend="italics">Documenting the American South,
  Beginnings to 1920.</hi></p>
      </projectDesc>
      <editorialDecl>
        <p>Any hyphens occurring in line breaks have been removed, 
and the trailing part of a word has been joined to the
preceding line.</p>
        <p>All quotation marks and ampersand have been transcribed as
entity references.</p>
        <p>All double right and left quotation marks are encoded as
” and “
respectively.</p>
        <p>All single right and left quotation marks are encoded as ’ 
and ‘ respectively.</p>
        <p>Indentation in lines has not been preserved.</p>
        <p>Running titles have not been preserved.</p>
        <p>Spell-check and verification made against printed text using 
Author/Editor (SoftQuad) and Microsoft Word spell check programs.</p>
      </editorialDecl>
      <classDecl>
        <taxonomy id="lcsh">
          <bibl>
            <title>Library of Congress Subject Headings</title>
          </bibl>
        </taxonomy>
      </classDecl>
    </encodingDesc>
    <profileDesc>
      <langUsage>
        <language id="fr">French</language>
        <language id="de">German</language>
      </langUsage>
      <textClass>
        <keywords scheme="lcsh">
          <list type="simple">
            <item>Georgia -- Social life and customs.</item>
            <item>Women -- Georgia -- Biography.</item>
            <item>Plantation life -- Georgia -- History -- 19th century.</item>
            <item>African Americans -- Georgia -- History -- 19th century.</item>
            <item>Leigh, Frances Butler, 1838-1910.</item>
            <item>Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877) -- Georgia.</item>
            <item>Women plantation owners -- Georgia -- Biography.</item>
          </list>
        </keywords>
      </textClass>
    </profileDesc>
    <revisionDesc>
      <change>
        <date>1998-10-12, </date>
        <respStmt>
          <name>Celine Noel and Wanda Gunther </name>
          <resp/>
        </respStmt>
        <item>revised TEIHeader and created    
 catalog record for the electronic edition.</item>
      </change>
      <change>
        <date>1998-09-15, </date>
        <respStmt>
          <name>Natalia Smith,</name>
          <resp> project manager, </resp>
        </respStmt>
        <item>finished TEI-conformant encoding and final
proofing.</item>
      </change>
      <change>
        <date>1998-09-10, </date>
        <respStmt>
          <name>Jennifer Stowe  </name>
          <resp/>
        </respStmt>
        <item>finished TEI/SGML encoding</item>
      </change>
      <change>
        <date>1998-08-20, </date>
        <respStmt>
          <name>Carlene Hempel </name>
          <resp/>
        </respStmt>
        <item>finished scanning (OCR) and proofing.</item>
      </change>
    </revisionDesc>
  </teiHeader>
  <text>
    <front>
      <div1 type="title page image">
        <p>
          <figure id="title" entity="leightp">
            <p>[Title Page Image]</p>
          </figure>
        </p>
      </div1>
      <titlePage>
        <docTitle>
          <titlePart type="main">TEN YEARS
<lb/>
ON A
<lb/>
GEORGIA PLANTATION
<lb/>
<hi rend="italics">SINCE THE WAR</hi></titlePart>
        </docTitle>
        <byline>BY</byline>
        <docAuthor>FRANCES BUTLER LEIGH</docAuthor>
        <docImprint><pubPlace>LONDON</pubPlace>
<publisher>RICHARD BENTLEY&amp; SON, NEW BURLINGTON STREET<lb/>
Publishers in Ordinary to Her Majesty the Queen</publisher>
<docDate>1883</docDate>
<lb/>
<hi rend="italics">All rights reserved</hi></docImprint>
        <titlePart type="verso"><q direct="unspecified">‘Come from the four winds, O breath, and breathe upon
these slain, that they may live’  -  <bibl><hi rend="italics">Ezekiel</hi> xxxv, 9</bibl></q>
<q direct="unspecified"><lg type="stanza"><l>‘O wheresoever these may be</l><l>Betwixt the slumber of the poles</l><l>To-day they count as kindred souls’ </l></lg><bibl><hi rend="italics">-  In Memoriam</hi></bibl></q></titlePart>
      </titlePage>
      <pb id="leighv" n="v"/>
      <div1 type="poem">
        <head><hi rend="italics">BROTHERS AGAIN:</hi>
<lb/>
SUGGESTED BY DECORATION DAY, 1877.</head>
        <lg type="stanza">
          <head>I.</head>
          <l>Great Land! of all thy children 'tis the part </l>
          <l>To give themselves to thee, to shelter thee,</l>
          <l>To live for thee, and love with their whole heart,</l>
          <l>Or die for thy fair fame, if needs must be:</l>
          <l>And of thy children, both from South and North,</l>
          <l>Some went to battle called in thousands forth</l>
          <l>By thy dear voice, and conquered, though they
died;</l>
          <l>And some, who heard indeed that solemn call,</l>
          <l>But wrongly heard, fell on a vanquished side,</l>
          <l>Yet well contented for that side to fall;</l>
          <l>Brothers with brothers fought, and in that fight</l>
          <l>Let all rejoice who fell, still thinking they were
right.</l>
        </lg>
        <pb id="leighvi" n="vi"/>
        <lg type="stanza">
          <head>II.</head>
          <l>I wandered slowly through a far off-town,</l>
          <l>Where the white winter comes not, nor the storm</l>
          <l>Lashes with icy scourge fair flowers down</l>
          <l>To early graves; where balmy winds disarm</l>
          <l>The wrathful tempest's rage; and as I went,</l>
          <l>Sudden I came upon a monument.</l>
          <l>Inscribed was this: <hi rend="italics">To the Confederate Dead:</hi></l>
          <l>And underneath, the period of the strife,  -  </l>
          <l>Those four dire years that dashed away the life,</l>
          <l>The life of priceless thousands, and o'erspread</l>
          <l>Our land with mourning;  -  on the other side</l>
          <l>Only these words: <hi rend="italics">‘Come from the four winds, O
Breath,</hi></l>
          <l>
            <hi rend="italics">And breathe upon these slain that they may live:’</hi>
          </l>
          <l>No bitterness, no anger, naught beside</l>
          <l>A sigh of silence, unexpressed, that saith</l>
          <l>Of sorrow more than tears could weep, loud grief
could give.</l>
        </lg>
        <lg type="stanza">
          <head>III.</head>
          <l>Then the whole story of the war, methought,</l>
          <l>Passed in its dreary length from first to last,</l>
          <l>By those great words into my memory brought,</l>
          <l>Summoned from out the pages of the past.</l>
          <l>An April dawn, near ninety years before,</l>
          <l>Had seen a horseman in the shadowy night</l>
          <pb id="leighvii" n="vii"/>
          <l>Flit through New England's towns announcing war,</l>
          <l>Calling the stout old patriots out to fight:  -  </l>
          <l>An April dawn saw that first crashing shell</l>
          <l>Rush through the startled air, and thundering
burst</l>
          <l>On Sumter's head; and as it shattering fell,</l>
          <l>The herald sound shrieked discord. This the last</l>
          <l>Alarm of strife, and then in dark array</l>
          <l>Battle on battle followed, fray on fray:</l>
          <l>Name after name, in stern succession falling,</l>
          <l>Bears with it countless tales of blood and woe;</l>
          <l>What countless others, mournful, sad, appalling,</l>
          <l>Must silent rest, with voices silent too!</l>
          <l>What multitudes of heroes now are resting</l>
          <l>Unknown beneath the sod where first they fell!</l>
          <l>And slander's tongue their name has ceased molesting, -  </l>
          <l>Has let them lie untroubled where they fell;</l>
          <l>While through the country each name with it bears</l>
          <l>A memory of triumph or of tears.</l>
          <l>Sadly to hearts bereaved they now must sound,</l>
          <l>Beginning with themselves a life-long grief,</l>
          <l>Recalling as each separate year comes round</l>
          <l>Some sorrow borne alone beyond relief.</l>
          <l>See quiet Williamsburg, where swaying shade</l>
          <l>O'erspreads the tree-girt college; fire and blood</l>
          <l>In all their ghastly shapes her halls invade,</l>
          <l>While flames resistless scar the scorching wood.</l>
          <l>High soars the blaze, nor deigns on earth to tread,</l>
          <pb id="leighviii" n="viii"/>
          <l>But flies remorseless o'er the silent dead.</l>
          <l>Above that fitful glare the leaden sky</l>
          <l>Grows lurid at the sight of agony,</l>
          <l>Till darker ever as the cloud descends</l>
          <l>Heaven pours the flood; and night the horror ends.</l>
          <l>Then followed seasons when the deadly heat</l>
          <l>Fell in its fury on the parching earth,</l>
          <l>And on the springing crops resistless beat,</l>
          <l>Bearing a time of drought, a time of dearth:</l>
          <l>Then gloomy Autumn, dismal with its rains,</l>
          <l>A weary time, when our fair nation's brow</l>
          <l>Was racked with sorrow, while on marshy plains</l>
          <l>Still poured her life-blood, still increased her woe;</l>
          <l>Huge swamps extended o'er the tedious track,</l>
          <l>And rivers rose, and pestilence was shed</l>
          <l>On saddened ranks, and as report came back</l>
          <l>Of some new fight, of some new hero dead,</l>
          <l>Our land was forced to weep upon the graves</l>
          <l>Of sons unnatural, of erring braves.</l>
          <l>Still the grim trump of war, whose thrilling blast</l>
          <l>Shaketh the battlements of peace, whose shock</l>
          <l>Has made our country reel, its summons cast</l>
          <l>Forth to the skies, and to the battle smoke</l>
          <l>Marshalled both young and old, and wider through</l>
          <l>Both North and South the desolation grew.</l>
          <l>Up to the Northern gates the contest surges,</l>
          <l>And three long days at Gettysburg runs high:</l>
          <l>Out went both young and old; the funeral dirges</l>
          <l>Blend with the glorious chant of victory.</l>
          <pb id="leighix" n="ix"/>
          <l>Three fearful days beneath the burning sun!</l>
          <l>What hopes soared up, and fell, ere they were done!</l>
          <l>And when the twilight bless'd came gently creeping,</l>
          <l>For the third time over that bloody scene,</l>
          <l>Where their last slumber gallant forms were sleeping</l>
          <l>On hills that once, alas! were fair and green  -  </l>
          <l>When in that night of stillness, sad, serene,</l>
          <l> Fond mothers sought their voiceless sons with
weeping,</l>
          <l>And sounds of nature sang a solemn song</l>
          <l>Through the deep woods, and rushing brooks
along  -  </l>
          <l>Then was the land in the abysm of war,</l>
          <l>Yet still, how long a time ere it was o'er!</l>
        </lg>
        <lg type="stanza">
          <head>IV.</head>
          <l>Here the grim picture on my sight</l>
          <l>Crowded too swift to see each fight,</l>
          <l>But in the darkness of the night,</l>
          <l>The Wilderness I saw;</l>
          <l>And fighting forms and charging lines  -  </l>
          <l>Or in the dusk the beacon signs</l>
          <l>As through the wood the watch-fire shines,</l>
          <l>And skulking foes withdraw:  -  </l>
          <l>Swift and more swift the pageant moves,</l>
          <l>Now climbing hills, and now in groves,</l>
          <pb id="leighx" n="x"/>
          <l>Now on some blasted heath,</l>
          <l>While still the lurid smoke and glare</l>
          <l>Cover the sky and choke the air,</l>
          <l>Leaving their work beneath;</l>
          <l>For all along that weary way</l>
          <l>The dead and dying scattered lay.</l>
          <l>And so proceeding to the close,</l>
          <l>They fight, and fall, and die,</l>
          <l>Until no more the watch-fire glows,</l>
          <l>Nor swells the battle cry:</l>
          <l>'Tis done;  -  the dead are now at rest</l>
          <l>Upon their country's rugged breast.</l>
        </lg>
        <lg type="stanza">
          <head>V.</head>
          <l>The wild bird builds her nest in branches tall,</l>
          <l>Amid the sheltering foliage of the tree</l>
          <l>Whose life was shattered by the deadly ball</l>
          <l>That crashed its green boughs once so ruthlessly:</l>
          <l>The wild bird sings his carol o'er the graves</l>
          <l>Of many fallen heroes where the grass</l>
          <l>Has grown, or where the ceaseless murmuring
waves</l>
          <l>The site of some past conflict scarce can trace:</l>
          <l>If Nature thus, with all her healing arts,</l>
          <l>Hath striven to smooth the furrows from the breast</l>
          <l>Of our dear land, should we not do our best</l>
          <l>To smooth all furrows from our wounded hearts?</l>
          <l>Then let us pray that as the sun and showers</l>
          <pb id="leighxi" n="xi"/>
          <l>Have charmed with their soft spell the dreary
scenes,</l>
          <l>Till scarce they know themselves through all the
flowers</l>
          <l>Strewn in their brakes and on their sloping greens,</l>
          <l>So we may let the showers of Lethe flow</l>
          <l>Upon the memory of that time of woe.</l>
        </lg>
        <lg>
          <head>VI.</head>
          <l>Shade-wrapped Savannah! By thy monument</l>
          <l>A lesson hath been taught to great and small,</l>
          <l>O may thy prayers be heard, its answer sent,</l>
          <l>Granted by Heaven's grace unto us all!</l>
          <l>And when th' Eternal breath shall come at last,</l>
          <l>Breathing upon the land and summoning</l>
          <l>From all the battle-field an army vast,</l>
          <l>And by its power from every region bring</l>
          <l>Both young and old, from every sepulchre</l>
          <l>On mountain side, by stream and forest brake,</l>
          <l>And shall along the moaning ocean stir,</l>
          <l>Causing our dead from their long sleep to wake  -  </l>
          <l>The soldiers shall arise, mingled in death,</l>
          <l>And come together to the throne all bright,</l>
          <l>Each to be judged according to his light,</l>
          <l>Made perfect by that Great All-healing Breath;</l>
          <l>No strife, no rancour, nothing bitter then,</l>
          <l>But they shall join their hands Brothers again.</l>
        </lg>
        <byline>O. W.</byline>
      </div1>
    </front>
    <body>
      <div1 type="text">
        <pb id="leigh1" n="1"/>
        <head>TEN YEARS<lb/>
ON
<lb/>
A GEORGIA PLANTATION.</head>
        <div2 type="chapter">
          <head type="chapter">CHAPTER I.
<lb/>
CHAOS.</head>
          <p>THE year after the war between the North
and the South, I went to the South with my
father to look after our property in Georgia
and see what could be done with it.</p>
          <p>The whole country had of course undergone
a complete revolution. The changes
that a four years' war must bring about in any
country would alone have been enough to
give a different aspect to everything; but at
the South, besides the changes brought about
by the war, our slaves had been freed; the
<pb id="leigh2" n="2"/>
white population was conquered, ruined, and
disheartened, unable for the moment to see
anything but ruin before as well as behind,
too wedded to the fancied prosperity of the
old system to believe in any possible success
under the new. And even had the people
desired to begin at once to rebuild their
fortunes, it would have been in most cases
impossible, for in many families the young
men had perished in the war, and the old
men, if not too old for the labour and effort
it required to set the machinery of peace
going again, were beggared, and had not even
money enough to buy food for themselves
and their families, let alone their negroes, to
whom they now had to pay wages as well as
feed them.</p>
          <p>Besides this, the South was still treated
as a conquered country. The white people
were disfranchised, the local government in
the hands of either military men or Northern
adventurers, the latter of whom, with no
desire to promote either the good of the
<pb id="leigh3" n="3"/>
country or people, but only to advance their
own private ends, encouraged the negroes in
all their foolish and extravagant ideas of
freedom, set them against their old masters,
filled their minds with false hopes, and
pandered to their worst passions, in order to
secure for themselves some political office
which they hoped to obtain through the negro
vote.</p>
          <p>Into this state of things we came from
the North, and I was often asked at the time,
and have been since, to write some account
of my own personal experience of the condition
of the South immediately after the
war, and during the following five years. But
I never felt inclined to do so until now, when,
in reading over a quantity of old letters
written at the time, I find so much in them
that is interesting, illustrative of the times
and people, that I have determined to copy
some of my accounts and descriptions, which
may interest some persons now, and my
children hereafter. Soon everything will be
<pb id="leigh4" n="4"/>
so changed, and the old traits of the negro
slave have so entirely vanished, as to make
stories about them sound like tales of a lost
race; and also because even now, so little is
really known of the state of things politically
at the South.</p>
          <p>The accounts which have been written
from time to time have been written either
by travellers, who with every desire to get at
the truth, could but see things superficially,
or by persons whose feelings were too strong
either on one side or the other to be perfectly
just in their representations. I copy my
impressions of things as they struck me then,
although in many cases later events proved
how false these impressions were, and how
often mistaken I was in the opinions I
formed. Indeed, we very often found ourselves
taking entirely opposite views of things
from day to day, which will explain apparent
inconsistencies and contradictions in my
statements; but the new and unsettled condition
of everything could not fail to produce
<pb id="leigh5" n="5"/>
this result, as well as the excited state we
were all in.</p>
          <p>I mention many rumours that reached
us, which at the time we believed to be
true, and which sometimes turned out to be
so, but as often, not, as well as the things
I know to be facts from my own personal
experience, for rumours and exaggerations
of all kinds made in a great measure the
interest and excitement of our lives, although
the reality was strange and painful enough.</p>
          <p>On March 22, 1866, my father and myself
left the North. The Southern railroads
were many of them destroyed for miles, not
having been rebuilt since the war, and it
was very questionable how we were to get
as far as Savannah, a matter we did accomplish
however, in a week's time, after the
following adventures, of which I find an
account in my letters written at the time.
We stopped one day in Washington, and
went all over the new Capitol, which had
been finished since I was there five years ago.
<pb id="leigh6" n="6"/>
On Saturday we left, reaching Richmond at
four o'clock on Sunday morning. I notice
that it is a peculiarity of Southern railroads
that they always either arrive, or start, at four
o'clock in the morning. That day we spent
quietly there, and sad enough it was, for
besides all the associations with the place
which crowded thick and fast upon one's
memory, half the town was a heap of burnt
ruins, showing how heavily the desolation of
war had fallen upon it. And in the afternoon
I went out to the cemetery, and after some
search found the grave I was looking for.
There he lay, with hundreds of others who
had sacrificed their lives in vain, their resting
place marked merely by small wooden headboards,
bearing their names, regiments, and
the battles in which they fell. The grief
and excitement made me quite ill, so that I
was glad to leave the town before daylight
the next morning, and I hope I may never
be there again.</p>
          <p>We travelled all that day in the train,
<pb id="leigh7" n="7"/>
reaching Greensborough that night at eight
o'clock. Not having been able to get any
information about our route further on, we
thought it best to stop where we were until
we did find out. This difficulty was one
that met us at every fresh stopping place
along the whole journey; no one could tell
us whether the road ahead were open or not,
and, if open, whether there were any means of
getting over it. So we crawled on, dreading
at each fresh stage to find ourselves stranded
in the middle of the pine woods, with no
means of progressing further.</p>
          <p>That night in Greensborough is one
never to be forgotten. The hotel was a miserable
tumble-down old frame house, and the
room we were shown into more fit for a
stable than a human habitation; a dirty bare
floor, the panes more than half broken out of
the windows, with two ragged, dirty calico
curtains over them that waved and blew
about in the wind. The furniture consisted
of a bed, the clothes of which looked as if
<pb id="leigh8" n="8"/> 
they had not been changed since the war,
but had been slept in, in the meanwhile,
constantly, two rickety old chairs, and a table
with three legs. The bed being entirely out
of the question, and I very tired, I took my
bundle of shawls, put them under my head
against the wall, tilted my chair back, and
prepared to go to sleep if I could. I was
just dozing off when I heard my maid, whom
I had kept in the room for protection, give a
start and exclamation which roused me. I
asked her what was the matter, to which she
replied, a huge rat had just run across the
floor. This woke me quite up, and we spent
the rest of the night shivering and shaking
with the cold, and knocking on the floor with
our umbrellas to frighten away the rats, which
from time to time came out to look at us.</p>
          <p>At four in the morning my father came
for us, and we started for the train, driving
two miles in an old army ambulance. From
that time until eight in the evening we did
not leave the cars, and then only left them to
<pb id="leigh9" n="9"/>
get into an old broken-down stage coach,
which was originally intended to hold six
people, but into which on this occasion they
put nine, and, thus cramped and crowded, we
drove for five hours over as rough a road as
can well be imagined, reaching Columbia at
three o'clock A.M., by which time I could
hardly move. Our next train started at six,
but I was so stiff and exhausted that I begged
my father to wait over one day to rest, to
which he consented. At this place we struck
General Sherman's track, and here the ruin
and desolation was complete. Hardly any
of the town remained; street after street was
merely one long line of blackened ruins,
which showed from their size and beautifully
laid-out gardens, how handsome some of the
houses had been. It was too horrible!</p>
          <p>On Thursday, at six A.M., we again set
off, going about thirty miles in a cattle van
which brought us to the Columbia River, the
bridge over which Sherman had destroyed.
This we crossed on a pontoon bridge, after
<pb id="leigh10" n="10"/>
which we walked a mile, sat two hours in the
woods, and were then picked up by a rickety old
car which was backed down to where we were,
and where the rails began again, having been torn
up behind us. In this, at the rate of about five miles
an hour, we travelled until four in the afternoon,
when we were again deposited in the woods, the
line this time being torn up in front of us. Here, after
another wait, we were packed into a rough army
waggon, with loose boards put across for seats,
and in which we were jolted and banged about
over a road composed entirely of ruts and roots for
four more hours, until I thought I should not have a
whole bone left in my body.</p>
          <p>It was a lovely evening however, and the moon
rose full and clear. The air, delicious and balmy,
was filled with the resinous scent of the pine and
perfume of yellow jessamine, and we were a very
jolly party, four gentlemen, with ourselves, making
up our number, so I thought it good fun on the
whole. In fact,
<pb id="leigh11" n="11"/>
rough as the journey was, I rather enjoyed it all; it
was so new a chapter in my book of travels.</p>
          <p>Between nine and ten in the evening we
arrived at a log cabin, where, until three A.M. we sat
on the floor round a huge wood fire. The train
then arrived and we started again, and did not
stop for twenty-four hours; at least, when I say
did not stop, I mean, did not leave the cars, for
we really seemed to do little else but stop every
few minutes. This brought us, at three A.M., to
Augusta, where we were allowed to go to bed
for three hours, starting again at six and
travelling all day, until at seven in the evening we
at last reached Savannah. Fortunately we started
from the North with a large basket of provisions,
that being our only luggage, the trunks having
been sent by sea; and had it not been for this, I
think we certainly should have starved, as we were
not able to get anything to eat on the road, except
at Columbia and Augusta.</p>
          <pb id="leigh12" n="12"/>
          <p>The morning after our arrival in Savannah,
my father came into my room to say he was
off to the plantation at once, having seen
some gentlemen the evening before, who
told him if he wished to do anything at all in
the way of planting this season, that he must
not lose an hour, as it was very doubtful
even now if a crop could be got in. So off
he went, promising to return as soon as
possible, and report what state of things he
found on the island. I consoled myself by
going off to church to hear Bishop Elliot,
who preached one of the most beautiful
sermons I ever heard, on the Resurrection,
the one thought that can bring hope and
comfort to these poor heart-broken people.
There was hardly anyone at church out of
deep mourning, and it was piteous to see
so many mere girls' faces, shaded by deep
<sic corr="crepe">crape</sic> veils and widows' caps.</p>
          <p>I can hardly give a true idea of how
crushed and sad the people are. You hear no
bitterness towards the North; they are too
<pb id="leigh13" n="13"/>
sad to be bitter; their grief is overwhelming.
Nothing can make any difference to them
now; the women live in the past, and the
men only in the daily present, trying, in a
listless sort of way, to repair their ruined
fortunes. They are like so many foreigners,
whose only interest in the country is their
own individual business. Politics are never
mentioned, and they know and care less
about what is going on in Washington than
in London. They received us with open
arms, my room was filled with flowers, and
crowds of people called upon me every day,
and overwhelmed me with thanks for what I
did for their soldiers during the war, which
really did amount to but very little. I say
this, and the answer invariably is, ‘Oh yes,
but your heart was with us,’ which it certainly
was.</p>
          <p>We had, before leaving the North, received
two letters from Georgia, one from
an agent of the Freedmen's Bureau, and
the other from one of our neighbours, both
<pb id="leigh14" n="14"/>
stating very much the same thing, which was
that our former slaves had all returned to the
island and were willing and ready to work
for us, but refused to engage themselves to
anyone else, even to their liberators, the
Yankees; but that they were very badly off;
short of provisions, and would starve if something
were not done for them at once, and,
unless my father came directly (so wrote the
agent of the Freedmen's Bureau), the negroes
would be removed and made to work elsewhere.</p>
          <p>On Wednesday, when my father returned,
he reported that he had found the negroes all
on the place, not only those who were there
five years ago, but many who were sold
three years before that. Seven had worked
their way back from the up country. They
received him very affectionately, and made
an agreement with him to work for one half
the crop, which agreement it remained to
be seen if they would keep. Owing to our
coming so late, only a small crop could be
<pb id="leigh15" n="15"/>
planted, enough to make seed for another
year and clear expenses. I was sorry we
could do no more, but too thankful that
things were as promising as they were.
Most of the finest plantations were lying idle
for want of hands to work them, so many of
the negroes had died; 17,000 deaths were
recorded by the Freedmen's Bureau alone.
Many had been taken to the South-west, and
others preferred hanging about the towns,
making a few dollars now and then, to working
regularly on the plantations; so most
people found it impossible to get any labourers,
but we had as many as we wanted, and
nothing could induce our people to go anywhere
else. My father also reported that
the house was bare, not a bed nor chair left,
and that he had been sleeping on the floor,
with a piece of wood for a pillow and a few
negro blankets for his covering. This I
could hardly do, and as he could attend to
nothing but the planting, we agreed that he
should devote himself to that, while I looked
<pb id="leigh16" n="16"/>
after some furniture. So the day after,
armed with five hundred bushels of seed rice,
corn, bacon, a straw mattress, and a tub, he
started off again for the plantation, leaving
me to buy tables and chairs, pots and pans.</p>
          <p>We heard that our overseer had removed
many of the things to the interior with the
negroes for safety on the approach of the
Yankees, so I wrote to him about them,
waiting to know what he had saved of our
old furniture, before buying anything new.
This done, I decided to proceed with my
household goods to the plantation, arrange
things as comfortably as possible, and then
return to the North.</p>
          <p>I cannot give a better idea of the condition
of things I found on the Island than
by copying the following letter written at the
time.</p>
          <div3 type="letter">
            <opener>
              <dateline>April 12, 1866.</dateline>
            </opener>
            <p>Dearest S  -  , I have relapsed into
barbarism total! How I do wish you could
see me; you would be so disgusted. Well, I
<pb id="leigh17" n="17"/>
know now what the necessaries of life mean,
and am surprised to find how few they are,
and how many things we consider absolutely
necessary which are really luxuries.</p>
            <p>When I wrote last I was waiting in
Savannah for the arrival of some things the
overseer had taken from the Island, which I
wished to look over before I made any
further purchases for the house. When they
came, however, they looked more like the
possessions of an Irish emigrant than anything
else; the house linen fortunately was
in pretty good order, but the rest I fancy had
furnished the overseer's house in the country
ever since the war; the silver never reappeared.
So I began my purchases with twelve common
wooden chairs, four washstands, four
bedsteads, four large tubs, two
bureaux, two large tables and four smaller
ones, some china, and one common lounge,
my one luxury  -  and this finished the list.</p>
            <p>Thus supplied, my maid and I started
last Saturday morning for the Island; halfway
<pb id="leigh18" n="18"/>
down we stuck fast on a sand-bar in the
river, where we remained six hours, very hot
and devoured by sand-flies, till the tide came
in again and floated us off, which pleasant little
episode brought us to Darien at 1 A.M. My
father was there, however, to meet us with
our own boat, and as it was bright moonlight
we got off with all our things, and were
rowed across to the island by four of our old
negroes.</p>
            <p>I wish I could give you any idea of the
house. The floors were bare, of course, many
of the panes were out of the windows, and the
plaster in many places was off the walls,
while one table and two old chairs constituted
the furniture. It was pretty desolate, and
my father looked at me in some anxiety to
see how it would affect me, and seemed
greatly relieved when I burst out laughing.
My bed was soon unpacked and made, my
tub filled, my basin and pitcher mounted on
a barrel, and I settled for the rest of the
night.</p>
            <pb id="leigh19" n="19"/>
            <p>The next morning I and my little German
maid, who fortunately takes everything very
cheerily, went to work, and together we made
things quite comfortable; unpacked our tables
and chairs, put up some curtains (made out
of some white muslin I had brought down
for petticoats) edged with pink calico, covered
the tables with two bright-coloured covers I
found in the trunk of house linen, had the
windows mended, hung up my picture of
General Lee (which had been sent to me
the day before I left Philadelphia) over the
mantelpiece, and put my writing things and
nicknacks on the table, so that when my
father and Mr. J  -  came in they looked
round in perfect astonishment, and quite rewarded
me by their praise.</p>
            <p>Our kitchen arrangements would amuse
you. I have one large pot, one frying-pan,
one tin saucepan, and this is all; and yet you
would be astonished to see how much our
cook accomplishes with these three utensils,
and the things don't taste <hi rend="italics">very</hi> much alike.
<pb id="leigh20" n="20"/>
Yesterday one of the negroes shot and gave
me a magnificent wild turkey, which we
roasted on one stick set up between two
others before the fire, and capital it was. The
broiling is done on two old pieces of iron laid
over the ashes. Our food consists of corn
and rice bread, rice, and fish caught fresh
every morning out of the river, oysters, turtle
soup, and occasionally a wild turkey or duck.
Other meat, as yet, it is impossible to get.</p>
            <p>Is it not all strange and funny? I feel
like Robinson Crusoe with three hundred
men Fridays. Then my desert really blooms
like the rose. On the acre of ground enclosed
about the house are a superb magnolia tree,
covered with its queenly flowers, roses running
wild in every direction; orange, fig, and
peach trees now in blossom, give promise of
fruit later on, while every tree and bush is
alive with red-birds, mocking-birds, blackbirds,
and jays, so as I sit on the piazza the
air comes to me laden with sweet smells and
sweet sounds of all descriptions.</p>
            <pb id="leigh21" n="21"/>
            <p>There are some drawbacks; fleas, sandflies,
and mosquitoes remind us that we are not
quite in Heaven, and I agree with my laundry
woman, Phillis, who upon my maid's remonstrating
with her for taking all day to wash a
few towels, replied, ‘Dat's true, Miss Louisa,
but de fleas jist have no principle, and day
bites me so all de time, I jist have to stop
to scratch.’</p>
            <p>The negroes seem perfectly happy at
getting back to the old place and having us
there, and I have been deeply touched by
many instances of devotion on their part.
On Sunday morning, after their church,
having nothing to do, they all came to see
me, and I must have shaken hands with
nearly four hundred. They were full of their
troubles and sufferings up the country during
the war, and the invariable winding up was,
‘Tank the Lord, missus, we's back, and sees
you and massa again.’ I said to about twenty
strong men, ‘Well, you know you are free and
your own masters now,’ when they broke out
<pb id="leigh22" n="22"/>
with, ‘No, missus, we belong to you; we be
yours as long as we lib.’</p>
            <p>Nearly all who have lived through the
terrible suffering of these past four years
have come back, as well as many of those
who were sold seven years ago. Their good
character was so well known throughout the
State that people were very anxious to hire
them and induce them to remain in the ‘up
country,’ and told them all sorts of stories to
keep them, among others that my father
was dead, but all in vain. One old man said,
‘If massa be dead den, I'll go back to the old
place and mourn for him.’ So they not only
refused good wages, but in many cases spent
all they had to get back, a fact that speaks
louder than words as to their feeling for their
old master and former treatment.</p>
            <p>Our overseer, who was responsible for all
our property, has little or nothing to give us
back, while everything that was left in charge
of the negroes has been taken care of and
given back to us without the hope or wish of
<pb id="leigh23" n="23"/>
reward. One old man has guarded the stock
so well from both Southern and Northern
marauders, that he has now ninety odd sheep
and thirty cows under his care. Unfortunately
they are on a pine tract some twelve miles
away up the river, and as we have no means
of transporting them we cannot get them
until next year.</p>
            <p>One old couple came up yesterday from
St. Simon's, Uncle John and Mum Peggy,
with five dollars in silver half-dollars tied up
in a bag, which they said a Yankee captain
had given them the second year of the war
for some chickens, and this money these two
old people had kept through all their want
and suffering for three years because it had
been paid for fowls belonging to us. I wonder
whether white servants would be so
faithful or honest! My father was much
moved at this act of faithfulness, and intends
to have something made out of the silver to
commemorate the event, having returned
them the same amount in other money.</p>
            <pb id="leigh24" n="24"/>
            <p>One of the great difficulties of this new
state of things is, what is to be done with the
old people who are too old, and the children
who are too young, to work? One Northern
General said to a planter, in answer to this
question, ‘Well, I suppose they must die,’
which, indeed, seems the only thing for them
to do. To-day Mr. J  -  tells me my father
has agreed to support the children for three
years, and the old people till they die, that
is, feed and clothe them. Fortunately, as we
have some property at the North we are able
to do this, but most of the planters are utterly
ruined and have no money to buy food for
their own families, so on their plantations I
do not see what else is to become of the
negroes who cannot work except to die.</p>
            <closer><salute>Yours affectionately,</salute>
<signed>F.  -  </signed></closer>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="subchapter">
            <p>The prospect of getting in the crop did
not grow more promising as time went on.
The negroes talked a great deal about their
<pb id="leigh25" n="25"/>
desire and intention to work for us, but their
idea of work, unaided by the stern law of
necessity, is very vague, some of them working
only half a day and some even less. I
don't think one does a really honest full day's
work, and so of course not half the necessary
amount is done and I am afraid never will
be again, and so our properties will soon be
utterly worthless, for no crop can be raised
by such labour as this, and no negro will
work if he can help it, and is quite satisfied
just to scrape along doing an odd job here
and there to earn money enough to buy a
little food.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref1" rend="sc" target="note1">1</ref> They are affectionate and often
trustworthy and honest, but so hopelessly
lazy as to be almost worthless as labourers.</p>
            <p>My father was quite encouraged at first,
the people seemed so willing to work and
said so much about their intention of doing
so; but not many days after they started he
came in quite disheartened, saying that half
<note id="note1" rend="sc" anchored="yes" target="ref1">1.  N.B. I was mistaken. In the years 1877 and 1880 upwards
of thirty thousand bushels of rice was raised on the
place by these same negroes.</note><pb id="leigh26" n="26"/>
the hands had left the fields at one o'clock
and the rest by three o'clock, and this just at
our busiest time. Half a day's work will
keep them from starving, but won't raise a
crop. Our contract with them is for half
the crop; that is, one half to be divided
among them, according to each man's rate of
work, we letting them have in the meantime
necessary food, clothing, and money for their
present wants (as they have not a penny)
which is to be deducted from whatever is due
to them at the end of the year.</p>
            <p>This we found the best arrangement to
make with them, for if we paid them wages,
the first five dollars they made would have
seemed like so large a sum to them, that they
would have imagined their fortunes made
and refused to work any more. But even this
arrangement had its objections, for they told
us, when they missed working two or three
days a week, that they were losers by it as
well as ourselves, half the crop being theirs.
But they could not see that this sort of work
<pb id="leigh27" n="27"/>
would not raise any crop at all, and that such
should be the result was quite beyond their
comprehension. They were quite convinced
that if six days' work would raise a whole
crop, three days' work would raise half a one,
with which they as partners were satisfied,
and so it seemed as if we should have to be
too.</p>
            <p>The rice plantation becoming unhealthy
early in May, we removed to St. Simon's, a
sea island on the coast, about fifteen miles
from Butler's Island, where the famous Sea
Island cotton had formerly been raised.
This place had been twice in possession of
the Northern troops during the war, and the
negroes had consequently been brought under
the influence of Northerners, some of whom
had filled the poor people's minds with all
sorts of vain hopes and ideas, among others
that their former masters would not be
allowed to return, and the land was theirs, a
thing many of them believed, and they had
planted both corn and cotton to a considerable
<pb id="leigh28" n="28"/>
extent. To disabuse their minds of
this notion my father determined to put in a
few acres of cotton, although the lateness of
the season and work at Butler's Island prevented
planting of any extent being done this
season.</p>
            <p>Our departure from one place and arrival
at another was very characteristic. The house
on St. Simon's being entirely stripped of
furniture, we had to take our scanty provision
of household goods down with us from
Butler's Island by raft, our only means of
transportation. Having learned from the
negroes that the tide turned at six A.M., and
to reach St. Simon's that day it would be
necessary to start on the first of the ebb, we
went to bed the night before, all agreeing to
get up at four the next morning, so as to
have our beds&amp;c. on board and ready to
start by six. By five, Mr. J  -  , my maid,
and I were ready and our things on board,
but nothing would induce my father to get
up until eight o'clock, when he appeared on
<pb id="leigh29" n="29"/>
the wharf in his dressing-gown, clapped his
hands to his head, exclaiming, ‘My gracious!
that flat should be off; just look at the tide,’
which indeed had then been running down
two good hours. Without a word I had his
bedroom furniture put on, and ordered the
men to push off, which they did just as my
father reappeared, calling out that half his
things had been left behind, a remark which
was fortunately useless as far as the flat was
concerned, as it was rapidly disappearing on
the swift current down the river.</p>
            <p>At three o'clock we started in a large six-oared
boat, with all the things forgotten in
the morning piled in. The day was cloudless,
the air soft and balmy; the wild semi-tropical
vegetation that edged the river on both sides
beautiful beyond description; the tender
new spring green of the deciduous trees
and shrubs, mingling with the dark green of
the evergreen cypress, magnolia, and bay, all
wreathed and bound together with the yellow
jessamine and fringed with the soft delicate
<pb id="leigh30" n="30"/>
grey moss which floated from every branch and
twig. Not a sound broke the stillness but the dip
of our oars in the water, accompanied by the wild
minor chant of the negro boatmen, who sang
nearly the whole way down, keeping time with the
stroke of the oar.</p>
            <p>Half-way down we passed the unfortunate raft
stuck in the mud, caught by the turning tide. Unable
to help it, we left it to wait the return of the ebb,
not however without painful reflections, as we had
had no dinner before starting, and our cook with
his frying pan and saucepan, was perched on a bag
of rice on the raft.</p>
            <p>Shortly after five o'clock we reached St.
Simon's, and found the house a fair-sized
comfortable building, with a wide piazza running
all round it, but without so much as a stool or
bench in it. So, hungry and tired, we
sat down on the floor, to await the arrival of the
things. Night came on, but we had no candles,
and so sat on in darkness till after ten o'clock,
when the raft arrived with almost
<pb id="leigh31" n="31"/>
everything soaked through, the result of a heavy
thunder shower which had come on while it was
stuck fast. This I confess was more than I could
bear, and I burst out crying. A little cold meat and
some bread consoled me somewhat, and finding the
blankets had fortunately escaped the wetting,
we spread these on the floor over the wet
mattresses, and, all dressed, slowly and sadly
laid us down to sleep.</p>
            <p>The next morning the sun was shining as it only
can shine in a southern sky, and the birds were
singing as they only can sing in such sunlight. The
soft sea air blew in at the window, mingled with the
aromatic fragrance of the pines, and I forgot all my
miseries, and was enchanted and happy. After
breakfast, which was a repetition of last night's
supper, with the addition of milk-less tea, I set
about seeing how the house could be made
comfortable. There were four good-sized rooms
down and two upstairs, with a hall ten feet wide
running through the
<pb id="leigh32" n="32"/>
house, and a wide verandah shut in from the
sun by Venetian shades running round it;
the kitchen, with the servants' quarters, was
as usual detached. A nice enough house,
capable of being made both pretty and
comfortable, which in time I hope to do.</p>
            <p>My father spent the time in talking to the
negroes, of whom there were about fifty on
the place, making arrangements with them
for work, more to establish his right to the
place than from any real good we expect to
do this year. We found them in a very
different frame of mind from the negroes on
Butler's Island, who having been removed
the first year of the war, had never been
brought into contact with either army, and
remained the same demonstrative and noisy
childish people they had always been. The
negroes on St. Simon's had always been the
most intelligent, having belonged to an older
estate, and a picked lot, but besides, they
had tasted of the tree of knowledge. They
were perfectly respectful, but quiet, and
<pb id="leigh33" n="33"/>
evidently disappointed to find they were not
the masters of the soil and that their new
friends the Yankees had deceived them.
Many of them had planted a considerable
quantity of corn and cotton, and this my
father told them they might have, but that
they must put in twenty acres for him, for
which he would give them food and clothing,
and another year, when he hoped to put in
several hundred acres, they should share the
crop. They consented without any show of
either pleasure or the reverse, and went to
work almost immediately under the old negro
foreman or driver, who had managed the
place before the war.</p>
            <p>They still showed that they had confidence
in my father, for when a miserable
creature, an agent of the Freedmen's Bureau,
who was our ruler then, and regulated all
our contracts with our negroes, told them
that they would be fools to believe that my
father would really let them have all the
crops they had planted before he came, and
<pb id="leigh34" n="34"/>
they would see that he would claim at least
half, they replied, ‘No, sir, our master is a
just man; he has never lied to us, and we
believe him.’ Rather taken aback by this,
he turned to an old driver who was the
principal person present, and said, ‘Why,
Bram, how can you care so much for your
master  -  he sold you a few years ago?’ ‘Yes,
sir,’ replied the old man, ‘he sold me and I
was very unhappy, but he came to me and
said, “Bram, I am in great trouble; I have no
money and I have to sell some of the people,
but I know where you are all going to, and
will buy you back again as soon as I can.”
<corr>‘</corr>And, sir, he told me, Juba, my old wife, must
go with me, for though she was not strong,
and the gentleman who bought me would not
buy her, master said he could not let man
and wife be separated; and so, sir, I said,
“Master, if you will keep me I will work for
you as long as I live, but if you in trouble
and it help you to sell me, sell me, master, I
am willing.”<corr>‘</corr>And now that we free, I come
<pb id="leigh35" n="35"/>
back to my old home and my old master,
and stay here till I die.<sic>”</sic> ’ This story the
agent told a Northern friend of ours in utter
astonishment.</p>
            <p>To show what perfect confidence my
father had on his side in his old slaves, the
day after starting the work here, he returned
to Butler's Island, leaving me and my maid
entirely alone, with no white person within
eight miles of us, and in a house on no door
of which was there more than a latch, and
neither then nor afterwards, when I was alone
on the plantation with the negroes for weeks
at a time, had I the slightest feeling of fear,
except one night, when I had a fright which
made me quite ill for two days, although it
turned out to be a most absurd cause of
terror. The quiet and solitude of the plantation
was absolute, and at night there was not
a movement, the negro settlement being two
miles away from the house.</p>
            <p>I was awaked one night about two o'clock
by a noise at the river landing, which was not
<pb id="leigh36" n="36"/>
the eighth of a mile from the house, and on
listening, heard talking, shouting. and apparently
struggling. I got up and called my little
German maid, who after listening a moment
said, ‘It is a fight, and I think the men are
drunk.’ Knowing that it could not be our
own men, I made up my mind that a party
of strange and drunken negroes were trying
to land, and that my people were trying to
prevent them. Knowing how few my people
were, I felt for one moment utterly terrified
and helpless, as indeed I was. Then I took
two small pistols my father had left with me,
and putting them full cock, and followed by
my maid, who I must say was wonderfully
brave, I proceeded out of the house to the
nearest hut, where my man servant lived. I
was a little reassured to hear his voice in
answer when I called, and I sent him down
to the river to see what was the matter. It
turned out to be a raft full of mules from
Butler's Island, which I had not expected.
and who objected to being landed, hence the
<pb id="leigh37" n="37"/>
struggling and shouting. I had been too
terrified to laugh, and suddenly becoming
aware of the two pistols at full cock in my
hands, was then seized with my natural terror
of firearms. So I laid them, full cocked as
they were, in a drawer, where they remained
for several days, until my father came and
uncocked them. This was my only real
fright, although for the next two or three
years we were constantly hearing wild
rumours of intended negro insurrections,
which however, as I never quite believed,
did not frighten me.</p>
            <p>I had a pretty hard time of it that first
year, owing to my wretched servants, and to
the scarcity of provisions of all sorts. The
country was absolutely swept; not a chicken,
not an egg was left, and for weeks I lived
on hominy, rice, and fish, with an occasional
bit of venison. The negroes said the Yankees
had eaten up everything, and one old woman
told me they had refused to pay her for the
eggs, but after they had eaten them said
<pb id="leigh38" n="38"/>
they were addled; but I think the people
generally had not much to complain of.
The only two good servants we had remained
with my father at Butler's Island,
and mine were all raw field hands, to whom
everything was new and strange, and who
were really savages. My white maid, watching
my sable housemaid one morning
through the door, saw her dip my toothbrush
in the tub in which I had just bathed,
and with my small hand-glass in the other
hand, in which she was attentively regarding
the operation, proceed to scrub her teeth
with the brush. It is needless to say I presented
her with that one, and locked my new
one up as soon as I had finished using it.</p>
            <p>My cook made all the flour and sugar I
gave him (my own allowance of which was
very small) into sweet cakes, most of which
he ate himself, and when I scolded him,
cried. The young man who was with us,
dying of consumption, was my chief anxiety,
for he was terribly ill, and could not eat the
<pb id="leigh39" n="39"/>
fare I did, and to get anything else was an
impossibility. I scoured the island one day
in search of chickens, but only succeeded in
getting one old cock, of which my wretched
cook made such a mess that Mr. J  -  could
not touch it after it was done. I tried my
own hand at cooking, but without much
success, not knowing really how to cook a
potato, besides which the roof of the kitchen
leaked badly, and as we had frequent
showers, I often had to cook, holding up an
umbrella in one hand and stirring with the
other.</p>
            <p>I remained on St. Simon's Island until
the end of July, my father coming down
from Butler's Island from Saturday till
Monday every week for rest, which he sorely
needed, for although he had got the negroes
into something like working order, they required
constant personal supervision, which
on the rice fields in midsummer was frightfully
trying, particularly as, after the day's
work was over, he had to row a mile across
<pb id="leigh40" n="40"/>
the river, and then drive out six miles to the
hut in the pine woods where he slept. The
salt air, quiet, and peace of St. Simon's was
therefore a delightful rest and change, and
he refused to give an order when he came
down, referring all the negroes to me. One
man whom he had put off in this way
several times, revenged himself one day
when my father told him to get a mule cart
ready, by saying, ‘Does missus say so?’
which, however, was more fun than impudence.</p>
            <p>I will finish my account of this year by
copying a letter written on the spot at the
time.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="letter">
            <opener>
              <dateline>Hampton Point: July 9, 1866.</dateline>
            </opener>
            <p>Dearest S  -  , I did not expect to write
to you again from my desert island. <foreign lang="de">Aber ich
bin als noch hier</foreign>, rapidly approaching the
pulpy gelatinous state. Three times have I
settled upon a day for leaving, and three
times have I put it off; the truth is, I am
very busy, very useful, and very happy.
<pb id="leigh41" n="41"/>
Then I am anxious about leaving my father,
for fear the unusual exposure to this Southern
sun may make him ill; and with no doctor,
no nurse, no medicine, and no proper food
nearer than Savannah, it would be a serious
thing to be ill here.</p>
            <p>I am just learning to be an experienced
cook and doctress, for the negroes come to
me with every sort of complaint to be treated,
and I prescribe for all, pills and poultices
being my favourite remedies. I was rather
nervous about it at first, but have grown
bolder since I find what good results always
follow my doses. Faith certainly has a great
deal to do with it, and that is unbounded on
the part of my patients, who would swallow
a red-hot poker if I ordered it.</p>
            <p>The other day an old woman of over
eighty came for a dose, so I prescribed a
small one of castor oil, which pleased her so
much she returned the next day to have it
repeated, and again a third time, on which
I remonstrated and said, ‘No, Mum Charlotte,
<pb id="leigh42" n="42"/>
you are too old to be dosing yourself so.’ To
which she replied, ‘Den, dear missus, do
give me some for put on outside, for ain't
you me mudder?’</p>
            <p>We are living directly on the Point, in the
house formerly occupied by the overseer, a
much pleasanter and prettier situation, I think,
than the Hill House, in which you lived when
you were here. Of course it is all very rough
and overgrown now, but with the pretty water
view across which you look to the wide
stretch of broad green salt marsh, which at
sunset turns the most wonderful gold bronze
colour, and the magnolia, orange, and superb
live oak trees around and near the house,
it might, by a little judicious clearing and
pruning, be made quite lovely, and if I am
here next winter, as I suppose I shall be,
I shall try my hand at a little
landscape-gardening.</p>
            <p>The fishing is grand, and we have fresh
fish for breakfast, dinner, and tea. Our fisherman,
one of our old slaves, is a great character,
<pb id="leigh43" n="43"/>
and quite as enthusiastic about fishing as I
am. I have been out once or twice with
him, but not for deep-sea fishing yet, which
however I hope to do soon, as he brings
in the most magnificent bass, and blue fish
weighing twenty and thirty pounds. The other
day when we were out it began to thunder,
and he said, ‘Dere missus, go home. No use
to fish more. De fish mind de voice of de
Lord better den we poor mortals, and when
it sunders dey go right down to de bottom
of de sea.’</p>
            <p>I have two little pet bears, the funniest,
jolliest little beasts imaginable. They have no
teeth, being only six weeks old, and have to
be fed on milk, which they will drink out of
a dish if I hold it very quietly, but if I make
the least noise they rush off, get up on their
hind legs, and hiss and spit at me like cats.
One spends his time turning summersets,
and the other lies flat on his back, with his
two little paws over his nose. They are too
delightful.</p>
            <pb id="leigh44" n="44"/>
            <p>I have been very fortunate in my weather,
for although the days are terribly hot, there
is always a pleasant sea-breeze, and the
evenings and nights are delightfully cool.
In fact I have suffered much less from the
heat here than I usually do near Philadelphia
in summer. The great trouble is
that I cannot walk at all on account of the
snakes, of which I live in terror. The daytime
is too hot for them, and they take
their walks abroad in the cool of the <sic corr="evening">eveniug</sic>.</p>
            <p>Last evening I was sauntering up the
road, when about a quarter of a mile from
the house I saw something moving very
slowly across the path. At first I thought
it was a cat, crouching as they do just before
they spring, but in a moment more I saw it
was a huge rattlesnake, as large round as
my arm and quite six feet long. Two little
birds were hovering over him, fluttering lower
and lower every moment, fascinated by his
evil eye and forked tongue which kept darting
<pb id="leigh45" n="45"/>
in and out. He was much too busy to
notice me, so after looking at him for one
moment I flew back to the house, shrieking
with all my might, ‘Pierce! John! Alex!
William!’ Hearing my voice they all rushed
out, and, armed with sticks, axes, and spades,
we proceeded to look for the monster, who
however had crawled into the thick bushes
when we had reached the spot, and although
we could hear him rattle violently when we
struck the bushes, the negroes could not see
him, and were afraid to go into the thick
undergrowth after him, so he still lives to
walk abroad, and I  -  to stay at home.</p>
            <p>Mr. James Hamilton Cooper died last
week, and was buried at the little church on
the island here yesterday. The whole thing
was sad in the extreme, and a fit illustration
of this people and country. Three years ago
he was smitten with paralysis, the result of
grief at the loss of his son, loss of his property,
and the ruin of all his hopes and
prospects; since which his life has been one
<pb id="leigh46" n="46"/>
of great suffering, until a few days ago, when
death released him. Hearing from his son
of his death, and the time fixed for his
funeral, my father and I drove down in the
old mule cart, our only conveyance, nine
miles to the church. Here a most terrible
scene of desolation met us. The steps of the
church were broken down, so we had to walk
up a plank to get in; the roof was fallen in,
so that the sun streamed down on our heads;
while the seats were all cut up and marked
with the names of Northern soldiers, who
had been quartered there during the war.
The graveyard was so overgrown with
weeds and bushes, and tangled with cobweb
like grey moss, that we had difficulty in
making our way through to the freshly dug
grave.</p>
            <p>In about half an hour the funeral party
arrived. The coffin was in a cart drawn by
one miserable horse, and was followed by
the Cooper family on foot, having come this
way from the landing, two miles off. From
<pb id="leigh47" n="47"/>
the cart to the grave the coffin was carried
by four old family negroes, faithful to the
end. Standing there I said to myself, ‘Some
day justice will be done, and the Truth shall
be heard above the political din of slander
and lies, and the Northern people shall see
things as they are, and not through the dark
veil of envy, hatred, and malice.’ Good-bye.
I sail on the 21st for the North.</p>
            <closer><salute>Yours affectionately,</salute>
<signed>F  -  </signed></closer>
          </div3>
        </div2>
        <pb id="leigh48" n="48"/>
        <div2 type="chapter">
          <head>CHAPTER II.
<lb/>
A FRESH START.</head>
          <div3 type="subchapter">
            <p>MY return to the South in 1867 was much
later than I had expected it would be when
I left the previous summer, but my father
was repairing the house on Butler's Island,
and put off my coming, hoping to have things
more comfortable for me. When, however
March came, and it was still unfinished, I
determined to wait no longer, but if necessary
to go direct to St. Simon's, and not to Butler's
Island at all. Wishing to make our habitation
more comfortable than it was last year, I
took from the North six large boxes, containing
carpets, curtains, books, and various household
articles, and accompanied by my maid, a
negro lad I had taken up with me, named
<pb id="leigh49" n="49"/>
Pierce, and a little girl of ten, whom I was
taking South for companionship, I started
again for Georgia on March 10.</p>
            <p>Owing to a mistake about my ticket I
took the wrong route, went two hundred
miles out of my way, and found myself one
night, or rather morning at 2 A.M., landed in
Augusta, where I was forced to remain until
six the next morning, and where I had never
been before and did not know anyone even
by name. I felt rather nervous, but picking
out the most respectable-looking man among
my fellow-travellers, I asked him to recommend
me to the best hotel in Augusta, which
he did, and on my arriving at it found to my
great joy that it was kept by Mr. Nickleson,
formerly of the Mills House, Charleston, who
knew who I was perfectly, received me most
courteously, and after giving me first a comfortable
bed, and then a good breakfast, sent
me off the following morning with a nice little
luncheon put up, a most necessary consideration,
for it was impossible to get anything to
<pb id="leigh50" n="50"/>
eat on the road, and the day before we had
nothing but some biscuits and an orange which we
happened to have brought with us. We reached
Savannah that evening, having been exactly ninety-four
hours on the road, with no longer rest than the
one at Augusta of four hours.</p>
            <p>In Savannah I remained a week, and the
following Saturday started for St. Simon's Island,
sticking fast in the mud as usual, and being delayed
in consequence six hours. The K  -  's were on board
with us, returning to their home for the first time
since the war, bringing with them all their household
goods and chattels; and a funnier sight than our
disembarkation was never seen, as we looked like
a genuine party of emigrants. The little wharf was
covered with beds, tables, chairs ploughs, pots,
pans, boxes, and trunks, for we also had quantities
of things of all kinds. A mule cart awaited us and
an ox cart <sic corr="then">them</sic>, into which elegant conveyance we
clambered, surrounded by our beds and pots and
pans,
<pb id="leigh51" n="51"/>
and solemnly took our departure, each in a
separate direction, for the opposite ends of the
island.</p>
            <p>I had not gone far when I met Major D  -  , a
young Philadelphian, who with his brother had
rented a plantation next ours, and who is the proud
possessor of a horse and <sic corr="wagon">waggon</sic>, in which he
kindly offered to drive me to Hampton Point, an
offer I very gladly accepted, thereby reaching my
destination sooner than I should otherwise have
done. I thought things would be better this year,
but notwithstanding my Northern luxuries, I found it
much harder to get along. My father, finding it
impossible to manage the rice plantation on Butler's
Island and the cotton one here, gladly agreed to the
Missus D  -  's offer to plant on shares, they
undertaking the management here, which allowed
him to devote all his time to the other place. The
consequence is that ‘the crop,’ being the only thing
thought of, every able-bodied man, woman, and
child is engaged on it, and I find
<pb id="leigh52" n="52"/>
my household staff reduced to two. I inquired
after my friend Fisherman George,
‘oh, he was ploughing,’ so I could have no fish,
my cook and his wife have departed altogether,
and my washerwoman and sempstress
‘are picking cotton seed,’ so Major
D  -  smilingly informed me, leaving me
Daphne, who is expecting her eleventh
confinement in less than a month, and Alex her
husband, who invariably is taken ill just as he
ought to get dinner, and Pierce, who since his
winter at the North is too fine to do anything
but wait at table. So I cook, and my maid
does the housework, and as it has rained hard
for three days and the kitchen roof is half off,
I cook in the dining-room or parlour. Fortunately,
my provisions are so limited that I have
not much to cook; for five days my food has
consisted of hard pilot biscuits, grits cooked
in different ways, oysters, and twice, as a great
treat, ham and eggs. I brought a box of
preserves from the North with me, but half
of them upset, and the rest were spoilt.</p>
            <pb id="leigh53" n="53"/>
            <p>One window is entirely without a sash, so
I have to keep the shutters closed all the time,
and over the other I have pasted three pieces
of paper where panes should be. My bed
stood under a hole in the roof, through which
the rain came, and I think if it rains much
more there will not be a dry spot left in
the house. However, as I would not wait at
the North till the house on Butler's Island
was finished, I have no one to blame for my
present sufferings but myself, and when I get
some servants and food from there, I shall be
better off.</p>
            <p>The people seem to me working fairly
well, but Major D  -  , used only to Northern
labour, is in despair, and says they don't do
more than half a day's work, and that he
has often to go from house to house to drive
them out to work, and then has to sit under
a tree in the field to see they don't run
away.</p>
            <p>A Mr. G  -  from New York has bought
Canon's Point, and is going to the greatest
<pb id="leigh54" n="54"/>
expense to stock it with mules and farming
implements of all sorts, insisting upon it that
we Southerners don't know how to manage
our own places or negroes, and he will show
us, but I think he will find out his mistake.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref2" n="2" rend="sc" target="note2">1</ref>
My father reported the negroes on Butler's
<note id="note2" n="2" rend="sc" anchored="yes" target="ref2">1.  The history of Canon's Point is as follows. Mr. G  -  
having started by putting the negroes on regular wages
expecting them to do regular work in return, and not being
at all prepared to go through the lengthy conversations and
explanations which they required, utterly failed in his attempts
either to manage the negroes or to get any work out of them.
Some ran off, some turned sulky, and some stayed and did
about half the work. So that at the end of two years he gave
the place up in perfect disgust, a little to our amusement, as
he had been so sure, like many another Northern man, that
all the negroes wanted was regular work and regular wages,
overlooking entirely the character of the people he was
dealing with, who required a different treatment every day
almost; sometimes coaxing, sometimes scolding, sometimes
punishing, sometimes indulging, and always  -  unlimited
patience. After Mr. G failed in his management of the
negroes he gave the place up, leaving an agent there merely
to keep possession of the property. This man in turn moved
off, leaving about fifty negro families in undisputed possession
who two years later were driven off by a new tenant
who undertook to charge them high rent for their land; and
it is now finally in the hands of a Western farmer and his
son, who told my husband last winter that they were delighted
with the place and climate, but had not learned to manage
the negroes yet, as when he scolded them they got scared
and ran off, and when he did not they would not work.</note><pb id="leigh55" n="55"/>
Island as working very well, although requiring
constant supervision. That they should
be working well is a favourable sign of their
improved steadiness, for, as last year's crop
is not yet sold, no division has been possible.
So they have begun a second year, not having
yet been paid for the first, and meanwhile
they are allowed to draw what food, clothing,
and money they want, all of which I fear
will make trouble when the day of settlement
comes, but it is pleasant to see how completely
they trust us.</p>
            <p>On both places the work is done on the
old system, by task. We tried working by the
day, indeed I think we were obliged to do so
by the agent of the Freedmen's Bureau, to
whom all our contracts had to be submitted,
but we found it did not answer at all, the
negroes themselves begging to be allowed to
go back to the old task system. One man
indignantly asked Major D  -  what the use
of being free was, if he had to work harder
than when he was a slave. To which Major D  - ,  
<pb id="leigh56" n="56"/>
exasperated by their laziness, replied
that they would find being free meant harder
work than they had ever done before, or
starvation.</p>
            <p>In all other ways the work went on just
as it did in the old times. The force, of about
three hundred, was divided into gangs, each
working under a head man  -  the old negro
drivers, who are now called captains, out of
compliment to the changed times. These men
make a return of the work each night, and it
is very amusing to hear them say, as each
man's name is called, ‘He done him work;’
‘He done half him task;’ or ‘Ain't sh'um’
(have not seen him). They often did overwork
when urged, and were of course credited for
the same on the books. To make them do
odd jobs was hopeless, as I found when I got
some hands from Butler's Island, and tried to
make them clear up the grounds about the
house, cut the undergrowth and make a
garden,&amp;c.  Unless I stayed on the spot all
the time, the instant I disappeared they
<pb id="leigh57" n="57"/>
disappeared as well. On one occasion, having
succeeded in getting a couple of cows, I set a
man to churn some butter. After leaving
him for a few moments, I returned to find him
sitting on the floor with the churn between
his legs, turning the handle slowly, about
once a minute. ‘Cato,’ I exclaimed, ‘that
will never do. You must turn just as fast as
ever you can to make butter!’ Looking up
very gravely, he replied, ‘Missus, in dis
country de butter must be coaxed; der no
good to hurry.’ And I generally found that
if I wanted a thing done I first had to tell the
negroes to do it, then show them how, and
finally do it myself. Their way of managing
not to do it was very ingenious, for they
always were perfectly good-tempered, and
received my orders with, ‘Dat's so, missus;
just as missus says,’ and then always somehow
or other left the thing undone.</p>
            <p>The old people were up to all sorts of
tricks to impose upon my charity, and get
some favour out of me. They were far too old
<pb id="leigh58" n="58"/>
and infirm to work for me, but once let them
get a bit of ground of their own given to them,
and they became quite young and strong
again. One old woman, called Charity, who
represented herself as unable to move, and
entirely dependent on my goodness for food
&amp;c., I found was in the habit of walking
six miles almost every day to take eggs to
Major D  -  to sell. I was complaining
once to him of my want of provisions, and
said, ‘I can't even get eggs; in old times all the
old women had eggs and chickens to sell, but
they none of them seem to have any left.’
‘Why,’ said he, ‘we get eggs regularly from
one of your old women, who walks down
every day or two to us; Charity her name is.’
‘Charity! impossible,’ I exclaimed; ‘she can
hardly crawl round here from her hut.’ ‘It is
true though, nevertheless,’ said he. So the
next time Mistress Charity presented herself,
almost on all fours, and said, ‘Do, dear
missus, give me something for eat,’ I said,
‘No, you old humbug, I won't give you one
<pb id="leigh59" n="59"/>
thing more. You know how much I want eggs,
and yet you never told me you had any, and
take them off to Major D  -  to sell, because
you think if I know you have eggs to sell I
won't give you things.’ For one moment the
old wretch was taken aback at being found
out, and then her ready negro wit came to
her aid, and she exclaimed with a horrified
and indignant air, ‘Me sell eggs to me
dear missus. Neber <hi rend="italics">sell</hi> her eggs; gib dem
to her.’ I need hardly say she had never
given me one, but after that did sell them to
me.</p>
            <p>I spent my birthday at the South, and my
maid telling the people that it was my birthday,
they came up in the evening to ‘shout
for me.’ A negro must dance and sing, and
as their religion, which is very strict in such
matters, forbids secular dancing, they take it
out in religious exercise, call it ‘shouting,’
and explained to me that the difference
between the two was, that in their religious
dancing they did not ‘lift the heel.’ All day
<pb id="leigh60" n="60"/>
they were bringing me little presents of honey, eggs,
flowers,&amp;c., and in the evening about fifty of them,
of all sizes and ages and of both sexes, headed by
old Uncle John, the preacher, collected in front of
the house to ‘shout.’ First they lit two huge fires of
blazing pine logs, around which they began to move
with a slow shuffling step, singing a hymn beginning
‘I wants to climb up Jacob's ladder.’ Getting
warmed up by degrees, they went faster and faster,
shouting louder and louder, until they looked like a
parcel of mad fiends. The children, finding
themselves kicked over in the general <foreign lang="fr">mêlée</foreign>, formed
a circle on their own account, and went round like
small Catherine wheels.</p>
            <p>When, after nearly an hour's performance, I
went down to thank them, and to stop them  -  for
it was getting dreadful, and I thought some of them
would have fits  -  I found it no easy matter to do
so, they were so excited. One of them, rushing up
to my father, seized him by the hand, exclaiming, 
‘Massa, when
<pb id="leigh61" n="61"/>
your birthday? We must “shout” for you.’ ‘Oh,
Tony,’ said my father, ‘my birthday is long
passed.’ Upon which the excited Tony turned to
Major D  -  , who with Mr. G  -  
Had been dining with us, and said, ‘Well den,
Massa Charlie, when yours?’ I told him finally it
was Miss Sarah's birthday as well as mine. On
hearing this he turned to the people, saying,
‘Children, hear de'y (hear do you), dis Miss
Sarah's birthday too. You must shout so loud Miss
Sarah hear you all de way to de North!’ At which
off they went again, harder than ever. Dear old
Uncle John came up to me, and taking my hands in
his, said, ‘God bless you, missus, my dear
missus.’ My father, who was standing near, put his
arm round the old man's shoulders, and said, ‘You
have seen five generations of us now, John, haven't
you?’ ‘Yes, massa,’ said John, ‘Miss Sarah's
little boy be de fifth; bless de Lord.’ Both Major
D  -  and Mr. G  -  spoke of this afterwards, saying
‘How fond your father is of the people.’ ‘Yes,’
said I, ‘this is a relationship
<pb id="leigh62" n="62"/>
you Northern people can't understand,
and will soon destroy.’</p>
            <p>I remained on St. Simon's Island this
summer until the end of July, enjoying every
moment of my time. The climate was perfect,
and I had a delightful Southern-bred mare,
on which I used to take long rides every day.
My father had seen her running about the
streets of Darien, and thought her so handsome
he had bought her from the man who
professed to own her. She was afterwards
claimed by a gentleman from Virginia, who
said she was a sister of Planet's, and had been
raised on his brother's plantation. When the
war ended he had gone to Texas, leaving her
with a friend out of whose stable she had
been stolen by a deserter from the 12th Maine
Regiment, who sold her to the man from
whom my father bought her. The story, which
was proved to be quite true, nearly cost me
my mare, who was the dearest and most
intelligent horse I ever had, and who grew to
know me so well that she would follow me
<pb id="leigh63" n="63"/>
about like a dog, and come from the furthest
end of her pasture when she heard my voice,
but fortunately the owner at last agreed to a
compromise, and I kept my beauty.</p>
            <p>Twice a week I rode nine miles to
Frederika, our post town, to get and take our
letters, and often, with a little bundle of clothes
strapped on behind my saddle, I rode down
twelve miles to the south end of the island,
and spent the night with my dear friends the
K  -  's, returning the next morning before
the heat of the day. There was a good shell
road the whole twelve miles, and six of it at
least ran through a beautiful wood of pines and
live oak, with an undergrowth of the picturesque
dwarf palmetto and sweet-smelling
bay. In many places the trees met overhead,
through which the sun broke in showers of
gold, lighting up the red trunks of the pines
and soft green underneath, while the grey
moss floated silently overhead like a gossamer
veil, covering the whole. I never met a human
being, nor heard a sound save the notes of
<pb id="leigh64" n="64"/>
the different birds, and the soft murmur of
the wind through the tall pines, which came
to me laden with their fragrant aroma, mingled
with the sweet salt breeze from the sea.</p>
            <p>I have often thought since, that it was
really hardly safe for me to ride about alone,
or indeed live alone, as I did half the week;
but I believe there was less danger in doing
so then, than there would be now. The
serpent had not entered into my paradise.</p>
            <p>One day I went on a deer hunt with some
of the gentlemen, quite as much in hopes of
getting some venison as of seeing any real
sport. My diet of ham, eggs, fish, rice,
hominy, to which latterly, endless watermelons
had been added, had become almost
intolerable to me, and I absolutely longed for
animal food. The morning was perfect and I
was very much excited, although I did not
see any deer. They shot one, however, and
generously gave me half. We were to have
gone again, but the weather got warm and
the rattlesnakes came out, so it was not safe.</p>
            <pb id="leigh65" n="65"/>
            <p>My neighbours the H  -  's were great
sportsmen, and had before the war a famous
pack of hounds, of which a story is told that,
after chasing a deer all one day and across
two rivers, the gentlemen returned home
worn out, and without either deer or hounds.
After waiting for two weeks for the return of
the dogs, they went out to look for them, and
on a neighbouring island found the skeletons
of their hounds, in a circle round the skeleton
of a deer. Fortunately, one or two of this
breed had been left behind, and they were
still hunting with them, and after our first
hunt often sent me presents of venison,
which were most acceptable.</p>
            <p>But while my summer was gliding away
in such peace and happiness, things outside
were growing more and more disturbed, and
my father from time to time brought me news
of political disturbances, and a general growing
restlessness among the negroes, which he
feared would end in great trouble and destroy
their usefulness as labourers. Our properties
<pb id="leigh66" n="66"/>
in such a case would have become worthless.
White labour could be used on these sea
islands, but never on the rice fields, which
if we lost our negro labourers would have
to be abandoned. A letter written at that
time shows how different reports reached and
affected us then, and also the condition our
part of the South was in, the truth of which
never has been known.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="letter">
            <opener>
              <dateline>St. Simon's Island: June 23, 1867,</dateline>
            </opener>
            <p>Dearest S  -  , We are, I am afraid, going
to have terrible trouble by-and-by with
the negroes, and I see nothing but gloomy
prospects for us ahead. The unlimited power
that the war has put into the hands of the
present Government at Washington seems to
have turned the heads of the party now in
office, and they don't know where to stop.
The whole South is settled and quiet, and
the people too ruined and crushed to do anything
against the Government, even if they
felt so inclined, and all are returning to their
<pb id="leigh67" n="67"/>
former peaceful pursuits, trying to rebuild
their fortunes, and thinking of nothing else.
Yet the treatment we receive from the Government
becomes more and more severe every
day, the last act being to divide the whole
South into five military districts, putting each
under the command of a United States
General, doing away with all civil courts and
law. Even D  -  , who you know is a
Northern republican, says it is most unjustifiable,
not being in any way authorised by the
existing state of things, which he confesses he
finds very different from what he expected
before he came. If they would frankly say
they intend to keep us down, it would be
fairer than making a presence of readmitting
us to equal rights, and then trumping up
stories of violence to give a show of justice
to treating us as the conquered foes of the
most despotic Government on earth, and by
exciting the negroes to every kind of insolent
lawlessness, to goad the people into acts of
rebellion and resistance.</p>
            <pb id="leigh68" n="68"/>
            <p>The other day in Charleston, which is
under the command of that respectable
creature General S  -  , they had a firemen's
parade, and took the occasion to hoist
a United States flag, to which this modern
Gesler insisted on everyone raising his cap
as he passed underneath. And by a hundred
other such petty tyrannies are the people,
bruised and sore, being roused to desperation;
and had this been done directly after
the war it would have been bad enough, but
it was done the other day, three years after
the close of the war.</p>
            <p>The true reason is the desire and intention
of the Government to control the elections
of the South, which under the constitution of
the country they could not legally do. So they
have determined to make an excuse for setting
aside the laws, and in order to accomplish
this more fully, each commander in his
separate district has issued an order declaring
that unless a man can take an oath that he
had not voluntarily borne arms against the
<pb id="leigh69" n="69"/>
United States Government, nor in any way
aided or abetted the rebellion, he cannot
vote. This simply disqualifies every whited
man at the South from voting, disfranchising
the whole white population, while the negroes
are allowed to vote <hi rend="italics">en masse</hi>.</p>
            <p>This is particularly unjust, as the question
of negro voting was introduced and passed in
Congress as an amendment to the constitution,
but in order to become a law a majority
of two-thirds of the State Legislatures must
ratify it, and so to them it was submitted,
and rejected by all the Northern States with
two exceptions, where the number of negro
voters would be so small as to be harmless.
Our Legislatures are not allowed to meet, but
this law, which the North has rejected, is to be
forced upon us, whose very heart it pierces
and prosperity it kills. Meanwhile, in order to
prepare the negroes to vote properly, stump
speakers from the North are going all through
the South, holding political meetings for the
negroes saying things like this to them: ‘My
<pb id="leigh70" n="70"/>
friends, you will have your rights, won't you?’
(‘Yes,’ from the negroes.) ‘Shall I not go
back to Massachusetts and tell your brothers
there that you are going to ride in the street
cars with white ladies if you please?’ (‘Yes,
yes,’ from the crowd.) ‘That if you pay your
money to go to the theatre you will sit where
you please, in the best boxes if you like?’
(‘Yes,’ and applause.) This I copy verbatim
from a speech made at Richmond the other
day, since which there have been two serious
negro riots there, and the General commanding
had to call out the military to suppress them.</p>
            <p>These men are making a tour through
the South, speaking in the same way to the
negroes everywhere. Do you wonder we
are frightened? I have been so forcibly
struck lately while reading Baker's ‘Travels
in Africa,’ and some of Du Chaillu's lectures,
at finding how exactly the same characteristics
show themselves among the negroes there, in
their own native country, where no outside
<pb id="leigh71" n="71"/>
influences have ever affected them, as with
ours here. Forced to work, they improve and
are useful; left to themselves they become
idle and useless, and never improve. Hard
ethnological facts for the abolitionists to
swallow, but facts nevertheless.</p>
            <p>It seems foolish to fill my letter to you
with such matters, but all this comes home to
us with such vital force that it is hard to
write, or speak, or think of anything else,
and the one subject that Southerners discuss
whenever they meet is, ‘What is to become
of us?’</p>
            <closer><salute>Affectionately yours,</salute>
<signed>F  -</signed></closer>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="subchapter">
            <p>I left the South for the North late in July,
after a severe attack of fever brought on by
my own imprudence. Just before I left an
old negro died, named Carolina, one hundred
years old. He had been my great grand-father's
body servant, and my father was
much attached to him, and sat up with him
<pb id="leigh72" n="72"/>
the night before he died, giving him extract
of beef-tea every hour. My sister had sent
us down two little jars as an experiment, and
although it did not save poor old Carolina's
life, I am sure it did mine, as it was the only
nourishment I could get in the shape of
animal food after my fever. When Carolina
was buried in the beautiful and picturesque
bit of land set apart for the negro burying-ground
on the island, my father had a tombstone
with the following inscription on it
erected over him.</p>
            <lg type="inscription">
              <l>CAROLINA,</l>
              <lb/>
              <l>DIED JUNE 26, 1866,</l>
              <lb/>
              <l>AGED 100 YEARS.</l>
              <lb/>
              <l>A long life, marked by devotion to his Heavenly Father and
fidelity to his earthly masters.</l>
            </lg>
          </div3>
        </div2>
        <pb id="leigh73" n="73"/>
        <div2 type="chapter">
          <head>CHAPTER III.
<lb/>
1867  -  1868.
<lb/>
ALONE.</head>
          <p>IN August of 1867 my father died, and as
soon after as I was able I went down to the
South to carry on his work, and to look after
the negroes, who loved him so dearly and
to whom he was so much attached. My
brother-in-law went with me, and we reached
Butler's Island in November. The people
were indeed like sheep without a shepherd,
and seemed dazed.</p>
          <p>We had engaged a gentleman as overseer
in Savannah, and appointed another our
financial agent for the coming year, and
besides this all my father's affairs were in the
hands of an executor appointed by the Court
<pb id="leigh74" n="74"/>
to settle his estate, but before anything else
could be done the negroes had to be settled
with for the past two years, and their share
of the crops divided according to the amount
due to each man. My father had given each
negro a little pass-book, in which had been
entered from time to time the food, clothing,
and money which each had received from
him on account. Of these little books there
were over three hundred, which represented
their debits; then there was the large plantation
ledger, in which an account of the work
each man had, or had not, done every day
for nearly two years, had been entered,
which represented their credits. To the
task of balancing these two accounts I set
myself, wishing to feel sure that it was fairly
done, and also because I knew the negroes
would be more satisfied with my settlement.</p>
          <p>Night after night, when the days work
was over, I sat up till two and three o'clock in
the morning, going over and over the long
<pb id="leigh75" n="75"/>
line of figures, and by degrees got them pretty
straight. I might have saved myself the
trouble. Not one negro understood it a bit,
but all were quite convinced they had been
cheated, most of them thinking that each man
was entitled to half the crop. I was so
anxious they should understand and see they
had been fairly dealt with, that I went over
and over again each man's account with him,
and would begin, ‘Well, Jack (or Quash, or
Nero, as the case might be), you got on such
a date ten yards of homespun from your
master.’ ‘Yes, missus, massa gave me dat.’
‘Then on such and such a day you had ten
dollars.’ ‘Yes, missus, dat so.’ And so on
to the end of their debits, all of which they
acknowledged as just at once. (I have
thought since they were not clever enough to
conceive the idea of disputing that part of
the business.) When all these items were
named and agreed to, I read the total
amount, and then turned to the work account.
And here the trouble began, every man insisting
<pb id="leigh76" n="76"/>
upon it that he had not missed one day
in the whole two years, and had done full
work each day. So after endless discussions,
which always ended just where they began, I
paid them the money due to them, which
was always received with the same remark,
‘Well, well, work for massa two whole years,
and only get dis much.’ Finding that their
faith in my father's justice never wavered, I
repeated and repeated and repeated, ‘But I
am paying you from your master's own books
and accounts.’ But the answer was always
the same, ‘No, no, missus, massa not treat
us so.’ Neither, oddly enough, did they seem
to think I wished to cheat them, but that I
was powerless to help matters, one man saying
to me one day, ‘You see, missus, a woman
ain't much 'count.’ I learnt very soon how
useless all attempts at ‘making them sensible’
(as they themselves express it) were, and
after a time, used to pay them their wages
and tell them to be off, without allowing any
of the lengthy arguments and discourses over
<pb id="leigh77" n="77"/>
their payments they wished to indulge in,
often more, I think, with an idea of asserting
their independence and dignity, than from
any real belief that they were not properly
paid.</p>
          <p>Their love for, and belief in my father,
was beyond expression, and made me love
them more than I can say. They never spoke
of him without some touching and affectionate
expression that comforted me far more
than words uttered by educated lips could
have done. One old woman said, ‘Missus,
dey tell me dat at de North people have to
pay to get buried. Massa pay no money
here; his own people nurse him, his own
people bury him, and his own people grieve
for him.’ Another put some flowers in a
tumbler by the grave; and another basin,
water, and towels, saying, ‘If massa's spirit
come, I want him see dat old Nanny not
forget how he call every morning for water
for wash his hands;’ and several of them used
the expression in speaking of his death, ‘Oh,
<pb id="leigh78" n="78"/>
missus, our back jest broke.’ No wonder I
loved them.</p>
          <p>Their religion, although so mixed up
with superstition, was very real, and many
were the words of comfort I got from them.
One day, when I was crying, an old woman
put her arms round me and said, ‘Missus,
don't cry; it vex de Lord. I had tirteen
children, and I ain't got one left to put
even a coal in my pipe, and if I did not
trust de Lord Jesus, what would become of
me?’</p>
          <p>I am sorry to say, however, that finding
my intention was to alter nothing that my
father had arranged, some of them tried to
take advantage of it, one man assuring me
his master had given him a grove of orange
trees, another several acres of land, and so
on, always embellished with a story of his
own long and useful services, for which ‘Massa
say, Boy, I gib you dis for your own.’</p>
          <p>Notwithstanding their dissatisfaction at
the settlement, six thousand dollars was paid
<pb id="leigh79" n="79"/>
out among them, many getting at much as
two or three hundred apiece. The result
was that a number of them left me and
bought land of their own, and at one time
it seemed doubtful if I should have hands
at all left to work. The land they bought,
and paid forty, fifty dollars and even more
for an acre, was either within the town limits,
for which they got no titles, and from which
they were soon turned off, or out in the pine
woods, where the land was so poor they could
not raise a peck of corn to the acre. These
lands were sold to them by a common class
of men, principally small shopkeepers and
Jews (the gentlemen refusing to sell their
land to the negroes, although they occasionally
rented it to them), and most frightfully
cheated the poor people were. But they had
got their land, and were building their little
log cabins on it, fully believing that they
were to live on their property and incomes
the rest of their lives, like gentlemen.</p>
          <p>The baneful leaven of politics had begun
<pb id="leigh80" n="80"/>
working among them, brought to the South by the
lowest set of blackguards who ever undertook the
trade, making patriotism in truth the ‘last refuge of
a scoundrel,’ as Dr. Johnson facetiously defines it,
and themselves ‘factious disturbers of the
Government,’ according to his equally pleasant
definition of a patriot. Only in this case they came
accredited from the Government, and the agent of
the Freedmen's Bureau was our master, one
always ready to believe the wildest complaints
from negroes, and to call the whites to account for
the same.</p>
          <p>A negro carpenter complained that a
gentleman owed him fifty dollars for work done,
so without further inquiry or any trial, the agent
sent the gentleman word to pay at once, <hi rend="italics">or</hi> he
would have him arrested, the sheriff at that time
being one of his own former slaves. My brother-in-law,
who was with me this year, for a short time
was a Northern man and a strong Republican in
his feelings, this being the first visit he had ever
<pb id="leigh81" n="81"/>
paid to the South. But such a high-handed
proceeding as this astonished him, and he expressed
much indignation at it, and declared he would send an
account of it to a Republican paper in Philadelphia, as
the people at the North had no idea of the real state of
things at the South. He had also expressed himself
surprised and pleased at the courteous reception he
had received, although known to be a Northerner, and
also at the quietness of the country generally. I told
him they would not publish his letter in the Philadelphia
paper, and I was right, they did not.</p>
          <p>A rather amusing incident occurred while
he was with me. Having been in quiet
possession of our property on St. Simon's 
Island for two years, we were suddenly notified one day, I
never quite knew by whom, and in those days it was
not easy always to know who our lawgivers were,
that St. Simon's Island came under the head of
abandoned property, being occupied by former
owners, who, through contempt of
<pb id="leigh82" n="82"/>
the Government and President's authority,
had refused to make application for its restoration
under the law. ‘Therefore,’ so ran the
order, ‘such property shall be confiscated
on the first day of January next, unless
before that date the owners present themselves
before the authorities (?), take the
required oath of allegiance to the Government,
and ask for its restoration.’ This
nothing would induce me to do, the
whole thing was so preposterous, but
my brother-in-law decided that under the
circumstances it was better to obey. So he, a
strong Republican, who had first voted for
Lincoln and then for Grant, had never been
at the South before in his life, and during the
war had done all in his power to aid and
support the Northern Government, even
gallantly offering his services to his country
when Pennsylvania was threatened by
General Lee before the battle of Gettysburgh,
had to go and take the oath of allegiance
to the United States Government on
<pb id="leigh83" n="83"/>
behalf of his wife's property, she also having
always sympathised with the Northern cause,
and having been so bitter in her feelings at
first as to refuse to receive a Southerner 
her house.</p>
          <p>What a farce it was! My brother-in-law
could not help being amused, it was such an
absurd position to find himself in, and he
declared it all came of ever putting his foot
in this miserable Southern country at all, and
he had no doubt the result would be that on
his return to the North he would find all his
Northern property confiscated, and be hung
as a rebel. He soon after left me, and then
my real troubles began. It seemed quite
hopeless ever to get the negroes to settle
down to steady work, and although they
still professed the greatest affection for and
faith in me, it certainly did not show itself
in works. My new agent assured me that
there must be a contract made and signed
with the negroes, binding them for a year, in
order to have any hold upon them at all, and
<pb id="leigh84" n="84"/>
I am not sure that the Freedmen's Bureau
agent did not require such an agreement to
be drawn up and submitted to him for
approval before having it signed. Whether
they were right or not as regarded the hold
it gave us over the labourers I cannot say.
I think possibly it impressed them a little
more with the sense of their obligations, but
after having two of them run off in spite of
the solemnity of the contract, and having to
pay something like twenty dollars to the
authorities to fetch them back, we didn't
trouble ourselves much about enforcing it
after that. At first the negroes flatly refused
to sign any contract at all, having been
advised by some of their Northern friends
not to do so, as it would put them back to
their former condition of slavery, and my
agents were quite powerless to make them
come to any terms. So I determined to try
what my personal influence would accomplish.</p>
          <p>The day before I was to have my interview
<pb id="leigh85" n="85"/>
with the Butler's Island people, I
received a most cheerful note from Major
D  -  , saying that he had paid off all the
hands at St. Simon's, who seemed perfectly
satisfied, and were quite willing to contract
again for another year. I felt a little surprised
at this, as it is not the negro's nature
to be satisfied with anything but plenty to
eat and idleness, but was rejoicing over the
news, when I was summoned to the office
to see six of the Hampton Point people who
had just arrived from St. Simon's. There they
were, one and all with exactly the same story
as the people here, reserved for my benefit as
their proper mistress and protector; ‘that
they had not received full credit for their
day's work, had been underpaid and overcharged,’
&amp;c.&amp;c. winding up with, ‘Missus,
de people wait to see you down dere, and dey
won't sign de contract till you come.’ ‘But,’
said I, in despair, ‘I can't possibly leave here
for a week at least, and the work must
begin there at once, or we shall get in no crop
<pb id="leigh86" n="86"/>
this year.’ But in vain; they merely said,
‘We wait, missus, till you come.’ ‘Very well,’
I said, ‘I'll go to-morrow. Only, mind you
are all there, for I must be back here the next
day to have this contract signed.’</p>
          <p>The next morning, at a little after seven,
I started for St. Simon's in my small boat,
rowed by my two favourite men, reaching
there about ten, and taking Major D  -  
utterly by surprise, as he knew nothing of
what had happened. From the way the
negroes spoke the day before, one would
have supposed the mere sight of my face
would have done, but not one signed the
contract without a long argument on the
subject, most of them refusing to sign at all,
though they all assured me they wished to
work for me as long ‘as de Lord spared
dem.’ I knew, however, too well, that this
simply meant that they were willing to continue
to live on St. Simon's as long as the
Lord spared them, but not to work, so I was
firm, and said, ‘No, you must sign or go
<pb id="leigh87" n="87"/>
away.’ So one by one, with groans and
sighs, they put their marks down opposite
to their names, and by five I had them all in.
At nine o'clock, on the first of the flood tide,
I started back, reaching Butler's Island at
midnight, nearly frozen, but found my maid,
who really was everything to me that year,
waiting for me with a blazing fire and hot tea
ready to warm me.</p>
          <p>The next morning at ten, I had the big
mill bell rung to summon the people here to
sign the contract, and then my work began
in earnest. For six mortal hours I sat in the
office without once leaving my chair, while
the people poured in and poured out, each
one with long explanations, objections, and
demonstrations. I saw that even those
who came fully intending to sign would have
their say, so after interrupting one man and
having him say gravely, ‘ 'Top, missus, don't
cut my discourse,’ I sat in a state of dogged
patience and let everyone have his talk out,
reading the contract over and over again as
<pb id="leigh88" n="88"/>
each one asked for it, answering their many
questions and meeting their many objections
as best I could. One wanted this altered
in the contract, and another that. One was
willing to work in the mill but not in the
field. Several would not agree to sign unless
I promised to give them the whole
of Saturday for a holiday. Others, like the
St. Simon's people, would ‘work for me till
they died,’ but would put their hand to no
paper. And so it went on all day, each one
‘making me sensible,’ as he called it.</p>
          <p>But I was immovable. ‘No, they must
sign the contract as it stood.’ ‘No, I could
not have anyone work without signing.’ ‘No,
they must work six days and rest on Sunday,’
&amp;c.,&amp;c. Till at last, six o'clock in the
evening came and I closed the books with
sixty-two names down, which was a good
deal of a triumph, as my agent told me he
feared none would sign the contract, they
were so dissatisfied with last year's settlement.
Even old Henry, one of the captains,
<pb id="leigh89" n="89"/>
and my chief friend and supporter, said in
the morning, ‘Missus, I bery sorriful, for half
de people is going to leave.’ ‘Oh no, they
won't, Henry,’ said I. But I thought sixty-two
the first day, good work, though I had
a violent attack of hysterics afterwards, from
fatigue and excitement. Only once did I
lose my temper and self-control, and that was
when one man, after showing decided signs
of insolence, said, ‘Well, you sign my paper
first, and then I'll sign yours.’ ‘No,’ I
replied in a rage, ‘I'll neither sign yours nor
you mine. Go out of the room and off the
place instantly.’ But I soon saw how foolish
I was, for looking up five minutes after, I
beheld the same man standing against the
door with a broad grin on his face, who,
when I looked at him in perfect astonishment,
said with the most perfect good nature, ‘I'se
come back to sign, missus.’</p>
          <p>The next day, Sunday, I tried to keep
clear of the people, both for rest and because
I wanted to make some arrangements for my
<pb id="leigh90" n="90"/>
school, the young teacher having arrived on
Friday.</p>
          <p>Monday morning the bell again rang, and
though I did not see more than twenty-five
people, I was again in the office from ten A.M.
to six P.M., and found it far more unpleasant
than on Saturday, as I had several troublesome,
bad fellows to deal with. One man,
who proposed leaving the place without paying
his debts, informed me, when I told him he
must pay first, ‘he'd see if he hadn't a law as
well as I;’ and another positively refused to
work or leave the place, so he had to be
informed that if he was not gone in three
days he would be put off, which had such an
effect that he came the next day and signed,
and worked well afterwards.</p>
          <p>Tuesday and Wednesday my stragglers
came dropping in, the last man arriving under
a large cotton umbrella, very defiant that he
would not sign unless he could have Saturday
for a holiday. ‘Five days I'll work, but
(with a flourish of the umbrella) I works
<pb id="leigh91" n="91"/>
for no man on Saturday.’ ‘Then,’ said I,
‘William, I am sorry, but you can't work for
me, for any man who works for me <hi rend="italics">must</hi>
work on Saturday.’ ‘Good morning, den,
missus,’ says my man, with another flourish
of the umbrella, and departs. About an hour
afterwards he returned, much subdued, with
the umbrella shut, which I thought a good
sign, and informed me that after ‘much
consideration wid himself,’ he had returned
to sign. So that ended it, and only two men
really went  -  one from imagined ill-health,
and one I dismissed for insubordination.
The gentlemen seemed to think I had done
wonders, and I was rather astonished at
myself, but nothing would ever induce me to
do such a thing again.</p>
          <p>The backbone of the opposition thus
broken, and the work started more or less
steadily, I turned my thoughts to what I
considered my principal work, and belonging
more to my sphere than what I had been
engaged in up to that time. I was anxious
<pb id="leigh92" n="92"/>
to have the negroes' houses, which were
terribly dilapidated, repaired and whitewashed,
a school opened, and the old hospital
building repaired and put in order for the
following purposes. One of the four big
rooms the people had taken possession of
for a church, the old one being some three
miles distant, at one of the upper settlements,
and this I determined to let them keep, and
to use one of the others for the school; one
for the old women who couldn't work, and
the other for the young married women to
be confined in, as, since the war, they bring
their children into the world anyhow and
anywhere, in their little cabins, where men,
women, and children run in and out indiscriminately,
so that it is both wretched and improper.</p>
          <p>The people did not seem to like either
of my proposals too much; especially the old
plantation midwife, who is indignant at her
work being taken away from her. But as I
find she now makes the charge of five dollars
<pb id="leigh93" n="93"/>
for each case, the negroes naturally decline
employing her on their own account. I hoped
by degrees to bring them to approve of my
arrangements, by showing them how much
more comfortable they would be in my
hospital, and by presenting the babies born
there with some clothes, and the old women
who lived there with blankets, to make
them like it. (I never did succeed, however,
and after several attempts, had to give it up.)</p>
          <p>I had one or two pupils at the same time,
and found the greatest difference between
the genuine full-blooded African and the
<sic corr="mulattos">mulattoes</sic>. The first, although learning to
repeat quickly, like a clever parrot, did
not really take in an idea, while the other
was as intelligent as possible. I felt sure
then, and still think, the pure negro incapable
of advancement to any degree that would 
enable him to cope with the white race
intellectually, morally, or even physically. My
white maid took infinite pains to show them
<pb id="leigh94" n="94"/>
the best, quickest, as well as simplest way of
doing the house-work, absolutely taking their
breath away by the way she worked herself,
but without much effect, as the instant her
back was turned they went back to their old
lazy, slipshod ways of doing things. Her
efforts to make them tidy in their dress were
very amusing, and one morning, finding my
young housemaid working with her sunbonnet
on, I said, ‘Why do you keep your
bonnet on, Christine?’ Upon which, without
any reply, she pulled the said bonnet down
over her eyes, and my maid informed me
she had come to work in the morning without
brushing her hair, so for punishment had
to wear her sun-bonnet. The women showed
a strong inclination to give up wearing their
pretty, picturesque head handkerchiefs, ‘because
white people didn't,’ but I was very
strict about the house servants never coming
without one on, for their black woolly heads
did look too ugly without their usual covering,
which in itself was so handsome, and
<pb id="leigh95" n="95"/>
gave them so much style, and in some cases
beauty.</p>
          <p>A few days after the contract was signed
I started the school, which I hoped would
be a success. The teacher was a young
country lad just fresh from college; clever
enough, but very conceited, with no more
manners than a young bear, which, however,
I hoped he might learn in time from the
negroes in return for some book learning,
as they generally are singularly gentle and
courteous in their manners. I had school
in the morning for the children, and in the
evening for the young people who worked
in the fields. This is decidedly the most
popular, and we have over fifty scholars,
some of them quite old men  -  much too old
to learn, and much in the way of the younger
ones, but so zealous that I could not bear to
turn them away.</p>
          <p>Besides teaching school, my young man
was to take charge of the store, which I
found too much for me. My father's object in
<pb id="leigh96" n="96"/>
opening the store was to give the negroes
good things at cost price, in order to save
them from paying three times the price
for most inferior goods in Darien, where a
number of small shops had been opened.
But we did not take into consideration the
heavy loss it must entail upon us not to put
even profit enough on the things to cover
our own expenses, and we sold them to the
negroes at exactly what we paid for them in
Philadelphia, bearing all the cost of transportation
and spoilt goods, so that at the end of
the following year I found the store just three
thousand dollars out of pocket, and so decided
to shut it up, especially as I found that, notwithstanding
our giving the negroes the very
best things at cost price, they much preferred
going to Darien to spend their money on
inferior goods and at greatly increased rates.
I suppose, poor people, it was natural they
should like to swagger a little, and spend
their newly, but certainly not hardly-earned
money freely, and it was an immense relief
<pb id="leigh97" n="97"/>
to my pocket and labours to give up shop-keeping,
although we only had it open for
about two hours every afternoon.</p>
          <p>But all this time, while we were getting
things more and more settled on the place, the
troubles from outside were drawing nearer and
nearer as the day for voting approached, and in
March burst upon us in the shape of political
meetings and excitement of all kinds. Two
or three Northern political agents arrived
in Darien, and summoned all the negroes
to attend meetings, threatening them with
various punishments if they stayed away.
I in vain reasoned with the negroes, and did
all in my power to prevent their attending
these meetings, and told them no one could
punish them for not going: not because I
cared in the least which way they voted, but
because it interfered so terribly with their
work. I doubled the watchmen at night, and
did all I could to prevent strangers landing
on the Island; but one morning found
that during the night a notice had been put
<pb id="leigh98" n="98"/>
up on the wharf, calling upon all the people
to attend a political meeting on pain of being
fined five hundred dollars, or exiled to a
foreign land. As the meeting was some way
off, and the election followed in a few days,
I knew that if the people once broke off, no
more work would be done for at least a week,
and this was just the time one of our plantings
had to be put in, which, as we can only
do it on the spring tides, would have cost
me just two hundred acres of rice. So I
argued and threatened, and told them it was
all rubbish  -  no one could either exile or
fine them, and that they must not go to the
meeting at all, and when the day for voting
came must do all their day's work first and
vote afterwards; which they easily could
have done, having always finished their day's
work by three o'clock, and the voting place
not being half a mile off.</p>
          <p>It was useless, however. My words were
powerless, the negroes naturally thinking
that the people who had freed them could
<pb id="leigh99" n="99"/>
do anything they liked, and must be obeyed;
so they not only prepared to go to the meeting,
but, I knew, would not do a stroke of
work on the voting days. At last, in despair,
I wrote to General Meade, who was then
the military commander of our district, and
a personal acquaintance of mine, to tell him
what was going on, and ask him if it was
impossible that the planters should be protected
from these political disturbers and
agitators. I received the following answer
and order from him almost immediately:  -  </p>
          <div3 type="letter">
            <opener>
              <dateline>Head-quarters, Third Military District.<lb/>
(Department of Georgia, Florida, and Alabama.)<lb/>
Atlanta, Georgia: April 11, 1868.</dateline>
            </opener>
            <p>My dear Miss B  -  ,  -  I have to acknowledge
the receipt of your letter, reporting
that certain persons are ordering the labourers
under your employment to attend political
meetings, and threatening, in case of refusal,
to punish them with fines or exile them to a
foreign country; and have to state in reply,
that no interference of any kind with the
<pb id="leigh100" n="100"/>
just rights of employers is authorised by existing
laws or orders, and that, on the contrary, you will
see, from the enclosed order, which was being
prepared at the time your letter was received, that
such interference is positively prohibited, and is
punishable on conviction before a military tribunal
with fine and imprisonment. If you will furnish
these Head-quarters with the names of parties
thus attempting to interfere with your rights as an
employer, together with the names of reliable
witnesses, I shall not hesitate to investigate the
case, and bring the offenders to trial and
punishment.</p>
            <closer><salute>Very respectfully yours,</salute>
<signed>GEORGE G. MEADE,<lb/>
Major-General.</signed></closer>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="subchapter">
            <p>The order was as follows:  -  </p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="letter">
            <opener>
              <dateline>Head-quarters, Third Military District.<lb/>
(Department of Georgia, Florida, and Alabama.)</dateline>
            </opener>
            <p>General Orders, No. 58.  -  The uncertainty
which seems to exist in regard to
<pb id="leigh101" n="101"/>
holding municipal elections on the 20th inst., and
the frequent inquiries addressed to these Head-quarters,
renders it necessary for the commanding
General to announce that said elections are not
authorised by any orders from these Head-quarters.
Managers of elections are hereby
prohibited from receiving any votes, except such
State and county offices as are provided for in the
constitution, to be submitted for ratification, the
voting for which offices is authorised by General
Orders, Nos. 51 and 52.</p>
            <p>No. 2. Complaints having been made to these
Head-quarters, by planters and others, that
improper means are being used to compel
labourers to leave their work to attend political
meetings, and threats being made that in case of
refusal penalties will be attached to said refusal,
the Major-General Commanding announces that
all such attempts to control the movements of
labourers and interfere with the rights of
employers are strictly forbidden and will be
considered,
<pb id="leigh102" n="102"/>
and, on conviction, will be punished, the
same as any attempt to dissuade voters from
going to the polls, as referred to in paragraph
11, General Orders, No. 57.</p>
            <p>No. 3. The Major-General Commanding
also makes known that, while he acknowledges,
and will require to be respected,
the right of labourers to peacefully assemble
at night to discuss political questions, yet he
discountenances and forbids the assembling
of armed bodies, and requires that all such
assemblages shall notify either the civil or
military authorities of these proposed meetings,
and said military and civil authorities
are enjoined to see that the right of electors
to peaceably assemble for legitimate purposes
is not disturbed.</p>
            <p>No. 4. The wearing or carrying of
arms, either concealed or otherwise, by
persons not connected with the military
service of the Government, or such civil
officers whose duties under the laws and
orders is to preserve the public peace, at or
<pb id="leigh103" n="103"/>
in the vicinity of the polling places, on the
days set apart for holding the election in the
State of Georgia, is positively forbidden.
Civil and military officers will see that this
order, as well as all others relative to the
preservation of the peace and quiet of the
counties in which they are acting, is strictly
observed.</p>
            <closer><salute>By order of Major-General MEADE,</salute>
<signed>R. C. DRUM, A.A.G.</signed></closer>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="subchapter">
            <p>These orders were accompanied by a
private letter, which was as follows:  -  </p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="letter">
            <opener>
              <dateline>Easter Sunday: April 11, 1868.</dateline>
            </opener>
            <p>My dear Miss B  -  ,  -  You will see
by my writing you to-day how much I feel
flattered by your appeal to me, and how
ready I am to respond to it. I regret very
much to learn the state of affairs as described
by you; they are certainly unauthorised
by any laws or orders from these
Head-quarters, and, since the receipt of your
letter I have had prepared an order to cover
<pb id="leigh104" n="104"/>
such case, and forbidding the interference of
political agents with the rights of employers. I will
have a copy sent to you officially, which you can
make use of to correct this evil in future.</p>
            <p>I have been twice in Savannah, on my way to
Florida; have both times thought of you and
inquired after you. If you had been a little more
accessible, and had I not feared to compromise
you by a visit from the awful military satrap and
despot who rules so tyrannically over you, Miss W  -
will tell you that I, as well as the Colonel (my
son), were both desirous of visiting you. I am very
much gratified to learn that you acknowledge
being my subject, and beg you to remember the
acknowledgment is reciprocal, as I acknowledge
my allegiance to you  -  an allegiance founded on
respect, kindly regard, and many pleasant
recollections of former times.</p>
            <p>Let me assure you I shall be ready at all times
to aid and encourage you in your
<pb id="leigh105" n="105"/>
labours, and that you must not hesitate to appeal
to me; for, though many people will not believe it,
I am trying to act impartially, and to do justice to
all.</p>
            <closer><salute>Very truly and sincerely yours,</salute>
<signed>GEORGE G. MEADE.</signed>
P.S.  -  Your letter being marked private, I
have not deemed myself justified in acting on it,
but you will see from my official letter that, if you
will send me evidence and names of witnesses in
Mr. Campbell's case, I will attend to that
gentleman. Official letter goes by to-day's mail
with this. Let me know if it does not reach you.</closer>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="subchapter">
            <p>I was, of course, much pleased and very
triumphant when I received these letters, although
it was impossible to comply with General
Meade's request that we would report the
offenders, as the notices served on the negroes
were never signed  -  which convinced us of their
illegality, but did not in the least take away from
their importance
<pb id="leigh106" n="106"/>
to the negroes. Still, I not only read my
order to them, but had it posted up in
Darien, and, on the strength of it, repeated
my previous orders to my negroes that, if
one of them neglected his work to attend
political meetings or to vote, I would dismiss
him from the place; adding, at the same
time, ‘there is no difficulty about your
voting after your work is over.’ My surprise
and disgust were therefore extreme when I
received the following day a second letter
from General Meade, as follows:  -  </p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="letter">
            <opener>
              <dateline>Atlanta: April 13, 1868.</dateline>
            </opener>
            <p>My dear Miss B  -  ,  -  I wrote you
very hastily yesterday on my return from
church, not wishing to lose a mail, advising
you of my views and action. I find to-day,
on a careful re-perusal of your letter, that you
are in error in one particular. You seem to
think you have the right to decide when your
people shall vote, and that as there is time
for them after three o'clock, the end of their
day's work, that you are authorized to prohibit
<pb id="leigh107" n="107"/>
their leaving at an earlier hour. This
is not so, and I would advise you not to
insist on it. The theory of my order is that
no restraint is to be put on the labourer to
prevent his voting.</p>
            <p>Now as it is sometimes difficult for a
person to vote as soon as he reaches the
polls, some having to wait days for their
turn, and as, often, examination has to be
made of the registration books, and the voter
in addition to the delay of awaiting his turn
after getting up to the polls, may find some
error in the spelling of his name or omission
to put his name on the list, and in consequence
of these obstacles lose his turn to
have the error corrected and then again take
his chance, more time must be allowed than
your rule would admit. I think you will
have to make up your mind that the election
will be a great nuisance, and that you will
not get much out of your people during its
continuance. If they are reasonable and
the facilities good at Darien, they should not
<pb id="leigh108" n="108"/>
require any more time than is absolutely
necessary, but as I know that voting is a
work of time, for which reason we give
<hi rend="italics">four days</hi>, I fear these plausible, and perhaps
actual obstacles, will be taken advantage of
to spend the time in idleness and frolicking,
on the plea that ‘they could not get a chance
to vote.’</p>
            <p>I take the liberty of writing this to you
because my letter of yesterday might lead
you astray. Again assuring you of my warm
regard,</p>
            <closer><salute>I remain,
Yours very truly,</salute>
<signed>GEORGE G. MEADE.</signed></closer>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="subchapter">
            <p>I naturally felt indignant at this letter,
for I had told General Meade that I did not
intend to interfere with my negroes voting,
but only to save myself from loss, and in my
case no difficulty existed about their reaching
the polls, which were not a mile from the house.
And this second letter undid all the good of
<pb id="leigh109" n="109"/>
the first, besides which I could not help
feeling the gross injustice of coolly telling me
that for four whole days I must not expect
any work, for it would really just in that
week have entailed a loss of two hundred
acres, as I told General Meade in my letter.
And what Northern farmer or manufacturer
would have submitted for one moment to an
order from the Government, directing him to
give his employés four whole days for voting,
just at the busiest season?</p>
            <p>I was both hurt and angry, and never
have to this day understood this afterthought
of General Meade. He was always so kind
and courteous, and had been a personal friend
of my father, and could not really have disbelieved
my statements. I suppose that he
thought in fact I was not my own mistress,
but acting under orders and advice from my
Southern neighbours. But I can solemnly
assert that neither then nor since, to my
knowledge, have my negroes been influenced
in their way of voting by the planters, beyond
<pb id="leigh110" n="110"/>
a mere joking remark as to whether they felt
sure that they had the right ticket, or some
such thing. I think most of the gentlemen
felt as I did, that the negroes voting at all
was such a wicked farce that it only deserved
our contempt. I do not say that no outside
influence was ever used afterwards, although
I do not know of any personally, and certainly,
no intimidation, as I think I can most
clearly and satisfactorily prove by a statement
as to how matters stand with us politically at
present. From first to last all our political
disturbances arose from agents belonging to
the Republican party, mostly Northern adventurers,
of whom, thank God, we are now
rid.</p>
            <p>After thinking the matter over I determined
to pay no attention to General Meade's
second letter, as I felt I was justified in doing
by the facts of the case. So I put the letter
in my pocket, and repeated my orders that
the negroes were to do their work first, and
vote afterwards.</p>
            <pb id="leigh111" n="111"/>
            <p>The election day came, and my agent,
who was not very judicious and was very
excitable, had me awaked at six o'clock in the
morning to tell me that there was not a negro
in the field, all having announced their intention
of going over to Darien to vote. By ten
o'clock there was not a man left on the place,
even the old half-idiot, who took care of the
cows, having gone to vote with the rest; and
my agent, who was much excited over it all,
said, ‘Now, Miss B  -  , what will you do?
You can't dismiss the whole plantation.’ I
confess for a moment I felt checkmated, and
did not know what to do, but as I had intended
to go down to St. Simon's that day I
determined to carry out my intention, which
would give me time to think quietly and
coolly over the situation. So I sent word to
my two boat hands that they must cast their
votes as soon as possible and return to take
me down, an order they promptly obeyed.
The next day I received a note from my
agent, saying that the hands had all returned
<pb id="leigh112" n="112"/>
to their work early in the day after voting,
and had all finished the entire task with the
exception of two or three, who promised to
do double work the next day. Here was an
unexpected triumph, and I truly believe that
my plantation was almost the only one in the
whole State of Georgia where any work was
done during those four days, and apart from
the actual loss of labour, four days of idleness
would have made it doubly difficult to get
the people in hand again. Down on St.
Simon's their ardour about voting was considerably
cooled by the fact that they had
twelve miles to walk to the polls, and besides
had not been visited by any political agents
to stir them up. So only a few out of the
whole number went, and we had no trouble
about it. This ended our political troubles for
this year, but the work was still anything but
steady or satisfactory, and hardly a day passed
without difficulty in some shape or other.</p>
            <p>In a letter written at the end of April I
say:  -  </p>
            <pb id="leigh113" n="113"/>
            <p>All winter I have had a sort of feeling that
before long I should get through and have
things settled but I am beginning to find out
that there is no getting through here, for just
as you are about getting through, you have to
begin all over again. I have had a good
deal of trouble this last week with my people  -  
not serious, but desperately wearisome. They
are the most extraordinary creatures, and the
mixture of leniency and severity which it is
requisite to exercise in order to manage them
is beyond belief. Each thing is explained
satisfactorily to them and they go to work.
Suddenly some one, usually the most stupid,
starts an idea that perhaps by-and-by they
may be expected to do a little more work, or
be deprived of some privilege; upon which
the whole field gets in the most excited state,
they put down their hoes and come up to the
house for another explanation, which lasts
till the same thing happens again.</p>
            <p>They are the most effervescent people in
to world, and to see them in one of their
<pb id="leigh114" n="114"/>
excitements, gesticulating wildly, talking so
violently that no one on earth can understand
one word they say, you would suppose they
never could be brought under control again.
But go into the field the next morning,
and there they are, as quiet, peaceable, and
cheerful as if nothing had happened. At
first I used to talk too, but now I just stand
perfectly quiet until they have talked themselves
out, and then I ask some simple
question which shows them how foolish they
have been, and they cool down in a moment.</p>
            <p>The other day, while I was at dinner, I
heard tramp, tramp, outside, and a gang of
fifty arrived, the idea having occurred to
them that, while I was gone in harvest time,
they might be overworked. They talked
and they raved ‘that they had contracted to
do two tasks and no more,’ going from one
imaginary grievance to another, until one man
suddenly broke out with, ‘And, missus, when
we work night and day, we ought to be
paid extra.’ Upon which they all took it up,
<pb id="leigh115" n="115"/>
‘Yes, missus, when we tired with working
hard all day, den to work all night for nothing
is too much.’ Not having spoken before, I
then said very quietly, ‘Have you ever been
asked to work, at night?’ There was a
dead pause for a moment, and then one man
said rather sheepishly, ‘No.’ ‘Well,’ said I,
‘when you are, you will certainly be paid
extra, and now, as you seem to have forgotten
the contract, I will read it to you over
again.’</p>
            <p>So I brought it out and read it slowly
and solemnly, dwelling particularly on the
part in which it said, ‘The undersigned freed
men and women agree to obey all orders and
to do the work required of them in a satisfactory
manner, and in event of any violation
of this contract, they are to be dismissed the
place and to forfeit all wages due to them.’
This cooled them considerably, and when I
added, ‘Now understand, your work is just
what you are told to do, and if one bushel
of rice is lost through your disobedience
<pb id="leigh116" n="116"/>
or carelessness, you shall pay for it,’ this
quenched them utterly, and they went to
work the next morning with the greatest
possible good-will, and all will go on well
until the next time, whenever that may be.
But what with troubles without and troubles
within, life is a burden and rice a difficult
crop to raise.</p>
            <p>As for Mr. D  -  's and Mr. W  -  's
opinions about the glorious future of our Sea
Island cotton plantations, they are worth just
as much as the paper on which their calculations
are made, and are theoretical entirely.</p>
            <p>Mr. G  -  , another rich New York man,
who figured it all out on paper there, came
here two years ago to make his fortune, and
he told me the other day that he was perfectly
convinced that Sea Island cotton never would
pay again. Rice, he said, might, but this fine
cotton, never. The expense and risk of raising
it was too great, and the price too much
lowered by foreign competition. The labour
is too uncertain, and anyone who knows, as I
<pb id="leigh117" n="117"/>
do, that after all my hard work the crop
may be lost at any moment by the negroes
going off or refusing to work, knows how
useless it is to count on any returns with
certainty. Wherever white labour can be
introduced, other crops will be cultivated,
and wherever it can't, the land will remain
uncultivated.</p>
            <p>Rice lands now rent at ten dollars an
acre, and cotton from two to three, so you can
judge what the people here think about it;
and, after all, I suppose they must know best.
The orange trees are all in full bloom now,
and smell most deliciously sweet, and the
little place looks its prettiest, which is not saying
much for it, it is true. Another year I
hope to improve it by removing the negro
houses away from where they now are, close
to this house, to where I can neither see, hear,
nor smell them. I shall then run my own
fence out a little further, taking in a magnificent
magnolia and some large orange trees,
which, with the quantities of flowers I have
<pb id="leigh118" n="118"/>
set out everywhere, will at any rate make
the garden round the house pretty.</p>
            <p>A little later on, the Island being submerged
by a sudden overflow and rise of the
river, I accepted an invitation from some
friends in South Carolina, also rice-planters,
to visit them. From there I write as
follows:  -  </p>
            <p>Mrs. P.'s family consists of a very nice
girl about my own age, clever and well-educated,
and two sons, one about twenty-seven
and the other about twenty-four, both
of whom were educated abroad, and are well-informed
and intelligent. So altogether it is
a pleasant family to be in, and as we are all
trying to make our fortunes as rice-planters,
we have everything in common, and talk
‘rice’ all day.</p>
            <p>I have ridden every day since I have
been here, and on Friday went deer-hunting,
which, of course, I enjoyed very much. We
started at eight o'clock in the morning, and
<pb id="leigh119" n="119"/>
did not return till five o'clock in the afternoon,
having seen six deer and killed two, one of
which we lost, after a short run, in the river.</p>
            <p>This part of the country has suffered more
heavily than any other from the war. Hundreds
of acres of rice land, which yielded
millions before the war, are fast returning to
the original swamp from which they were
reclaimed with infinite pains and expense,
simply because their owners are ruined, their
houses burnt to the ground, and their negroes
made worthless as labourers. It is very sad
to see such wide-spread ruin, and to hear of
girls well-educated, and brought up with every
luxury, turned adrift as dressmakers, schoolteachers,
and even shop girls, in order to keep
themselves and their families from starvation.
One of Mrs. F  -  's nieces paddles her old
father over to the plantation every morning
herself, and while he is giving his orders in the
fields, sits on a heap of straw, making underclothes
to sell in Charleston. It is wonderful
to me to see how bravely and cheerfully they
<pb id="leigh120" n="120"/>
do work, knowing as I do how they lived before
the war.</p>
            <p>I was agreeably surprised with the beauty of
this place, for I thought all rice plantations, like
Butler's Island, were ugly and uninteresting. Here
the rice fields are quite out of sight. The garden,
which is very large, is enclosed by a lovely hedge of
some sweet-smelling shrub and roses; in it are
clematis and sweet olea bushes thirty feet high, with
quantities of violets and all sorts of sweet things
besides. Then there are three superb live oak trees,
from under which we look out on the river, which
runs clear and deep in front of the house. The
house itself is a good-sized building, with remains of
great elegance about it, and with some nice old
family pictures and china in it. Mrs. P  -   is very proud
of having saved these things, which she did by
remaining with her daughter in the house during a
raid, when all her neighbours fled, leaving their
houses to be literally emptied of their contents by
the soldiers of
<pb id="leigh121" n="121"/>
the Northern army who visited this section of the
country.</p>
            <p>M  -  told me a funny story of a visit she
received from a tipsy Yankee captain, to whom
she and her mother were, from interested motives,
most civil, and who became so affected by her
charms that he presented her with a silver pitcher
to which he had just helped himself from a
neighbouring house, which she gratefully
accepted, and returned as soon as possible to its
rightful owner.</p>
            <p>I leave here this evening, as my agent writes
me the waters have subsided from the face of the
earth. So I must get back to my work and to my
new planting machine, which I am very anxious to
try, being the first step towards freeing ourselves
from negro labourers.</p>
            <p>On my return, the season being well advanced
and the rice place no longer healthy, I went down
at once to the cotton plantation, of which my final
letter written from the South this year gives this
account:  -  </p>
          </div3>
          <pb id="leigh122" n="122"/>
          <div3 type="letter">
            <opener>
              <dateline>Hampton Point: May 5, 1868.</dateline>
            </opener>
            <p>I came down here last Tuesday, as, before
I return to the North I want to get a little
sea air, as well as to have the house re-shingled,
the rain now coming through the
old roof in plentiful showers. The main
body of the house, I am glad to find, is perfectly
good, so that repairing the roof and
piazzas will put it in thorough order; and as
I have brought my whole force of eight
carpenters down, the work is going briskly
forward. This place, always lovely, is now
looking its best, with all the young spring
greens and flowers lighting up the woods, and
I long to cut and trim, lay out and take up,
making the place as beautiful as it is capable of
being made. It is a great contrast in every
way to Butler's Island, the place as well as
people.</p>
            <p>The proximity of the other place to
Darien has a very demoralizing effect upon
the negroes there. Here everything moves
on steadily and quietly, as it used to do in old
<pb id="leigh123" n="123"/>
times. Bram still has charge, and with his
three nice grown sons, gives the tone to the
place. We have planted about a hundred
and twenty-five acres of cotton, all of which
are coming up well and healthy. But this time
last years it looked well too, and then, alas!
alas! was totally destroyed by the army-worm,
so who can tell if it may not again be
swept from off the face of the earth in a single
night, as it was last year.</p>
            <p>Your notion, and Miss F  -  's, that the
negroes ought at once to be made to realise
their new condition and position, is an impossibility,
and you might just as well expect
children of ten and eleven to suddenly realise
their full responsibilities as men and women,
as these people. That they will come to it
in time I hope and believe, and for that
purpose I am having them educated, trying
to increase their desire for comforts, and
excite their ambition to furnish their houses
and make them neat and pretty. But the
change was too great to expect them to adopt
<pb id="leigh124" n="124"/>
the new state of things at once, and they
must come to it by degrees, during which
time my personal influence is necessary to
keep them up in their work, and to prevent
them falling into habits of utter worthlessness,
from which they can never be reclaimed.</p>
            <p>From the first, the fixed notion in their
minds has been that liberty meant idleness,
and they must be forced to work until they
become intelligent enough to know the value
of labour. As for starving them into this,
that is impossible too, for it is a well-known
fact that you can't starve a negro. At this
moment there are about a dozen on Butler's
Island who do no work, consequently get no
wages and no food, and I see no difference
whatever in their condition and those who
get twelve dollars a month and full rations.
They all raise a little corn and sweet potatoes,
and with their facilities for catching fish and
oysters, and shooting wild game, they have
as much to eat as they want, and now are
quite satisfied with that, not yet having
<pb id="leigh125" n="125"/>
learned to want things that money alone can
give.</p>
            <p>The proof that my theory about personal
influence is the only means at present by
which the people can be managed, is that my
father, by his strong influence over them last
year, made the best crop that was raised in
the country, and this year our people are
working far better than others in the neighbourhood,
and we have again the prospect
of a large crop, while our neighbours are in
despair, their hands running off, refusing to
work, and even in some places raising riots in
the place. Not that their masters are not
paying them their wages, for in some cases
they are giving them more than we do; but
because they just pay them off so much a
month and trouble their heads no more about
them, just as if they were white labourers.
Now, my desire and object is to put them
on this footing as soon as possible, but they
must be kept in leading-strings until they are
able to stand alone.</p>
          </div3>
        </div2>
        <pb id="leigh126" n="126"/>
        <div2 type="chapter">
          <head>CHAPTER IV.
<lb/>
1868-1869. <lb/>
RECONSTRUCTION.</head>
          <p>IN November of the same year I again
visited the South, having received during the
summer one or two sensational telegrams from
my agent, who was apt to lose his head, and
although they sounded very alarming, they
proved to be the creation of a vivid imagination
or unfounded reports, and on the whole
the people had done very well, and we had a
large crop for the acreage planted. This
year I took a friend with me, and my maid.
Christmas, politics, and paying-off had again
upset all the negroes, and many of them said
they intended to leave the place, and some
<pb id="leigh127" n="127"/>
did. We were now giving 12 dollars a month,
with rations, half the money being paid at the
end of every month, and the rest, at the end
of the year. Knowing that it was quite useless
to try and get them to settle down until
after the first of the year, I let them alone
and devoted myself to the children, for
whom I had a beautiful Christmas tree. I
wrote on Christmas evening an account of
it all.</p>
          <div3 type="letter">
            <opener>
              <dateline>Christmas 1868.</dateline>
            </opener>
            <p>Dearest M  -  , You have heard of our
safe arrival, and how much more comfortable
the travelling was than last year. We arrived
about a month ago, and I have been hard at
work ever since. The negroes do not seem
to be in a very satisfactory condition, but it is
owing in a great measure, I think, to its being
Christmas time. They are all prepared again
to make their own, and different, terms for
next year, but except for the bother and
trouble I don't feel very anxious about it,
for we have a gang of Irishmen doing the
<pb id="leigh128" n="128"/>
banking and ditching, which the negroes
utterly refuse to do any more at all, and
therefore, until the planting begins, we can
do without the negro labour.</p>
            <p>Last year they humbugged me completely
by their expressions of affection and desire to
work for me, but now that the novelty of
their getting back once more to
home has entirely worn off and they have 
lost their old habits of work, the effects of
freedom are beginning to tell, and everywhere
sullen unwillingness to work is visible, and all
round us people are discussing how to get
other labourers in the place of negroes. But
alas! on the rice lands white labour is impossible,
so that I really don't know what we shall
do, and I think things look very gloomy for
the planters. Our Northern neighbours on St.
Simon's, the D  -  s, who were most hopeful
last year, are now perfectly discouraged with
the difficulties they have to encounter with
their labour, and of course having to lose two
or three months every year while the negroes
<pb id="leigh129" n="129"/>
are making up their minds whether they will
work or not, obliges us to plant much less
ground than we should otherwise do. However,
there is no use taking evil on account,
and when we are ruined will be time enough
to say free labour here is a failure, and I
still hope that when their Christmas excitement
is over, the people will settle down to
work.</p>
            <p>My Christmas tree this afternoon was
a great success; it was really very pretty.
I had three rooms packed full of people, the
women begging me to give them dolls and
the toys, which I had brought of course for
the children alone. The orange trees are a
miracle of beauty; many of the branches
touch the ground from the weight of the
fruit, and you cannot walk under them without
knocking the oranges with your head.
Several of the trees have yielded two thousand,
and the whole crop is estimated at
sixteen thousand.</p>
            <p>We had a small excitement about this
<pb id="leigh130" n="130"/>
time, owing to a report which went the
round of the plantations, that there was to be
a general negro insurrection on the 1st of the
year. I did not much believe it, but as I had
promised my friends at the North, who were
very anxious about me, to run no risks and
to take every precaution against danger, I
thought it best to seek some means of protection.
I first asked my friend whether
she felt nervous and would rather leave
the Island, but she, being a true soldier's
daughter, said no, she would stay and take
her chance with me. We then agreed to say
nothing about it to my maid, who was a new
English maid, thinking that if we did not
mind having our throats cut, neither need
she  -  particularly as she now spent most of
her time weeping at the horrors which surrounded
her.</p>
            <p>I wrote therefore to our nearest military
station and asked that a guard of soldiers
might be sent over for a day or two, which
was done. But as they came without any
<pb id="leigh131" n="131"/>
officer, and conducted themselves generally
disagreeably, stealing the oranges, worrying
the negroes, and making themselves entirely
at home even to the point of demanding to
be fed by me, I packed them off, preferring
to take my chance with my negroes than
with my protectors. I don't believe that
there was the least foundation for the
report of the insurrection, but we had trouble
enough the whole winter in one form or
other.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="subchapter">
            <p>The negroes this year and the following
seemed to reach the climax of lawless independence,
and I never slept without a
loaded pistol by my bed. Their whole
manner was changed; they took to calling
their former owners by their last name without
any title before it, constantly spoke of my
agent as old R  -  , dropped the pleasant
term of ‘Mistress,’ took to calling me ‘Miss
Fanny,’ walked about with guns upon their
shoulders, worked just as much and when
they pleased, and tried speaking to me with
<pb id="leigh132" n="132"/>
their hats on, or not touching them to me
when they passed me on the banks. This
last rudeness I never permitted for a moment,
and always said sharply, ‘Take your hat off
instantly,’ and was obliged to take a tone
to them generally which I had never done
before. One or two, who seemed rather
more inclined to be insolent than the rest, I
dismissed, always saying, ‘You are free to
leave the place, but not to stay here and
behave as you please, for I am free too, and
moreover own the place, and so have a
right to give my orders on it, and have them
obeyed.’</p>
            <p>I felt sure that if I relaxed my discipline
for one moment all was up, and I never
could control the negroes or plant the place
again; and to this unerring rule I am sure I
owe my success, although for that year, and
the two following, I felt the whole time that
it was touch-and-go whether I or the negroes
got the upper hand.</p>
            <p>A new trouble came upon us too, or
<pb id="leigh133" n="133"/>
rather an old trouble in a new shape. Negro
adventurers from the North, finding that
politics was such a paying trade at the South,
began pouring in, and were really worse than
the whites, for their Southern brethren looked
upon their advent quite as a proof of a new
order of things, in which the negroes were to
rule and possess the land.</p>
            <p>We had a fine specimen in one Mr. Tunis
Campbell, whose history is rather peculiar.
Massachusetts had the honour of giving him
birth, and on his first arrival in Georgia he
established himself, whether with or without
permission I know not, on St. Catherine's
Island, a large island midway between
Savannah and Darien, which was at that time
deserted. The owner, without returning,
rented it to a Northern party, who on coming
to take possession found Mr. Campbell
established there, who declined to move, on
some pretended permission he had from the
Government to occupy it, and it was necessary
to apply to the authorities at Darien to
<pb id="leigh134" n="134"/>
remove him, which was done by sending a
small armed force. He then came to Darien,
and very soon became a leader of the negroes,
over whom he acquired the most absolute
control, and managed exactly as he pleased,
so that when the first vote for State and
county authorities was cast, he had no difficulty
in having himself elected a magistrate,
and for several years administered justice
with a high hand and happy disregard of law,
there being no one to oppose him.</p>
            <p>Happily, he at last went a little too far,
and arrested the captain of a British vessel,
which had come to Darien for timber, for
assault and battery, because he pushed
Campbell's son out of the way on the deck
of his own ship. The captain was brought
before Campbell, tried, and sentenced to pay
a heavy fine, from which he very naturally
appealed to the English Consul in Savannah,
who of course ordered his release at once.
This and some other equally lawless acts
by which Mr. Campbell was in the habit of
<pb id="leigh135" n="135"/>
filling his own pockets, drew the attention of
the authorities to him, and a very good young
judge having just been put on our circuit, he
was tried for false imprisonment, and sentenced
to one year's imprisonment himself,
which not only freed us from his iniquitous
rule, against which we had had no appeal,
but broke the spell which he held over the
negroes, who up till the time of his downfall,
had believed his powers omnipotent, and at
his instigation had defied all other authority;
which state of things had driven the planters
to despair, for there seemed to be no remedy
for this evil, the negroes throwing all our
authority to the wind, and following Campbell
wherever he chose to lead them.</p>
            <p>So desperate were some of the gentlemen,
that at one time they entertained the idea of
seeing if they could not buy Campbell over,
and induce him by heavy bribes to work for
us, or rather to use his influence over our
negroes to make them work for us. And this
proposition was made to me, but I could not
<pb id="leigh136" n="136"/>
consent to such a plan. In the first place it
was utterly opposed to my notions of what
was right, and my pride revolted from the
idea of making any such bargain with a creature
like Campbell; besides which I felt sure
it was bad policy, that if we bought him
one day he would sell us the next. So I refused
to have anything to do with the project,
and it was fortunately never carried out, for
although during the next three or four years
Campbell gave us infinite trouble, he would
have given us far more had we put ourselves
in his power by offering him a bribe.</p>
            <p>My agent unfortunately was not much
assistance to me, being nervous, timid, and
irresolute. Naturally his first thought was to
raise the crops by any means that he could,
but feeling himself powerless to enforce his
orders, owing to the fact that we had no
proper authorities to appeal to, should our
negroes misbehave themselves, these representatives
of the Government pandering
to the negroes in every way, in order to
<pb id="leigh137" n="137"/>
secure their votes for themselves, he was
obliged to resort to any means he could, to
get any work out of the negroes at all,
often changing his tactics and giving different
orders from day to day. In vain I implored
him to be firm, and if he gave an order to
stand to it; but the invariable answer was,
‘It's of no use, Miss B  -  , I should only get
myself into trouble, and have the negro sheriff
sent over by Campbell to arrest me.’ And
everyone went on the same principle. One
of the negroes committed a brutal murder,
but no notice was taken of it by any of
the authorities, until, with much personal
trouble, I had him arrested and shut up.
Shortly afterwards, greatly to my astonishment
and indignation, I met him walking
about the place, and on inquiring how he had
got out, was coolly informed that ‘a gentleman
had hired him, from the agent of the
Freedmen's Bureau, to work on his plantation.’
I went at once to the agent, and told
him that if the man was not re-arrested at
<pb id="leigh138" n="138"/>
once and kept confined, I would report him to
the higher authorities.</p>
            <p>A few days afterwards I visited the same
negro in his prison (!) which turned out to be
a deserted warehouse, with no fastening upon
the door, and here I found him playing the
fiddle to a party who were dancing. He did
meet his fate however, poor fellow, at last,
but not for three years, when our own courts
were re-established, and he was tried, sentenced,
and hanged.</p>
            <p>On another occasion I had to insist upon
two of my own negroes being sent off the
place, as they had been caught stealing rice.
No one would try them, and my agent proposed
to let them off for the present, as he
needed their labour just then.</p>
            <p>Finding things so unsettled and unsatisfactory,
I determined to remain at the South
during the summer, fearing that we might
after all lose the crops we had with so much
difficulty got planted; and part of the hot
weather I passed at St. Simon's, and part in
<pb id="leigh139" n="139"/>
South Carolina, with the same friends I had
been with the winter before.</p>
            <p>On St. Simon's I found as usual a very
different state of things from that on Butler's
Island. The people were working like
machinery, and gave no trouble at all, which
was owing perhaps somewhat to the fact
that there were only fifty, instead of three
hundred, and at the head of the fifty was
Bram, with eight of his family at work under
him. He was really a remarkable man, and
gave the tone to the whole place. And oh!
the place was so beautiful; each day it
seemed to me to grow more so. All the
cattle had come down, and it was a pretty
sight to see first the thirty cows, then the
sheep, of which there were over a hundred,
with their lambs, come in for the night, and
then the horses led out to water before going
to bed. I used to go round every evening to
visit them in their different pens and places,
where they were all put up for the night.
The stable I visited several times a day, as I
<pb id="leigh140" n="140"/>
had not much faith in my groom, and once
when I was telling him how to rub one of
the horses down with a wisp of straw when
he came in hot, he said, ‘Yis, so my ole
missus (my mother) taught me, and stand
dere to see it done.’ To which I could only
say, ‘You seem to have forgotten the lesson
pretty thoroughly.’</p>
            <p>In July I went to South Carolina, and
found my friends moved from the rice plantation
to a settlement about fifteen miles
distant in the pine woods, which formerly
had been occupied entirely by the overseers,
when the gentlemen and their families could
afford to spend their summer at the North, a
thing they no longer could afford, nor wished
to do. The place and the way of living
were altogether queerer than anything I
had ever imagined. The village consisted of
about a dozen houses, set down here and
there among the tall pine trees, which grew
up to the very doors, almost hiding one
house from another. The place was very
<pb id="leigh141" n="141"/>
healthy and the sanitary laws very strict. No
two houses were allowed to be built in a
line, no one was allowed to turn up the soil,
even for a garden, and no one, on pain of
death, to cut down a pine tree; in which way
they succeeded in keeping it perfectly free
from malaria, and the air one breathed was full
of the delicious fragrance of the pines, which
in itself is considered a cure for most ills. In
front of each house was a high mound of
sand, on which at night a blazing pine fire
was lit to drive away malaria that might
come from the dampness of the night.
These fires had the most picturesque effect,
throwing their glare upon the red trunks of
the pines and lighting the woods for some
distance around.</p>
            <p>The houses were built in the roughest
possible manner, many of them being mere
log-houses. The one we were in was
neither plastered nor lined inside, one thickness
of boards doing for both inside and
outside walls. M  -  and I slept literally
<pb id="leigh142" n="142"/>
under the shingles, between which and the walls of
the house, we could lie and watch the stars; but I
liked feeling the soft air on my face, and to hear it
sigh softly through the tall pines outside, as I lay in
bed. Occasionally bats came in, which was not so
pleasant, and there was not one room in the house
from which you could not freely discourse with
anyone in any other part of the building. Hampton
Point, which I had always regarded as the
roughest specimen of a house anyone could live in,
was a palace compared with this. We were
nevertheless perfectly comfortable, and it was
really pretty, with numbers of easy-chairs and
comfortable sofas about, and the pretty bright
chintz curtains and covers, which looked very well
against the fresh whitewashed boards; and there
was an amusing incongruity between a grand piano
and fine embroidered sheets and pillow cases,
relics of past days of wealth and luxury, and our
bare floors and walls.</p>
            <p>Most of the people were very poor, which
<pb id="leigh143" n="143"/>
created a sort of commonwealth, as there was a
friendly feeling among them all, and desire to share
anything good which one got with his neighbours;
so that, constantly through the day, negro servants
would be seen going about from one house to
another, carrying a neatly covered tray, which
contained presents of cakes or fruit, or even fresh
bread that some one had been baking. There was
a meat club, which everyone belonged to, and to
which everyone contributed in turn, either an ox
or a sheep a week, which was then divided
equally, each house receiving in turn a different
part, so that all fared alike, and one week we
feasted sumptuously off the sirloin, and the next,
not so well, from the brisket.</p>
            <p>Mrs. P was most energetic, directing
the affairs of the estate with a masterly
hand, and at the same time devoting herself
to the comfort and happiness of her
children; reading French or German, or
practicing music with her daughter in the
<pb id="leigh144" n="144"/>
mornings, and being always ready to receive
her boys on their return from their
hard day's work on the plantation, to which
they rode fifteen miles every morning, and
back the same distance in the evening, with
interest and sympathy in the day's work, and
a capital good dinner, which especially excited
my admiration, as half the time there
really seemed nothing to make it of. But
they were better off than most of the people,
who were very wretched. Many of them had
their fine plantation houses, with everything
in them, burnt to the ground during the war,
and had no money and very little idea of
how to help themselves. In the next house
to us was Mrs. M  -  , an elegant, refined,
and cultivated old lady, with soft silver
grey hair and delicate features that made
her look like a picture on Sèvres china,
and as unable as a Sèvres cup to bear any
rough handling, but who lived without many
of the ordinary necessaries of life, and was
really starving to death because she could
<pb id="leigh145" n="145"/>
not eat the coarse food which was all she
could get.</p>
            <p>Poor people! they were little used to
such hardships, and seemed as helpless as
children, but nevertheless were patient and
never complained.</p>
            <p>The woods around were full of deer, and
the gentlemen hunted very often  -  not for
sport so much as for food. They generally
started about five o'clock in the morning and
were aroused by a horn which was sounded
in the centre of the village by the huntsman.
As soon as it was heard, the hounds
began to bay from the different houses, at
each of which two or three were kept, no
one being rich enough to keep the whole
pack; but being always used to hunt together,
they did very well, and made altogether
a very respectable pack. One day
they brought home three deer, having started
ten; so for the next few days we had a grand
feast of venison.</p>
            <p>Among other subjects connected with
<pb id="leigh146" n="146"/>
our rice plantations was one which interested
us all very much at that time  -  the question
of introducing Chinese labour on our
plantations in the place of negro labour,
which just then seemed to have become
hopelessly unmanageable. There seemed
to be a general move in this direction all
through the Southern States, and I have
no doubt was only prevented by the want
of means of the planters, which, as far as
I personally am concerned, I am glad was the
case. Just then, however, we were all very
keen about it, and it sounded very easy,
the Pacific Railway having opened a way for
them to reach us. One agent actually came
for orders, and I, with the others, engaged
some seventy to try the experiment with,
first on General's Island. I confess I felt a
little nervous about the result, but agreed
with my neighbours in not being willing to
see half my property uncultivated and going
to ruin for want of labour. It was not only
that negro labour could no longer be
<pb id="leigh147" n="147"/>
depended upon, but they seemed to be dying
out so fast, that soon there would be but
few left to work. This new labour would of
course have sealed their doom, and in a few
years none would have been left. I wrote
about it at the time:  -  </p>
            <p>‘Poor people! it seems impossible to
arouse them to any good ambition, their one
idea and desire being  -  not to work. Their
newspaper in Charlestown, edited by a negro,
published an article the other day on the
prospect, and said it would be the best thing
that could happen to the negroes if the
Chinese did come, as then they too could
get them as servants, and no longer have to
work even for themselves. I confess I am
utterly unable to understand them, and what
God's will is concerning them, unless He
intended they should be slaves. This may
shock you; but why in their own country
have they no past history, no monuments,
no literature, never advance or improve, and
here, now that they are free, are going
<pb id="leigh148" n="148"/>
steadily backwards, morally, intellectually,
and physically. I see it on my own place,
where, in spite of school and ministers, and
every inducement offered them to improve
their condition, they are steadily going downwards,
working less and worse every year,
until, from having come to them with my
heart full of affection and pity for them, I
am fast growing weary and disgusted.</p>
            <p>‘Mrs. P  -  , who when she first married
and came to the South was a strong abolitionist,
an intimate friend of Charles Summers
and believer in Mrs. Stowe, says that she firmly
believes them incapable of being raised now;
and a few days ago I had a long talk with
Mrs. W  -  , the cousin of an Englishwoman
who married and came out here with all the
English horror of, and ideas about, slavery.
Her husband dying shortly after, left her independent
and very rich, so she determined
to devote her life and means to the people
who were thus thrown on her for help and
protection. She first sent out to England for
<pb id="leigh149" n="149"/>
a young English clergyman, whom she
established on the place; she then built a
beautiful little church of stone, with coloured
glass windows, at great expense; and their
own houses, Mrs. W  -  told me, were far
better than English labourers' cottages.</p>
            <p>‘Well, for forty years she and her clergyman
worked together among them. She never
allowed one to be sold from the estate, and
devoted herself to them as if they were her
children. Then came the war, and in no part
of the country did the negroes behave so,
badly as hers. They murdered the overseer,
tore down the church set up as a goddess a
negro woman whom they called ‘Jane Christ,’
and now are in all respects as entire heathens
as if they had never heard God's name
mentioned, worshipping Obi, preaching every
sort of heathen superstition, and a terror to
the neighbourhood.<ref targOrder="U" id="ref3" n="3" rend="sc" target="note3">1</ref> Mrs. W  -  , brokenhearted,
returned to England, where she had
property, and the clergyman, a Mr. G  -  ,
<note id="note3" n="3" rend="sc" anchored="yes" target="ref3">1.  I now doubt a good deal of this story (1881).</note><pb id="leigh150" n="150"/>
her fellow-worker, on being asked some time
ago to go to some gentleman's plantations to
preach to the negroes, shook his head, and
with his eyes full of tears said he would
never preach again, his whole work and
preaching for forty years having proved such
a failure. And our own clergyman at Darien
told me he had been working among the
negroes all his life to the best of his powers,
but felt now that not one seed sown among
them had borne any good fruit.</p>
            <p>‘I confess thinking of these things makes
me heartsick. I don't understand why
really good men doing God's work should
have failed so utterly, because although, intellectually,
I feel sure the negroes are incapable
of any high degree of improvement,
morally, I have always thought their standard
wonderfully high, considering their ignorance.’</p>
            <p>I remained at the South until the harvest
was well under way, my own interest being
intensified by my friends, and we lived in a
<pb id="leigh151" n="151"/>
perpetual state of excitement, fearing from
day to day that something would happen to
destroy our hardly-made crops. First it
blew hard and we feared a gale, and then the
rice birds appeared in such swarms we feared
the crops would be eaten up. Then it rained,
and we feared the cut rice would be wetted
and sprout. And so on, until one day Mrs.
P  -  exclaimed, ‘What a state of excitement
and alternate hope and fear we live in!
Why, the life of a gambler is nothing to it.’
The news that reached me of the rice from
Butler's Island was sufficiently good to reassure
me, but from St. Simon's it was terrible.
Major D  -  wrote me that the caterpillars
had again attacked the cotton, and that for
the third time we should probably see the
entire crop eaten up before our eyes, within
three weeks of perfection. Such beautiful
crops as they were, too! This gave the
deathblow to the Sea Island cotton, at least
as far as I was concerned, for I had not
capital enough to plant again after losing
<pb id="leigh152" n="152"/>
three crops, and the place has never been
planted since, but is rented out to the negroes
for a mere nominal rent, and they keep the
weeds down and that is about all. Some
day I hope to see it turned into a stock farm,
for which it is admirably suited, and would
pay well.</p>
            <p>Before leaving the history of the South
for this year, I cannot help saying a few
words upon a subject which did not strike
me as strange then, but does now, in looking
back, as very significant of the way politics
were regarded and treated by Southerners
at the time. There I was, in South Carolina,
‘the hot-bed of Secession,’ among some of
the oldest South Carolina families, considered
by most Northern people as the deepest-dyed
rebels, whose time was still spent in devising
schemes to overthrow the Government, who
therefore could not be trusted with the rights
of free citizens, and whose negroes it was
necessary to protect in their rights by
Northern troops, and yet neither in my letters
<pb id="leigh153" n="153"/>
nor in my memory can I find one single
instance of political discussion, or attempts
to rebel against the new state of things, or
desire to interfere with the new rights of
the negroes. Night after night gentlemen
met at one house or another, and talked and 
discussed one, and only one subject, and that 
was rice, rice, rice.</p>
            <p>Farmers are supposed never to exhaust
the two subjects of weather and the crops,
and we certainly never did, until one evening
the daughter of the lady with whom I was
staying burst out with, ‘Do  -  do talk of
something else; I am so tired of rice, rice,
from morning till night, and day after day.’
We might all have been aliens and foreigners,
so little interest did we any of us take in
any public questions, and I never heard it
suggested to prevent the negroes voting, but
only to get rid of them and get reliable
labour in their place. The war was over,
the negroes free, and voters, and the South
conquered; and never by the smallest word
<pb id="leigh154" n="154"/>
did I hear any suggestions made to try to
alter the new condition of things, or to wish
to do so, each man's motto being ‘<foreign lang="fr">Sauve
qui peut</foreign>.’</p>
          </div3>
        </div2>
        <pb id="leigh155" n="155"/>
        <div2 type="chapter">
          <head>CHAPTER V.
<lb/>
1870.
<lb/>
UNDER WAY.</head>
          <p>LATE in the winter of 1869 I returned to the
South, having quite made up my mind that
I must change my agent. The expenses
were enormous; so large, that even remarkably
good crops could not make the two ends
meet, while there were no improvements
made and no work done to justify such
heavy expenditure, and not even accounts to
show on what the money had been spent.
The negroes were almost in a state of mutiny,
and work for another year under existing
circumstances was impossible. So I got rid of
one agent and engaged another, the son of a
<pb id="leigh156" n="156"/>
former neighbouring planter, whom I liked
personally and with whom the negroes
professed themselves content. But owing to
the mismanagement and want of firmness on
the part of his predecessor, they were in an
utterly demoralised and disorganised condition.
Many of them left, not to work for
anyone else, but to settle on their own
properties in the pine woods; and the others
seemed inclined to be very troublesome. So
for a time, until the effects of being paid, and
Christmas, had worn off, I left them pretty
much to themselves, giving the children
another pretty tea and feast, which put the
older ones somewhat in a good humour.</p>
          <p>Mr. N  -  certainly did not want either
courage or firmness, and I was rather startled
one day to have a young man named Liverpool,
who had always been a troublesome
subject, burst into the room in which I Was
sitting, and pointing to a wound in his forehead
which was bleeding pretty freely, say,
‘Missus, do you allow this kind of treatment?’
<pb id="leigh157" n="157"/>
I smothered my exclamation of horror and
indignant denial, and said, ‘How did it
happen?’ ‘Why,’ replied the lad, ‘Mr. N  -  
knocked me down and cut my head like this.’
‘Well,’ I said, ‘before I decide, I must know
what you have done.’ ‘Very well,’ he said,
‘very well;’ and turning on his heel, left the
room. I was horribly frightened for fear, in
his anger, he would shoot my agent, and
throwing on my shawl, I ran out to find him
and put him on his guard. He told me that
Liverpool had been very insolent and insubordinate
to both the negro captain, who
reported him, and to himself, and he had
simply knocked him down, and cut his head
slightly. My fears were, I believe, needless,
for Liverpool's revenge was to try to sue
Mr. N  -  for damages, which however
never came to anything, and so the trouble
ended, although the man was of course
dismissed from the place, being a really
troublesome, bad fellow.</p>
          <p>One of my captains also had his head cut
<pb id="leigh158" n="158"/>
open by another lad who was drunk, and
who was flourishing a rice-hook about, which
the old man tried to get from him, and
was cut badly across the forehead. He came
to me to have it plastered up, and was
very anxious to know ‘whether de brain
was cut,’ which I assured him was not the
case, and being only a flesh wound it soon
healed.</p>
          <p>By degrees things settled down, and the
work began. My school seemed flourishing
under a new teacher I had got from the North
(the other young man having left). This was a
young negro, who had been at a Theological
Seminary near Philadelphia, preparing himself
for the ministry; but his old father, a
Massachusetts Baptist preacher, not wishing
his son to become an episcopal minister,
refused to give him any more money to continue
his studies, and so he was obliged to
leave, and was anxious to get some employment
by which he could earn enough money
to finish his studies. This story the Bishop
<pb id="leigh159" n="159"/>
told me, adding that if I could get him some
theological books, and let him read with some
clergyman in the village, he would lose no
time and could take up the course at the
school again just where he had been obliged
to leave off. Much interested, I at once got
him several theological standard works which
he asked for, and made arrangements with
our Darien clergyman to let him read with
him. How it ended belongs to next year's
history. He certainly got the children on
in a wonderful way; but seeing how soon they
forgot all he taught them, I doubt its having
been more than a quick parrot-like manner
of repeating what they had heard once or
twice, which the negroes all have. But it
sounded very startling to hear them rattle off
the names of countries, lengths of rivers, and
heights of mountains, as well as complicated
answers in arithmetic. The little ones he
taught to sing everything they learned, and
they always began with a little song, that
amused me very much, about the necessity
<pb id="leigh160" n="160"/>
of coming to school and learning, the chorus of
which ran:  -  </p>
          <lg type="stanza">
            <l>For we must get an education</l>
            <l>Befitting to our station</l>
            <l>In the rising generation</l>
            <l>Of the old Georg  -  i  -  a:</l>
          </lg>
          <p>a thing I fear, however, they failed to do. One day
I heard one boy say to another, ‘Carolina, can
you spell “going in”?’ ‘Gwine in,’ promptly
replied Carolina, that being their negro way of
pronouncing it. On one point I and this teacher
never agreed, and that was about the head
handkerchiefs and bead necklaces of the girls.
About the last perhaps he was right, although their
love of coloured beads was a very harmless little
bit of vanity, and I always used to give them the
handsomest I could find for their Christmas
presents; but the head handkerchief was not only
pretty and becoming, but made them look far
neater than either their uncovered woolly heads, or
the absurd little hats they bought and stuck on in
order to follow the
<pb id="leigh161" n="161"/>
fashions of their white sisters. Now that ladies
everywhere have taken to wearing silk
handkerchiefs made into turban-shaped caps, I
suppose the negro women may become
reconciled to their gay bandanas.</p>
          <p>We had a great many marriages this winter,
and wishing to encourage the girls to become
moral and chaste, we made the ceremony as
important as possible, that is, if a grand cake and
white wreath and veil could make it so, for the
ceremony, as performed by our old black
minister, could hardly be said to be imposing, and
I think I have gone through more painful agonies
to keep from laughing at some of these weddings
than from any physical suffering I ever
experienced. The girls were always dressed in
white, with our present of the wreath and veil to
finish the costume, and the bridesmaids in white or
light dresses, while the bridegroom and
groomsmen wore black frock coats, with white
waistcoats and white gloves, all looking as nice as
possible. The parson,
<pb id="leigh162" n="162"/>
old John, received them at the reading-desk
of the little church, and after much arranging
of the candles, his book, and his big-rimmed
specs, would proceed and read the marriage
service of the Episcopal Church, part of which
he knew by heart, part of which he guessed
at, and the rest of which he spelt out with
much difficulty and many absurd mistakes.
Not satisfied with the usual text appointed
for the minister to read, he usually went
through all the directions too, explaining
them as he went along thus: ‘ “Here the man
shall take the woman by the right hand,” ’ at
which he would pause, look up over his
spectacles and say, ‘Take her, child, by de
right hand and hold her,’ and would then
proceed. On one occasion, after he had read
the sentence, ‘ “Whereof this ring is given
and received as a token and pledge,” ’ he
said with much emphasis, ‘Yes, children, it
is a <hi rend="italics">plague</hi>, but you must have patience.’
When it was all over he would say to the
bridegroom with great solemnity and a wave
<pb id="leigh163" n="163"/>
of his hand, ‘Salute de bride,’ upon which
the happy man would give her a kiss that
could be heard all over the room. The worst
of John's readings and explanations was that
they differed every time, so we never could
be prepared for what was coming, which
made it all the more difficult not to laugh.</p>
          <p>On one occasion something happened
which made the people titter,  -  not what he
said, for that was always received most
reverently, but some mistake on the part
of the bridegroom, upon which he closed the
book and in a severe tone said, ‘What you
larf for? dis not trifling, dis business;’ which
admonition effectually sobered us all. Poor
old John Bull  -  he was a good old man, and
had an excellent influence over the people,
who obeyed him implicitly, and I was really
sorry when he was no longer allowed to perform
the service. The Government passed
a law that no unlicensed minister or magistrate
could perform the marriage service,
which, of course, was quite right; but not
<pb id="leigh164" n="164"/>
wishing to lose my parson, or to have my
people go off the place to be married, I sent
him up to Savannah to have him licensed.
But they found him too ignorant, and refused
to do so, which I dare say was quite right
too; but it spoilt all my weddings and obliged
John to retire into private life.</p>
          <p>The negroes had their own ideas of
morality, and held to them very strictly; they
did not consider it wrong for a girl to have
a child before she married, but afterwards
were extremely severe upon anything like
infidelity on her part. Indeed, the good old
law of female submission to the husband's
will on all points held good, and I once found
a woman sitting on the church steps, rocking
herself backwards and forwards in great
distress, and on inquiring the cause I was
told she had been turned out of church because
she refused to obey her husband in a
small matter. So I had to intercede for her,
and on making a public apology before the
whole congregation she was re-admitted.</p>
          <pb id="leigh165" n="165"/>
          <p>To raise the tone among our young unmarried
women was our great object, and my
friend and I dwelt much on this in teaching
them, and encouraged their marrying young,
in which, indeed, they did not need much
encouragement, for they both marry very
young, and as often as they are left widows.
The funeral service was generally performed
about three weeks after the person was buried,
in order to have a larger gathering than was
possible to get together on a short notice,
and on one occasion I was rather startled to
hear a man's second engagement announced
on the day of his first wife's funeral. The
following morning he came to me, and with
many blushes and much stammering said,
‘Missus, I'se come to tell you something.’
Not choosing to acknowledge that I had
heard the gossip, I said, ‘Well, Quash, what
is it?’ After a very long pause and much
hesitation, he informed me he was going to be
married again. ‘Don't you think it is rather
soon after Betsy's death, Quash?’ I asked;
<pb id="leigh166" n="166"/>
upon which he replied, ‘Well, yes, missus, it
is, but I thought if I waited, maybe I not get
a gal suit me so well as Lizzie.’ This was so
unanswerable a reason that after consulting
with my friend as to whether Quash's conduct
could be countenanced under our code of
morality, we agreed to allow it; and a very
gay, fine wedding it was, for he being a good-looking
carpenter and she a pretty house-servant
and a great favourite of ours, we
exerted ourselves especially to give them a
grand wedding.</p>
          <p>I had visits from several friends that
year, and among others three Englishmen, one
of whom was Mr. Leigh. I mention this
because of rather a curious circumstance connected
with his visit. The first Sunday after
his arrival we sent him up to preach to the
negroes, and he took for his text, ‘And
Philip said to the eunuch, Understandest
thou what thou readest?’ telling them that
the eunuch was some Ethiopian, and was the
first individual conversion to Christianity
<pb id="leigh167" n="167"/>
mentioned in the Bible. After church, one of
the negroes came up to him and, after thanking
him, said Philip was come again to the
Ethiopians; and another, called Commodore
Bob, told him he had been expecting him
for three weeks. And when Mr. Leigh
said, ‘You never saw me before, how did you
know I was coming?’ replied, ‘Oh yes, sir, I
saw you in de spirit. A milk-white gentleman
rise out of the wild rushes and came
and preached to us, and I said to my wife,
“Katie, der will be a great movement in our
church on dis Island.” So I knew you in the
spirit.’ Of course when I told the negroes
afterwards I was going to marry Mr. Leigh,
old Commodore Bob was more convinced
than ever that the mantle of prophecy had
fallen upon his shoulders, and that the
‘great movement’ was my marriage to their
preacher.</p>
          <p>While I was receiving guests, and marrying
and giving in marriage, the work on the
plantation was going on pretty smoothly.
<pb id="leigh168" n="168"/>
After the first of the year, when about twenty
of the hands left, and frightened me with the
idea that all were going, then the exodus
stopped, and after several attempts to get
the upper hand of Mr. N  -  , my new agent,
they gave in and settled down to work. But,
of course, the loss of time and hands obliged
us to cut down the quantity of land planted
about one-third, and the idea that each year
was to begin in this way was not encouraging.
So we still talked of Chinese labour and
machinery (my dream just then was a steam
plough which was to accomplish everything),
the want of capital being our only difficulty.
I adopted a new plan with the negroes this
year too, and would see and speak to no one
but the head men, and if anyone still insisted
on coming to me directly with complaints, I
simply told him he might leave the place,
finding that this silenced them, but did not
make them leave one whit more than when I
tried to persuade them to stay.</p>
          <p>Just before we left we had a narrow
<pb id="leigh169" n="169"/>
escape from drowning, and I have always
believed that I owed my life to the presence
of mind and coolness of the negroes. We had
gone down to the cotton place to pay a farewell
visit, and in coming back, crossing the
Sound, which one is obliged to do for about
five miles, we were caught in a furious gale
and cross sea. Our boat, being cut out of one
log  -  a regular ‘dug out’  -  did not rise the
least to the waves, and was made doubly
heavy by having all our trunks piled in the
bow. Then, besides the four oarsmen, there
was my maid, my friend, and her sister, a
little girl of fourteen, and lastly, in the stern
steering, myself. The sea was running so high
that the boat would hardly mind the rudder
at all, and suddenly the tiller rope broke,
and I was just in time to catch the rudder
with my hand to keep it from swinging round,
and holding it so I had to steer the rest of
the way.</p>
          <p>Not being used to steering in a rough
sea, I did not understand that the right thing
<pb id="leigh170" n="170"/>
to do was to head the boat right at the
waves, and could not help instinctively trying
to dodge them, so that they struck us on the
side and deluged us with wet besides very
nearly capsizing us, and we were soon ankle
deep in water. The negroes rowed with
might and main, but seemed to make no progress,
and the wind was blowing such a gale
they could not hear me when I shouted to
them at the top of my voice. About half-way
across the Sound some large piles or booms
had been driven during the war to prevent
the Northern gunboats entering, and on
these we were rapidly being driven, and I,
powerless to steer against the furious wind,
felt sure a few moments more would dash us
against them, and we should be drowned. I
in vain shouted to the men, who of course,
sitting with their backs to the bow, did not
see what was before them, but my voice could
not reach them, so I shut my eyes and held
my breath, expecting each moment to feel the
blow that would send us into eternity. Just as
<pb id="leigh171" n="171"/>
we were literally on the piles, a huge wave
struck us and drove the boat a little to one
side, so that instead of striking the booms
with our bow we slid between two of them,
scraping each side of the boat as we did so  -  
but were safe! Utterly exhausted, I felt
I could hold on to my helm no longer, and I
told my friend, who was sitting directly in
front of me, to pass the order on to the men
to let us drift into the marsh, where we would
lie until sunset, when perhaps the wind
would go down. So we beat across and
reached the marsh, where we rested for a few
moments, holding on by the tall rushes, but
found even there the wind and waves so
violent we could not remain.</p>
          <p>The stroke oar, a man I was particularly
fond of, though he was rather morose and
suspicious, stood up, and holding on to the
land by burying his oar in the mud, said,
‘Missus, we can't stay here, the boat will be
overturned. Trust me, and I will take you,
home safely. Only keep the head of the boat
<pb id="leigh172" n="172"/>
right at the waves, and don't let them strike
us sideways.’ So bracing myself up I took
hold of my helm again, to do which I was
obliged to stretch my arm as far back as
possible, having no tiller rope, and we turned
our head to the waves once more. The men
started a favourite hymn of mine as they
began to row, but the wind of heaven soon
knocked the wind out of them, and they were
not only obliged to stop singing, but before
long were absolutely groaning at each stroke
they made with the oars. Peter's speech and
the attempt at a song had, however, quieted
me, and enabled me to recover my presence
of mind, so I kept the boat headed
steadily straight at the waves, and after four
hours' more hard work we landed safe on
Butler's Island, the river even there being
lashed into such fury by the gale that we
found it difficult to get out of the boat.</p>
          <p>The agent and negroes were terrified at
the mere idea of our having attempted to
cross the Sound in such weather, and advised
<pb id="leigh173" n="173"/>
me, as I valued my life, not to do it again,
which was certainly a needless piece of advice.
We afterwards compared notes, my friend
saying, like a true soldier's daughter, that she
felt sure we should be drowned, and had
made up her mind to it; the little sister had
only thought it very disagreeable, and had
not known there was any danger. And my
maid said that when the first wave came she
thought of her new bonnet, and put up her
arm to save it (a very hopeless protection);
that then, when she had seen we were rushing
on the pilings, she had felt sure we should
be drowned and was very much frightened.
Still she thought of us, and said to herself,
‘Well, if we are drowned, there will be far
more to mourn them than me,’ which we
thought rather touching. On one point we
all agreed, and that was that the effort the
men had made to sing was done to reassure
me; and as a proof of how exhausted they were
with their work, when I sent up for them,
not an hour after our arrival on the Island, to
<pb id="leigh174" n="174"/>
give them some whisky, they were all lying
on the floor before the fire, sound asleep.
My arm, with which I had held the helm,
ached and trembled so for four days afterwards
that I could not use it; but thank God
we were safe, and in less than a week afterwards
on our way to the North.</p>
          <p>A month later I went to England with
my sister, hoping things would work smoothly
enough at the South to enable me to stay
abroad all winter. . . . Vain hope!</p>
        </div2>
        <pb id="leigh175" n="175"/>
        <div2 type="chapter">
          <head>CHAPTER VI.
<lb/>
FRESH DIFFICULTIES  -  NEGRO TRAITS  -  
<lb/>
ABDICATION.</head>
          <div3 type="subchapter">
            <p>IN December I returned to the United States
and the South, the reports I had received
of the condition of things during my absence
not being satisfactory, and they certainly did
not improve on closer examination. There
were no accounts at all at this time, but much
money spent, and what my agent had done
to set things so by the ears I never could
make out, but by the ears they undeniably
were. He had been very injudicious, and
was far too hot-tempered to manage any
people. The whole plantation was up in
arms; half the people had gone and the other
half were ready to go when I arrived, and it
was desperately hard work to restore
<pb id="leigh176" n="176"/>
anything like order. Even as late as the end of
January I thought I should have to give up
all idea of planting the larger Island. I merely
put in about two hundred acres on Generals
Island, but by dint of bullying, scolding, and
a little judicious compromising, I kept those
who were going and brought back some who
had left. One man, who had been a favourite
of mine, tried to get off without seeing me;
but, hearing he was going, I went up to his
house and asked him what he was about, to
which he replied, ‘Moving, missus, but I did
not mean to let you catch me;’ to which I
said, ‘Well, I have caught you, and you can
just stop moving, for I don't intend you to
leave the place,’ which settled him, and he
has been ploughing now steadily for three
days. To-night the last man came in, and
told me he would go to work in the morning.
So now the machine is fairly started again,
and will run for the year, the getting off being
the only difficulty.</p>
            <p>I was very unhappy about my stroke oar,
<pb id="leigh177" n="177"/>
Peter Tack, who behaved so splendidly last
spring in that gale on the Sound, and who
had also made up his mind to leave. I did
not say one word to him, thinking that the
best course to pursue in his case; but when
yesterday he came in to report himself ready
for work, I said, ‘Well, Peter, I am glad you
are going to stay. I was sorry to hear you
were so anxious to leave me.’ ‘No, missus,’
he said, ‘I not so anxious to leave you, else I
done gone, but if you had not come I should
have gone.’ This being obliged to use
personal influence in every individual case
was rather troublesome, and yet it was very
pleasant to have them affectionate in their
manner to me, and influenced by my presence
into doing what I wanted.</p>
            <p>Not being able at once to find anyone
in Mr. N  -  's place, I determined to try
working with the negro captains alone, and
endeavoured to excite their ambition and
pride by telling them that everything depended
upon them now, and I expected them
<pb id="leigh178" n="178"/>
to show me how well they could manage, and
what a fine crop they would raise for me.
My friend Major D  -  , who, after six years
of failure at cotton-planting had determined
to give it up, but was anxious to remain at
the South, consented to take charge of the
financial part of the work for me, which was
a great relief to my mind, and things seemed
really for a time as if they would work
smoothly.</p>
            <p>My school arrangements were not going
well at all, and I soon found that the teacher
I had was a very different person from what
I had hoped and believed him to be. He also
had got bitten with the political mania, and
asked my permission to accept some small
office in Darien, assessor of taxes I think
it was, which would not in any way interfere
with his work for me, but greatly increase
his income. So I could not well refuse,
although I did not like it, and it was on my
first return that he asked me, before I had
found out other things about him. I afterwards
<pb id="leigh179" n="179"/>
found that he had entirely given up
teaching Sunday school, or holding any
services for the people on Sunday, and when
I asked him why, merely said the people and
children would not attend; then, that he had
quite given up all attempts at carrying on
his own studies, and was no longer reading
divinity with our Darien clergyman, but
instead, was mixing himself up with all the
local Darien politics; and, lastly, bore but a
very indifferent character there for morality,
which at first I was inclined to disbelieve,
until a disastrous affair proved the correctness
of the reports. But this did not happen till
the following year.</p>
            <p>Either I am right in believing the negro
incapable of any high degree of intellectual
training, or of being raised to a position of
equality with the white race without deteriorating
morally, or my experience has been
very unfortunate. This man was one proof
of it, another was a negro clergyman, born in
one of the British Colonies, educated in an  
<pb id="leigh180" n="180"/>
English college, and ordained deacon by an English
Colonial bishop, so that never at any period of his
life was he affected by having been a slave or held
an inferior position. He had a church in Savannah,
and conducted the service as he had been used to
hearing it done, which was chorally; he had a fine
voice, and chanted and intoned very well himself,
and had trained a choir of little negroes, whom he
put in surplices, extremely well. I was much
interested in all the accounts I had heard of him,
and when I reached Savannah I went to his church,
believing that at last my question of whether a full-blooded
negro was capable of moral and
intellectual elevation, was affirmatively answered. A
full-blooded African he certainly was, and was so
black you could hardly see him. The service was
beautifully done, and his part of it was well and
effectively rendered, so that I was wrought up to
the highest pitch of excitement and enthusiasm
when the sermon came, for which I had been
<pb id="leigh181" n="181"/>
anxiously waiting. It was on a religious life, and
from beginning to end was highflown, and mere
fine talk; and when he mentioned the ‘infidel
Voltaire and the licentious Earl of Rochester' (his
audience being composed, with the exception of
my friend and myself, of the most ignorant and
simple negroes), my enthusiasm and excitement
collapsed with a crash, and I could have cried with
grief and disappointment. Here were just the same
old predominating negro traits  -  vanity, conceit,
and love of showing off. About that man, too,
there were stories told very unbecoming a
clergyman, and though I believe none of them
were ever directly proved, he lost caste generally,
and later on left Savannah.</p>
            <p>Another instance of disappointment was the
son of one of our own head men, whom my sister
and myself tried to have educated at the North,
hoping he might become a teacher on the Island.
His father is one of the best, most intelligent, and
trustworthy
<pb id="leigh182" n="182"/>
men I ever knew, and with much more firmness
of character than the negroes generally
possess, so much so that being now our head
man he controls everything, and the gang of
Irishmen who come to us regularly every
winter obey his orders and work under him
with perfect good temper and willingness  -  the
only case of the sort I know; and this man
can neither read nor write, and is totally
ignorant about everything but his work.
He comes of a good stock; his great-grandfather
was my great-grandfather's foreman,
and of his uncle, who died in 1866, my
father, then alive, writes as follows: ‘It is
with very sad feelings that I write to tell
you of the death of Morris, the head man
of General's Island; he was attacked with
fever, and died in four days. Dr. Kenan
attended him and I nursed him, but his
disease was malignant in its character, once
the medicines produced no effect. To me
his loss is irreparable; he was by far the
most intellectual negro I have ever known
<pb id="leigh183" n="183"/>
among our slaves. His sense and judgment
were those of the white race rather than the
black, and the view he took of the present
position of his race was sensible and correct.
He knew that freedom entailed self-dependence
and labour, not idleness, and he set an
example to those whose labours he directed
by never sparing himself in any way where
work was to be done. These qualities were
inherited; his grandfather, likewise named
Morris, was my grandfather's driver, and on
one occasion was working on that exposed
cotton tract situated on the small island
opposite St. Simon's, and in consequence of
the situation being so much exposed to the
autumn gales, which are often tropical in
their fury, no settlement was ever made on
this tract, the negroes who worked it going
over daily in boats from their houses on St.
Simon's. The only building was the hurricane
house, which was constructed of sufficient
strength to withstand the force of the
gales, and in one of the years  -  1804 I think
<pb id="leigh184" n="184"/>
it was  -  when a terrific gale visited the coast
and the negroes were at work on this place,
old Morris, seeing signs of an approaching
storm, ordered the people into that hurricane
house. They, not wishing to take
refuge there, preferred to make the attempt
of reaching St. Simon's before the storm
burst; but old Morris, knowing that there
was no time for this, drove them with the
lash into the house, where they were hardly
secured when the storm broke, and turned
out to be one of the most terrible ever known
on the southern coast. Of our negroes not
a life was lost, though upwards of a hundred
were drowned from a neighbouring island,
who had rushed into their boats and tried to
reach the mainland. My grandfather, wishing
to reward Morris for his praiseworthy
conduct, offered him his freedom, which,
however, he declined, as he had a wife and
family on the island, and preferred remaining.
My grandfather then presented him with a
considerable sum of money and a silver
<pb id="leigh185" n="185"/>
goblet, on which was engraved the following
inscription:  -  </p>
            <lg>
              <l>TO MORRIS,</l>
              <lb/>
              <l>FROM</l>
              <lb/>
              <l>P. BUTLER,</l>
              <l>For his faithful, judicious, and spirited conduct in</l>
              <l>the hurricane of September 8, 1804, whereby</l>
              <l>the lives of more than 100 persons were,</l>
              <l>by Divine permission, saved.</l>
            </lg>
            <p>‘This passed to his son, also a superior
man, and from him to his grandson, Morris,
who possessed it at the time of his death.
He left no son to succeed him, but his
nephew, Sey, I think, promises to turn out
a worthy descendant.’</p>
            <p>This man, Sey, quite fulfilled my father's
expectations, and was soon placed in a
position of trust, from which he rose to be
my foreman, the post he now holds. My
sister and myself thought, therefore, that we
could not do better than choose his son to
be educated as a teacher, hoping that he
would inherit his father's good qualities,
moral and intellectual, and being glad to
<pb id="leigh186" n="186"/>
show our appreciation of his father in this
way. We accordingly sent him to a large
negro school or college in Philadelphia,
which was under the direction of the
Quakers, and in every way admirably
managed, except that unless all the students
were instructed for teachers, the course of
education, which comprised Greek and Latin,
algebra and trigonometry, was rather unsuited
to fit them for any manual labour by which
they might have to earn their bread. But
this fault would apply to all American
schools, I think, of this order. We made
arrangements that little Abraham should
lodge with the lady superintendent of the
school, and nothing could have been more
promising or more satisfactory than his start.</p>
            <p>For the first six months or year everything
went well, and he learnt fast. Then
the reports became less and less satisfactory,
until, at the end of the second year, we were
requested to remove him, as he was incorrigibly
bad  -  had broken open the teacher's
<pb id="leigh187" n="187"/>
desk, and climbed over the wall and in at
the window of the school-house to steal, and
otherwise so misbehaved himself as to make
it impossible for them to keep him. I was
dreadfully sorry to have to break this news
to Sey, and I told him as gently as I could,
but he felt the disgrace of having his son
returned to him under such circumstances
most keenly.</p>
            <p>The lad returned to the plantation, and
his father at once set him to work in the
field; but time after time he ran off, twice
stealing his father's money, until at last Sey
begged that his name might be struck from
off the books, as he himself would no longer
have anything to do with him. Of course I
don't pretend to say that having him educated
was the entire cause of his turning out so
badly, but I do believe that, had we never
taken him from the South, and he had
grown up under his father's severe and high
standard of right, he would probably have
turned out very differently. I think most likely
<pb id="leigh188" n="188"/>
that he was taught and encouraged in his
bad ways by the town boys, who, finding him
on his first arrival a simple and easy tool to
manage, made a cat's-paw of him; for, as I
told his teacher, he certainly did not learn to
climb walls and break in windows on the
plantation, for there were no walls to climb
or windows to break open there.</p>
            <p>Last winter, when my husband returned
to the South for a short time, he found
Abraham there again, at work under his
father once more, having been to the North
and elsewhere to look for work, but without
success. I fear, however, that he was not
much improved, from a story my husband
told me of him. He said he was standing
near the mill one day, where all the people
were at work, when he saw several of the
negroes running towards him, crying out,
‘Crazy man!’ ‘crazy man!’ and perceived
that Abraham  -  now grown into a powerful,
large man  -  was rushing after them, brandishing
an axe. He was followed by his father,
<pb id="leigh189" n="189"/>
who was trying to disarm him, but whenever
he approached near, Abraham threatened to
brain him, so Sey could not get at him. He
rushed past Mr. Leigh and into the mill,
where the terrified women and children at
work scattered in all directions; then, going
out on the wharf and throwing his arms up,
made a tragical speech and prepared to jump
into the river. This my husband at once
called to his father and the others to let him
do, and when he had taken the wild plunge,
had him pulled into a boat, brought in,
rubbed down, put to bed, and left to recover,
which he did after a long sleep, being apparently
quite well the next day. Sey's explanation
was that he had trouble in his head,
and had been like this before; but whether
he really did not know, or was ashamed to
confess, that his son had been drinking, I do
not know, but I believe that was undoubtedly
the case.</p>
            <p>There was another half-descendant of old
Morris  -  a son of a daughter of his by a
<pb id="leigh190" n="190"/>
white man whom she had met while in the
interior during the war. Whatever became
of the father is not known, as is usually the
case in such instances, and the mother dying
before the end of the war, old Morris took
the little boy and his sister (whose father had
undoubtedly been black, for she was as
black as a little coal, while Dan, the boy,
showed his white blood very plainly, and was
extremely pretty), and it was with Morris's
widow, old Cinda, that I found the two
children living when I first took charge of
the place, my father having allowed all three
rations. My husband, who opened a night
school the first year of our return after our
marriage, soon picked Dan out as a favourite
and begged me to give him employment
about the house, which I did. I then took
him to the North for the summer, and finally
brought him to England. Having when I
first married brought over a negro servant
who gave me a good deal of trouble, although
perhaps he was hardly to be blamed
<pb id="leigh191" n="191"/>
for having his head turned, considering how
much all the English maid-servants preferred
him to a white man, and that my lady's
maid finally preferred to marry him  -  a penchant
I could neither understand nor sympathise with  -  
I had declared I would never
bring another negro over; but the desire to
have one of my own people about me, Dan's
youth, and my fondness for the boy, prevailed,
and I brought him. He was made
the greatest pet by everyone  -  his pretty
face, gentle voice, and extreme civility making
everyone his friend. The butlers at all the
large houses I took him to said he was worth
a dozen white boys. My own cook, who
was old enough to be his mother, kept all
the tit-bits and nice morsels for him, all the
women servants spoilt and petted him, and I
foresaw that very soon he would be utterly
ruined, as no one kept him up to his work,
and everyone let him do pretty much as he
pleased.</p>
            <p>I was therefore greatly surprised to have
<pb id="leigh192" n="192"/>
him come to me one day and say he wished
to be sent home, as he did not like his life in
England; the work was too hard. I had been
scolding him for some neglect of duty the
day before, and supposed he was a little put
out and would soon get over it, as his work
was certainly not hard, although it was of
course regular, a thing I am sure a negro
finds more irksome than anything else, as
they seem to require at least half the day to
lounge. Dan, however, never altered his
desire, although I spoke to him several times
about it, and after being over two years in
England, not only well fed and clothed, but
petted and spoilt, he returned to the plantation
last winter. The boy had so much good
in him and was so clever, besides having had
such advantages, that I could not bear to let
him go back to the South just to run wild
and go to the bad, so I had a serious talk
with him before he left, and made him promise
that he would really take up some regular
trade, and as he chose carpentering, my
<pb id="leigh193" n="193"/>
husband, who took him out, apprenticed him
to our head carpenter, and I have hopes of
his turning out well yet. But why he preferred
returning to his rough and uncomfortable
plantation life after having lived on
the fat of the land in England, I never have
understood, unless it be that the restraints of
civilised life and regular habits were irksome
and disagreeable to him.</p>
            <p>Meanwhile the winter wore on, the last I
was ever to spend on the place as mistress,
or rather supreme dictator, whose acts had
hitherto been controlled by neither master
nor partner. My last letter written before
leaving is as follows:  -  </p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="letter">
            <opener>
              <dateline>Butler's Island: March 1871.</dateline>
            </opener>
            <p>Dearest M  -  , My little place never
looked so lovely, and the negroes are behaving
like angels, so that my heart is very sad at
the thought of leaving for although I suppose
I shall come back some day, it will not be for
some time, and no one knows what changes
may take place meanwhile, and notwithstanding
<pb id="leigh194" n="194"/>
all the trouble I have had I do love my
home and work here so dearly. I never
worked so hard as I have this winter, but never
has my work been so satisfactory. I wrote you
in my last how well my negroes were doing
under my management, and I find the news of
my success has spread far and wide. Everyone
on the river started before I did, yet now
I am far ahead of them all, being the only
planter on the river who was ready to plant
on the first tides. I began to feel a little
anxious, however, at the idea of leaving the
place entirely in charge of the negro captains
as the time for my departure drew near, and
so was greatly relieved when they came to me
a few weeks ago, and begged that I would
leave some one over them in my place when
I left, saying, ‘Missus, we must have a white
men to back us when you gone; de people
not mind what we say;’ which is one of the
many proofs of how incapable of self-government
these people are, and how dependent
upon the white race for support. I therefore
<pb id="leigh195" n="195"/>
looked out for an overseer to take charge of
the planting (Major D  -  acting only as
my financial manager), and have engaged a
Mr. S  -  , formerly an overseer at Altama, of
whom both Mr. C  -  and the other gentlemen
on the river who know him speak very
highly in every way. He has been here
about a week now, and so far has got on very
well with the negroes, who usually try all
sorts of pranks with a new-comer to see how
much they can make out of him. He told
Major D  -  yesterday that he was utterly
surprised at the condition of the place, as
never since the war had he seen one in such
good order, work so well done, and so orderly,
obedient, and civil a set of negroes.</p>
            <p>Dear M  -  , don't laugh at my boasting.
I have worked so hard and cared so much
about it, that it is more to me than I can
express to know that I have succeeded.
Major D  -  too has straightened out all the
accounts, so far as he can, of the past three
years, so that I now see exactly what money
<pb id="leigh196" n="196"/>
has been made and what spent, and although
I am not quite prepared to say that anyone
has cheated me, the reckless expenditure and
extravagance that has been going on, with
the absolute want of conscientious responsibility
shown by my agents, makes me ill to
think of. However, it is all over now, thank
goodness! and I can not only hope to at last
make something out of the place, but leave it
with a feeling of perfect security.</p>
            <p>My people had done so well that, feeling
inclined for a little amusement myself, I
thought I would reward them, and so gave
them a holiday one day last week, and got
up a boat race between my hands and Mr.
C  -  's, which was great fun. The river
was crowded with boats of all sizes and
shapes, in the midst of which lay the two
elegant little race boats, manned by six of my
men and six of the Altama negroes. Splendid
fellows all of them, wild with excitement and
showing every tooth in their heads, they were
on such a broad grin.</p>
            <pb id="leigh197" n="197"/>
            <p>Major W  -  , who was staying with me,
steered my boat, and Mr. C  -  the other,
Major D  -  acting as starting judge, and at
the crack of his pistol off they started, working
like men, perfectly cool and steady, rowing
down the river like the wind side by side,
until they were within a few hundred feet
of the wharf which was to be the goal, and
on which Mr. C  -  , his son, Mrs. C  -  ,
Admiral T  -  , and F  -  and I were all
assembled. Then my men made a mighty
effort and shot ahead, winning by about four
seconds. We had two races afterwards, one
of which we beat, so that out of the three
we won two. It was such fun, and I wish you
could have heard the negroes afterwards,
‘explaining matters.’</p>
            <p>To-day, a poor blind woman, whose eyes
F  -  and S  -  sometimes bathe, said to me,
‘Missus, when we meet in heaven, and dey
say to me, Tina, der's your missus, I not look
for your face, missus, for I not know dat, but
I shall look for your works, as I shall know
<pb id="leigh198" n="198"/>
dem.’ I was very much touched, indeed my
heart is altogether very sad, and full of love
for my poor people here, and I can't bear to
think that in two weeks I shall have left them
for so long. Good-bye.</p>
            <closer><salute>Yours affectionately,</salute>
<signed>F  -  .</signed></closer>
          </div3>
        </div2>
        <pb id="leigh199" n="199"/>
        <div2 type="chapter">
          <head>CHAPTER VII.
<lb/>
1871, 1872, AND 1873.
<lb/>
ABSENTEES  -  A NEW MASTER  -  WHITE LABOURERS  -  
<lb/>‘MASSA’  -  ‘LITTLE MISSUS’  -  NORTHERN
<lb/>IDEAS  -  CHURCH WORK  -  GOOD-BYE.</head>
          <p>IN May of the same year I sailed for Europe,
and in June was married. I remained in
England until the autumn of 1873, when we
returned to the United States. During the
interval the accounts that reached us from the
South were not satisfactory. The expenses,
it is true, were cut down to nearly one-half
what they had been before, and the negroes
gave but little trouble, but one overseer
turned out to be very incapable and entirely
wanting in energy, making no fresh improvements
and planting the same fields each
year that had been under cultivation since the
<pb id="leigh200" n="200"/>
war, letting all the rest of the place grow into a
complete wilderness. We also had a terrible loss
during our absence in the destruction by fire of our
mills and principal buildings. They were
undoubtedly set on fire by one of the negroes to
whom we had shown many and special favours,
which had only had the effect of spoiling him to
such an extent that he would not bear the slightest
contradiction or fault found with his work. He had
been reprimanded by the overseer and a dollar
deducted from his wages for some neglect in his
work, and this put him into such a passion that he
refused to take his wages at all and went off, saying
that it should cost us more than a dollar. This, and
the fact that he was seen about the mill the morning
of the fire, where he had no business to be, made
us feel pretty sure that he was the incendiary, and
although we never could prove it, it was a generally
accepted idea that he was the man.</p>
          <p>By this fire about fifteen thousand dollars'
<pb id="leigh201" n="201"/>
worth of property was destroyed, including all our
seed rice for the coming planting, and had it not
been for the efforts of the Irishmen who were at
work on the place, the dwelling-houses and other
buildings would have gone too. The sight of a large
fire seems to arouse the savage nature of the
negroes; they shout and yell and dance about like
fiends, and often become possessed by an
incendiary mania which results in a series of fires.
They never attempt to put it out, even if it is their
own property burning.</p>
          <p>Soon after this came the news that the teacher
I had left on the Island to train and educate the
people, not only intellectually but morally, had
turned out very badly, and had led one of my
nicest young servant girls astray which, with the
other disaster, so disheartened me as to make me
feel unable to struggle any longer against the fate
which seemed to frustrate all my efforts either to
improve the property or the condition of the
people, and I said I would do no more. My
<pb id="leigh202" n="202"/>
husband, however, took a more practical view
of the matter, and decided that as we could
not abandon the property altogether we must
go on working it, so he telegraphed the agent
to get estimates for a new mill and to buy
seed, and in fact to go on, which he did, and
in course of time a new mill was built and a
fresh crop planted.</p>
          <p>In the autumn of 1873 we determined to
return to America, and the agitation among
the agricultural labourers in England being
then at its height, I thought we might
advantageously avail ourselves of the rage
among them for emigration, to induce a few
to go out to Butler's Island and take the
place of our Irish labourers there. It seemed
a capital plan, but I did not know then what
poor stuff the English agricultural labourer
is made of as a general rule. Eight agreed
to go, and a contract was made with them for
three years, by which we bound ourselves to
send them back at the end of the time should
they desire to come, and have in the meantime
<pb id="leigh203" n="203"/>
fulfilled their part of the agreement;
the wages we agreed to give them were the
highest given in the United States, and
about three times higher than what they had
received at home. As we intended to stop
some little time at the North we shipped
them direct to the South, where they arrived
about a month before we did. On November
1 we followed, and I was most warmly
greeted by all the negroes, who at once
accepted my husband as ‘massa.’</p>
          <p>Our own people seemed pretty well
settled, and Major D  -  said gave but little
trouble, the greatest improvement being in
their acceptance of their wages every
Saturday night without the endless disputes
and arguments in which they used formerly
to indulge whenever they were paid. But
there were still a great many idle worthless
ones hanging about Darien, and when we
arrived the wharf was crowded with as dirty
and demoralised a looking lot of negroes as I
ever saw, and these gave the town a bad name.</p>
          <pb id="leigh204" n="204"/>
          <p>Our Englishmen we found settled in the
old hospital building which I had assigned to
them, and which had been unoccupied since
the school had been broken up, with the
exception of one room which the people still
used as their church. Besides this there
were three others, about twenty feet square,
nicely ceiled and plastered, into which I had
directed the Englishmen should be put, and
in <hi rend="italics">one</hi> of these we found them all, eight men
sleeping, eating, and living in the same
room, from preference. They had not made
the least effort to make themselves decently
comfortable, and were lying upon the floor
like dogs, although Major D  -  had advised
them to put up some bedsteads, offering the
carpenter of the party lumber for the purpose,
and an old negro woman to make them some
straw mattresses, giving them a week to get
things straight before they began their work.
Two of them fell ill soon after, and then we
insisted upon their dividing, half the number
using one sleeping room and the rest the
<pb id="leigh205" n="205"/>
other, keeping the third for a general living
room, kitchen,&amp;c, At first they seemed in
good spirits and well satisfied, but nothing
can describe their helplessness and want of
adaptability to the new and different circumstances
in which they found themselves.
They were like so many troublesome children,
and bothered me extremely by coming
to the house the whole time to ask for something
or other, until at last, one Saturday
evening when they came to know if I would
let them have a little coffee for Sunday, as
they had forgotten to buy any, the shop
being only half a mile distant across the
river, I flatly refused, and said they must
learn to take care of themselves. One was
afterwards very ill, and I really thought he
would die from want of heart, as from the
first moment he was taken ill he made up
his mind he should not recover, and I had
to nurse him like a baby, giving him his
medicine and food with my own hands, and
finally when he was really well, only weak,
<pb id="leigh206" n="206"/>
we had to insist upon his getting up and
trying to move about a little, or I think he
would have spent the rest of his life in bed.</p>
          <p>To make a long story short, they soon
began to get troublesome and discontented,
were constantly drunk, and shirked their
work so abominably, that our negro foreman
Sey begged that they might not be allowed
to work in the same fields with his negroes,
to whom they set so bad an example, by
leaving before their day's work was finished,
that they demoralized his gang completely,
and made them grumble at being obliged to
go on with their work after the ‘white men’
had left. So when the end of their second
year came we were most thankful to pay
their way back to England and get rid of
them. All left except one, who after starting
rather badly settled down and became a
useful hard-working man, and is still with
us as head ploughman, in which capacity he
works for about eight months of the year,
spending the other three or four on our
<pb id="leigh207" n="207"/>
deserted cotton place, as the unhealthiness of
the rice plantation prevents his remaining
there during the summer months. During
this time he plants a good vegetable garden
for himself, spends most of his time fishing,
and is taken care of by an old negro woman,
who he assured my husband worked harder
and was worth more than any white woman
he had ever seen. But I am afraid his
experience had been unfortunate, for he was
the only married man in the party we brought
out, and his being the only one who did not
wish to return made us suspect domestic
troubles might have had something to do
with his willingness to stay.</p>
          <p>We had for several years employed a
gang of Irish labourers to do the banking
and ditching on the Island, and although we
made no agreement with them about returning
in the spring when we dismissed them,
they came down each succeeding autumn,
taking the risk of either being engaged again
by us or by some of our neighbours, and
<pb id="leigh208" n="208"/>
hitherto we had always been ready to do so.
But the winter we first had our Englishmen
we decided not to have the additional heavy
expense of the Irishmen, and so told them
we did not want them. The result was that
they were very indignant with the Englishmen,
whom they regarded as usurpers and
interlopers, and whose heads they threatened
to break in consequence.</p>
          <p>Major D  -  , half in fun, said to them,
‘Why, you shouldn't hate them; you all come
from the same country.’ To which Pat indignantly
replied, ‘The same country, is it? Ah,
thin, jist you put them in the ditch along wid
us, and ye'll soon see if it's the same country
we come from.’ A test they were quite safe
in proposing, for the Englishmen certainly
could not hold a spade to them, and after
trying the latter in the ditch we were glad
enough to engage our Irishmen again, which
quite satisfied them, so that after that they
got on very well with their ‘fellow countrymen,’
only occasionally indulging in a little
<pb id="leigh209" n="209"/>
Irish wit at their expense. They certainly
were a very different lot of men, and while
the Englishmen were endless in their complaints,
wants, and need of assistance, the
Irishmen turned into a big barn at the upper
end of the plantation, got an old negro
woman to cook for them, worked well and
faithfully, were perfectly satisfied, and with
the exception of occasionally meeting them
going home from their work of an evening
when I was walking, I never should have
known they were on the place.</p>
          <p>I must record one act to their honour,
for which I shall ever feel grateful. Two
years after the one of which I am now writing
I was very ill on the plantation, and the white
woman I had taken from the North as cook
was lying dangerously ill at the same time, so
that the management and direction of everything
fell upon my nurse, an excellent Scotch-woman,
who found some difficulty in providing
for all the various wants of such a sick
household. The Irishmen hearing her say
<pb id="leigh210" n="210"/>
one day that she did not know where she
should get anything that I could eat, brought
her down some game they had shot for
themselves, and, being told that I liked it,
every Monday morning regularly, for the rest
of the winter, sent me in either hares, snipe,
or ducks by one of the servants, without
even waiting to be thanked, the game they
shot being what they themselves depended
upon for helping out their scanty larder.</p>
          <p>I felt a little anxious at first about the
effect such a new life and strange surroundings
might have upon my husband, for
although he had seen it before, it was a very
different matter merely looking at it from a
visitor's point of view, and returning to live
there as owner, when all the differences
between it and his life and home in England
would be so apparent. However, I soon
found that I need not be uneasy upon that
score, as he at once became deeply interested
in it, and set about learning all the details of
the work and peculiarities of both place and
<pb id="leigh211" n="211"/>
people, which he mastered in a wonderfully
short time, showing a quick appreciation of
the faults and mistakes in the previous system
of planting which he had followed since the
war, and which he very soon tried on an
entirely different plan. This was so successful
that in a year the yield from the place
was doubled and the whole plantation bore a
different aspect, much to the astonishment
of our neighbours, who could not understand
how an Englishman, and English parson at
that, who had never seen a rice field before
in his life, should suddenly become such a
good planter. The negroes, after trying
what sort of stuff he was made of, became
very devoted to him, and one of the old men,
after informing my sister some little time
afterwards how much they liked him and
how much good he had done them all, wound
up with ‘Miss Fanny (me) made a good
bargain dat time.’</p>
          <p>My husband wrote a number of letters to
England from the plantation during the time
<pb id="leigh212" n="212"/>
we remained there, which were published in a
little village magazine for the amusement of
the parishioners who knew him, and which I
think I cannot do better than add to this
account of mine, as they will show how everything
at the South struck the fresh and
<sic corr="unbiased">unbiassed</sic> mind of a foreigner who had no
traditions, no old associations, and no prejudices,
unless indeed unfavourable ones, to influence
him.</p>
          <p>After having spent the summer at the
North, we again returned to the plantation in
November, taking with us this time an addition
to the family in the shape of a little three-months-old
baby, who was received most
warmly by the negroes, and christened at
once ‘Little Missus,’ many of them telling
me, with grins of delight, how they remembered
me ‘just so big.’ I very soon found
that the arrival of ‘young missus’ had
advanced me to the questionable position of
‘old missus,’ to which however I soon became
reconciled when I found how tenderly ‘Little
<pb id="leigh213" n="213"/>
Missus’ was treated by all her devoted subjects.
Oddly enough, the black faces never
seemed to frighten her, and from the first she
willingly went to the sable arms stretched
out to take her. It was a pretty sight to see
the black nurse, with her shining ebony face,
surmounted by her bright-coloured turban,
holding the little delicate white figure up
among the branches of the orange trees to
let her catch the golden fruit in her tiny
hands; and the house was kept supplied
almost the whole winter with eggs and
chickens, brought as presents to ‘Little
Missus.’</p>
          <p>Another summer at the North and back
again to the South, from whence nothing but
good reports had reached us of both harvest
and people. Indeed our troubles of all sorts
seemed to be at an end, at least such as arose
from ‘reconstruction.’ It came in another
shape, however, and in January 1876 I was
taken very ill, and for five days lay at the
point of death, during which time the anxiety
<pb id="leigh214" n="214"/>
and affection shown by my negroes was most
profound, all work stopped, and the house was
besieged day and night by anxious inquirers.
My negro nurse lay on the floor outside my
door all night, and the morning I was pronounced
out of danger she rushed out, and
throwing up her arms, exclaimed, ‘My
missus'll get well; my missus'll get well! I
don't care what happens to me now.’ And
when at last I was able to get about once
more, the expressions of thankfulness that
greeted me on all sides were most touching.
One woman, meeting me on the bank, flung
herself full length on the ground, and catching
me round the knees, exclaimed, ‘Oh, tank de
Lord, he spared my missus.’ A man to whom
something was owing for some chickens
he had furnished to the house during my illness
refused to take any money for them,
saying when I wished to pay him, ‘No, dey
tell me de chickens was for my missus, and
I'se so glad she's got well I don't want no
money for dem.’ My dear people!</p>
          <pb id="leigh215" n="215"/>
          <p>Our poor old housekeeper, less fortunate
than myself, did not recover, but died just as
I was getting better, and in looking over her
letters after her death, in order to find out
where her friends lived, so as to let them
know of her death, I found to my astonishment
that she had been in terror of the
negroes from the first, and had a perfect
horror of them. Being so fond of them myself,
and feeling such entire confidence in
them as not even to lock the doors of the
house at night, it never occurred to me that
perhaps a New England woman, who had
never seen more than half-a-dozen negroes
together in her life, might be frightened at
finding herself surrounded by two or three
hundred, and it was only after her death that
I found from the letters written to her by
different friends at the North, in answer to
hers, what her state of mind had been. There
were such expressions as these: ‘I don't
wonder you are frightened and think you
hear stealthy steps going about the house at
<pb id="leigh216" n="216"/> 
night.’ ‘How horrible to be on the Island
with all those dreadful blacks.’ ‘The idea of
there being only you three white people on
the Island with two hundred blacks!’&amp;c.
She had apparently forgotten, in making her
statement, the eight Irish and six English
labourers who were living on the Island, but
still the negroes certainly did greatly outnumber
the whites, and could easily have
murdered us all had they been so inclined.
But there was not the least danger then,
whatever there might have been the first year
or two after the war, and even at that time I
never felt afraid, for had there been a general
negro insurrection, although my own negroes
would of course have joined it, there were
at least a dozen, I am sure, who would have
warned me to leave the place in time.</p>
          <p>My sister paid me a visit this winter  -  her
first to the South since the war, except in
1867, when she spent a month with us, but
on St. Simon's Island, where she saw little or
nothing of the negroes  -  and she was greatly
<pb id="leigh217" n="217"/>
struck with their whole condition and
demeanour, in which she said she could not
perceive that freedom had made any difference.
In answer to this I could only say
that if she had been at the South the first
three years after the war, she would have
seen a great change in their deportment, but
that since that they had gradually been
coming back to their senses and ‘their
manners.’</p>
          <p>This winter we had the pleasure of seeing
a very nice church started in Darien for the
negroes. For three years my husband had
been holding services for them regularly on
the Island in a large unoccupied room which
we had fitted as a chapel; but we found this
hardly large enough to accommodate outsiders,
and as many wished to attend who
were not our own people, we thought Darien
the best place for the church. While it was
being built, service was held in a large barn
or warehouse, which was kindly lent for
the purpose by a coloured man of considerable
<pb id="leigh218" n="218"/>
property and good standing in the community,
who although a staunch supporter
of the Presbyterian Church himself, was
liberal-minded enough to lend a helping hand
to his brethren of a different persuasion.</p>
          <p>The following extract from the report of
our Bishop came to me somewhat later:  -  </p>
          <p><hi rend="italics">April 9</hi>.  -  Held evening service, assisted
by the Rev. J. W. Leigh, of England, and
the Rev. Dr. Clute. Confirmed twenty-one
coloured persons, and addressed the candidates
in St. Philip's Mission Chapel, Butler's
Island. I desire publicly to express my
thanks to the Rev. Mr. Leigh, for the faithful
and efficient service he has rendered the
Church in Georgia during his stay in America.
He has trained the coloured people on Butler's
Island in the doctrines, and has brought to
bear upon them the elevating influence, of
the Church, with a thoroughness and kindness
which must, under God, be fraught with good
to those poor people who for so many years
<pb id="leigh219" n="219"/>
have been the victims of so-called religious excitements
and fancied religious experiences.</p>
          <p><hi rend="italics">April 11</hi>.  -  Held morning service, assisted
by the Rev. Dr. Clute. Preached, and confirmed
six in St. Andrew's, Darien. In the
afternoon I held service for coloured people
in Darien, assisted by the Rev. Dr. Clute,
who presented seven coloured candidates for
confirmation, and the Rev. Mr. Leigh, who
presented one. After confirmation I addressed
the candidates. In the evening I
held service in the Methodist Church,
assisted by the same brethren. Preached, and
confirmed three coloured persons in Darien.
The Church is taking a strong hold upon
the coloured people in Darien, as also upon
Butler's Island. The Rev. Dr. Clute had
twenty-eight candidates whom he expected
to present, but they were prevented from
coming by a storm.</p>
          <p>Also in the appendix is added the following
paragraph:  -  </p>
          <pb id="leigh220" n="220"/>
          <p>The Rev. the Hon. J. W. Leigh, M.A., reports
from Butler's Island that he has had fourteen
baptisms, twenty-two candidates confirmed,
twenty-nine communicants, and three marriages. It
is also announced that the frame of the Chapel (St.
Athanasius) for the coloured mission in Darien has
been erected, and will be enclosed as soon as
money can be obtained for the expense. The
confirmed, as well as many candidates who were
absent from the rite because of a rain-storm and
change of the day of appointment, have had no
opportunity to communicate.</p>
          <p>This winter was destined to be the last I was
to spend at the South, as my husband had made
up his mind finally to return to his own country to
live. Before leaving I had broken up my little
plantation establishment, selling the principal part
of the furniture, carpets, and so forth, and I
consider it a significant proof of the well-to-do
condition of the negroes, that the best and most
expensive
<pb id="leigh221" n="221"/>
things were bought and paid for on the spot by
negroes. The drawing-room carpet, a handsome
Brussels one, was bought by a rich coloured man
in Darien, the owner of a large timber mill there, a
man universally respected by everyone, and, if I
am not mistaken, who has for years held an
official position of some importance in Darien. He
was not a slave before the war, but owned slaves
himself.</p>
          <p>The following November my husband returned
to the plantation for a couple of months alone, in
order to settle up everything finally, before we
sailed in January for England. This was the winter
of the Presidential election, when our part of the
country was, like every other section, violently
agitated and excited by politics. But with us, while
of course everyone did the best he could for his
party, there was not the least ill-feeling between
the blacks and the whites, and the election passed
off without any trouble of any sort, which is a
noteworthy fact in itself,
<pb id="leigh222" n="222"/>
as our county is one of the two in Georgia
where the negroes outnumber the whites ten
to one, and in more than one instance a negro
was elected to office by the white democratic
votes.</p>
        </div2>
        <pb id="leigh223" n="223"/>
        <div2 type="chapter">
          <head>CHAPTER VIII.
<lb/>
1877, 1878, 1879.
<lb/>
 OVER THE WATER.</head>
          <div3 type="subchapter">
            <p>AND now I have come to these last three
years of my history, which are so much the
same, and marked by so few incidents, that a
few pages will suffice for them.</p>
            <p>In the autumn of 1877, not a year after
our return to England, our old friend and
agent Major D  -   died, and in many ways
his loss was an irreparable one to us, but
nothing showed the changed and improved
condition of the negroes more than the fact
that his death did not in the least unsettle
them, and that the work went steadily on
just the same. A few years before, a sort of
<pb id="leigh224" n="224"/>
panic would have seized them, and the idea
taken possession of them that a new man
would not pay them, or would work them
too hard, or make new rules,&amp;c,&amp;c., and it
would have been months before we got them
quieted and settled down again. But now,
although Major D  -  was much liked and
respected by them, as indeed he was by the
whole community, Northern man though
he was, and Northern soldier though he had
been, they knew that whoever was put in
his place would carry out the old rules, and
pay them their wages as regularly as before.</p>
            <p>In September of the year 1878 a terrible
storm visited the Southern coast. The hurricane
swept over the Island just in the
middle of the harvest, and quite half the crop
was entirely destroyed, and the rest injured.
What was saved was only rescued by the
most energetic and laborious efforts on the
part of the negroes, who did their utmost.
Day after day they did almost double their
usual task, several times working right
<pb id="leigh225" n="225"/>
through the night, and twice all Sunday;
cheerfully and willingly, not as men who
were working for wages, but as men whose
heart was in their work, and who felt their
interests to be the same as their employer's.</p>
            <p>Later on in the same year my husband
returned to the United States and revisited
the property, but finding everything working
well and satisfactorily, only remained about
six weeks.</p>
            <p>Our present manager is the son of a
former neighbour of ours, whom the negroes
have known from childhood, and to whose
control they willingly submit. In engaging
a person to manage such a property two
things are necessary: first, that he should be
a Southern man, because no one not brought
up with the negroes can understand their
peculiarities, and a Northern man, with every
desire to be just and kind, invariably fails
from not understanding their character.
Even Major D  -  felt this, although he had
been so long among them, and latterly never
<pb id="leigh226" n="226"/>
would take charge of any but the financial
part of the business. And secondly, the
person put over them must be a gentleman
born and bred, for they have the most
comical contempt for anyone they do not
consider ‘quite the thing,’ and they perceive
instinctively the difference. This I suppose
is a remnant of slave times, when there were
the masters, the slaves, and the poor white
class, regarded with utter contempt by the
negroes, who called them ‘poor white trash.’
To a gentleman's rule they will submit, but
to no other, and it is useless to put a person
holding an inferior social position over them.</p>
            <p>The only plantations near us which are
well and successfully worked, are managed
either by their old masters, or gentlemen
from the neighbourhood. We all pay wages
either weekly or monthly, finding that the
best plan now. It is far the easiest for ourselves,
as well as satisfactory to the negroes,
who can't think they are cheated when everything
is paid in full every Saturday night,
<pb id="leigh227" n="227"/>
nor can they forget in that short time what
days they have been absent or missed work.
I do not believe they put by one penny out
of their good wages, but they like to have a
little money always in hand to spend, and
much prefer this system of payments to a
share in the crop or to being paid in a lump
at the end of the year. I have tried all three
plans, and do not hesitate to say this is the
best. And so, with good management, good
wages paid regularly, and no outside interference,
there need be no trouble whatever
with Southern labour. But of the three I consider
outside interference by far the worst evil
Southern planters have to contend against.</p>
            <p>The negroes are so like children, so unreasoning
and easily influenced, that they are
led away by any promise that sounds fair, or
inducement which is offered. And although
I confidently assert that nowhere in the world
are agricultural labourers in a better condition,
or better paid, than our negroes, and
that though for twelve years they have been
<pb id="leigh228" n="228"/>
well paid, and never have known us to break
our promises to them, yet I am perfectly sure
that if anyone should visit Butler's Island to-morrow,
absolute stranger though he might
be, and promise the negroes houses, or land,
or riches in Kansas or in Timbuctoo, they
would leave us without a moment's hesitation,
or doubt in their new friend's trustworthiness,
just as my child might be tempted away from
me by any stranger who promised her a new
toy. Children they are in their nature and
character, and children they will remain until
the end of the chapter.</p>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="song">
            <lg type="stanza">
              <l>Oh, bruders, let us leave</l>
              <l>Dis buckra land for Hayti,</l>
              <l>Dah we be receive</l>
              <l>Grand as Lafayetty.</l>
              <l>Make a mighty show</l>
              <l>When we land from steamship,</l>
              <l>You'll be like Monro,</l>
              <l>Me like Lewis Philip.</l>
            </lg>
            <lg type="stanza">
              <l>O dat equal sod,</l>
              <l>Who not want to go-y,</l>
              <l>Dah we feel no rod,</l>
              <l>Dah we hab no foe-y,</l>
              <pb id="leigh229" n="229"/>
              <l>Dah we lib so fine,</l>
              <l>Dah hab coach and horsey,</l>
              <l>Ebbry day we dine,</l>
              <l>We hab tree, four coursey.</l>
            </lg>
            <lg type="stanza">
              <l>No more our son cry sweep,</l>
              <l>No more he play de lackey,</l>
              <l>No more our daughters weep,</l>
              <l>'Kase dey call dem blacky.</l>
              <l>No more dey servants be,</l>
              <l>No more dey scrub and cook-y,</l>
              <l>But ebbry day we'll see</l>
              <l>Dem read de novel book-y.</l>
            </lg>
            <lg type="stanza">
              <l>Dah we sure to make</l>
              <l>Our daughter de fine lady,</l>
              <l>Dat dey husbands take</l>
              <l>'Bove de common grady;</l>
              <l>And perhaps our son</l>
              <l>He rise in glory splendour,</l>
              <l>Be like Washington,</l>
              <l>His country's brave defender.’<ref targOrder="U" id="ref4" n="4" rend="sc" target="note4">1</ref></l>
            </lg>
          </div3>
          <div3 type="subchapter">
            <p>Put Kansas for Hayti, and 1879 for 1840,
and haven't we exactly the same story?</p>
            <note id="note4" n="4" rend="sc" anchored="yes" target="ref4">1.  This delightful song was composed somewhere about
1840, at the time of one of the Haytian revolutions, when the
negroes, imagining that they would have no more work to do,
but all be ladies and gentlemen, took the most absurd airs,
and went about calling themselves by all the different distinguished
names they had ever heard.</note>
          </div3>
        </div2>
        <pb id="leigh230" n="230"/>
        <div2 type="addenda">
          <head>ADDENDA.</head>
          <p>HAVING written the foregoing pages some
years ago, and having just returned from
another visit to the South, after an absence of
six years, I cannot refrain from adding a few
words with regard to the condition of the
negroes now and formerly, and their own
manner of speaking of their condition as
slaves. The question whether slavery is or
is not a moral wrong I do not wish or intend
to discuss; but in urging the injustice of
requiring labour from people to whom no
wages were paid, which was formerly one of
the charges brought against the masters, it
seems strange that wages were always
thought of as mere money payments, and the
<pb id="leigh231" n="231"/>
fact that the negroes were fed, clothed, and
housed at their masters' expense was never
taken into account as wages, although often
taking more money out of the owner's pocket
than if the ordinary labourers' wages had
been paid in hard money. Besides these
items, a doctor's services were furnished, one
being paid a certain yearly salary for visiting
the plantation, three times a week I think it
was, and of course all medicines were given
to them free of charge. They were, besides,
allowed to raise poultry to sell, and chickens,
eggs, and the pretty baskets they used to
make often brought the industrious ones in
a nice little income of their own. At Christmas
all the head men received a present of
money, some being as high as ten pounds,
and every deserving negro was similarly
rewarded.</p>
          <p>These facts I learned accidentally in looking
over the old plantation books which fell
into my hands about a year ago. I also found
from old letters how particular the owners
<pb id="leigh232" n="232"/>
always were to have the best goods furnished
for the people's clothing. The winter
material was a heavy <sic corr="woolen">woollen</sic> cloth called
Welsh plains, which was imported from
England, and many of the letters contained
apologies and explanations from the Liverpool
firm who furnished the goods about the
quality, which had evidently been found fault
with. The character of the goods was also
confirmed by the testimony of the negroes
themselves, my housemaid saying one day
<hi rend="italics"><foreign lang="fr">à propos</foreign></hi> of the heavy blankets on my bed,
‘Ah, in de old time we hab blankets like dese
gib to us, but now we can only buy such poor
ones dey no good at all;’ and another, not
one of our people, meeting us in a shop in
Darien, turned from the rather flimsy cloth
he was bargaining for, and taking hold of the
dark blue tweed of my husband's coat, said,
‘Sar, ware you git dis stuff? We used to git
dis kind before the war, but now we neber
sees it.’</p>
          <p>Two extracts from letters written by
<pb id="leigh233" n="233"/>
former agents to my great-uncle about the
negroes bear such strong testimony to the
way in which the slaves were thought of,
spoken of, and treated ‘in de old time,’ that
I cannot resist copying them, especially
as it was with a feeling of real pleasure
that I read them myself. One was written in
1827 and the other in 1828.</p>
          <p>In the first the overseer writes: ‘I killed
twenty-eight head of beef for the people's
Christmas dinner. I can do more with them in
this way than if all the hides of the cattle were
made into lashes!’ In the other he says, ‘You
justly observe that if punishment is in one
hand, reward should be in the other. There
is but one way of managing negroes, particularly
with so large a gang as I have to do
with, and many of them in point of intellect
far superior to the mass of common whites
about us. A faithful distribution of rewards
and punishments, and different modes of
punishment; not always resorting to the last,
but confinement at home, cutting short some
<pb id="leigh234" n="234"/>
privilege, and never inflicting punishment
without regular trial. We save many tons of
rice by giving one to each driver; it makes
them active and watchful.’</p>
          <p>So much for their treatment as slaves,
and surely food, clothing, medicine and medical
attendance, to say nothing of the twenty-eight
head of beef killed for their Christmas
dinner, might justly be regarded as wages or
an equivalent for their labour. It is quite
true they were not free to leave the place
or choose their masters, but, until a very few
years ago, were the majority of English labourers
able to change their places or better
their condition? Far less well off in point of
food, clothing, and houses, the low wages and
large families of the English labourer tied him
to the soil as effectually as ever slavery did the
negroes; and I doubt our slaves being willing
to change places with the free English
labourer of those days, had the change been
offered him.</p>
          <p>Now with regard to their own views
<pb id="leigh235" n="235"/>
regarding their condition. They were always
represented, and supposed to be by the
Abolitionists, as pining for freedom, thirsting
for education, and breaking their hearts over
ill-treatment, separation from their children,
and so on. Now in answer to this, which
still stands as a reproach against those who
ever owned slaves, I give one or two stories
from the lips of the negroes themselves, and
also a few facts of the present state of things
<hi rend="italics">twenty</hi> years after the emancipation of the
slaves.</p>
          <p>One of our former drivers was robbed by
one of the other negroes of two hundred
dollars he had laid by, and in speaking of
it he said with a sigh, ‘Ah, missus, in de ole
time de people work all day and sleep all
night, and hab no time for 'teal;’ evidently
thinking that state better than the present
condition of freedom to be idle, and its
natural consequence, dishonesty. Another
poor old man, who had had his house burnt
down and lost all his little savings, chickens,
<pb id="leigh236" n="236"/>
and pigs, happened to mention that his wife
had died shortly before. I had not heard it,
and told him so, expressing my sorrow at the
same time. ‘You didn't know it, missus!’
said the old man, in a tone of indignant surprise.
‘Ah, tings different now from de ole
times; den if any of de people die, de oberseer
hab to write to Massa John or Massa
Peirce, and tell 'em so-and-so's dead, but now
de people die and dey buried, and nobody
know noting about it.’ Another amused
me very much by regretting that he was no
longer allowed to correct the young people
indiscriminately, and said that formerly if you
‘flogged de children de parents much obliged
to you, but now de young people 'lowed to
grow up wid no principle.’</p>
          <p>One old man, who had been sold many
years ago, had found his way back after all
this time to the old home, and was full of affectionate
gratitude at being allowed once more
to see us. When I said,  ‘I hope you found
some of your own people left, Bristol,’ he said,
<pb id="leigh237" n="237"/>
‘I not come to see dem, missus, I come to
see my ole massa's family, and it rejoiced my
heart to see you and dear little missus.’</p>
          <p>These it may be said are the old people,
but I found the young ones had just the
same feeling of belonging to the same place
and family as their fathers, constantly saying,
when I met them off the place and did not
recognise them, ‘We your people, missus;’
and these, many of them, were not even born
in slavery, and were not working for us now.</p>
          <p>So much for their own feeling as regards
their past condition of servitude. I don't
for one moment pretend that they would
willingly return to slavery, any more than
we would have them slaves again, but I
merely give these instances to show that
they did not suffer under the system or
regard it with the horror they were supposed
to do by all the advocates of abolition.</p>
          <p>Now for their present moral, physical,
and intellectual condition, their own people
will tell you of each other, that they will not
<pb id="leigh238" n="238"/>
only steal money when they get the chance,
but their neighbours' poultry, and in fact
nearly all they can lay their hands on. Yet
before the war absolute confidence was
placed in their trustworthiness, and that we
were justified in so doing will be seen by
some stories I have told in the foregoing
pages, of their faithful guardianship of our
property, and even money, during the trying
war times.</p>
          <p>Formerly, the race was a most prolific
one, and ten or fifteen children a common
number to a family; now two or three seem
to be the usual allowance, and many of the
young women at whose weddings I had
assisted ten years or so ago, in answer to
my question, ‘Have you any children?’ would
answer, ‘I had’ one, two, or three, as the
case might be, ‘but dey all dead.’ Always
inclined to be immoral, they have now
thrown all semblance of chastity to the
winds, and when I said to my old nurse
how shocked and grieved I was to find how
<pb id="leigh239" n="239"/>
ill-conducted the young girls were, so much
worse than they used to be, she said, ‘Missus,
dere not one decent gal left in de place.’
Their thirst for knowledge, which made
young and old go to school as soon as the
war was over, seems to have been quenched
entirely, for, with one or two laudable exceptions,
no one sends even their children to
school now, and soon we shall have to introduce
compulsory education. The only two
negroes on the place who can write and add
up accounts are the one we had educated at
the North, and the one we had in England
for three years. And yet it is twenty years
since they were freed, and have been their
own masters.</p>
          <p>What has become of their longing for
better things, and what is to become of them,
poor people, ignorant and degraded as they
are, and, so far as one can see, becoming
more and more so? As far as the masters
are concerned, they are far better off  -  relieved
from the terrible load of responsibility
<pb id="leigh240" n="240"/>
which slavery entailed, and I have
always been thankful that before the property
came into my hands, the slaves were
freed. But for the negroes, I cannot help
thinking things are worse than when they
were disciplined and controlled by a superior
race, notwithstanding the drawbacks to the
system, and, in some cases, grave abuses
attending it. If slavery made a Legree, it
also made an Uncle Tom.</p>
        </div2>
      </div1>
    </body>
    <back>
      <pb id="leigh241" n="241"/>
      <div1 type="appendix">
        <head>APPENDIX.</head>
        <div2 type="section">
          <head>NO. 1.
<lb/>
OUR ISLAND HOME.</head>
          <opener>
            <dateline>Butler's Island, Georgia.</dateline>
          </opener>
          <p>Dear E  -  , I feel anxious to tell you, as
you no doubt also will be ready to learn,
something concerning our island home in
the South. Here we are then, safely settled
down on a rice plantation in Georgia, about
4,000 miles away from our friends on your
side of the water, and yet hearing every day
the same language spoken, although it must
be confessed in a very peculiar and hardly intelligible
manner, by our sable brethren (I
believe ‘brethren' is the proper term in these
free and enlightened days).</p>
          <pb id="leigh242" n="242"/>
          <p>I am monarch of all I survey, which is an island
of about 1,600 acres, surrounded by a muddy-
looking river, called by the romantic-sounding
Indian name of the Altamaha. How far prettier
these Indian names are than our Anglo-Saxon.
Take for instance, Chicago, Indiana, Ogeechee,
Cincinnati, Omaha,&amp;c.; and what a pity they did
not in every case retain the old names, and call
New York Manhattan, which it really is.</p>
          <p>Our castle is a neat but not gaudy little frame
house, with a piazza in front of it, from which you
descend by six steps into a garden, or rather small
grove of orange trees, palmettoes, oleanders, and
roses. The first-named are laden with golden fruit,
of a quality unsurpassed anywhere in the world, I
am bold to say, for size and sweetness. We are
hard at work now packing them up for market,
and shall have over 100 barrels for sale. The
interior of the mansion is in accordance with its
modest exterior; a small dining-room, a small
drawing-room,
<pb id="leigh243" n="243"/>
a very small office or study, a small hall, a
pantry, and two comfortable bedrooms on the
ground-floor, and two more comfortable
bedrooms over the dining and drawing-rooms. At
the rear of the house about twelve yards, is what is
called the colony, where are situated the kitchen,
servants' sitting-room and bedrooms, the laundry
and dairy, and in a corner of the yard is a turkey-house,
full of prime Christmas fowl. Behind the
colony is Settlement No. 1, where the coloured
people (I believe this also is the correct term)
reside. It consists of an avenue of orange trees, on
each side of which are rows of wooden houses,
and at the end of which, facing the avenue, is what
was the old hospital, but which is now half of it the
church and the other half the residence of our
English labourers, eight in number. Immediately in
front of our garden is the Altamaha river, with the
landing-place for the boats, and from which all the
water-supply is drawn. On the left of us
<pb id="leigh244" n="244"/>
is the overseer's house, a larger and more
imposing edifice, although not so comfortable
as ours. On the right are the barns and the
new threshing mill and engine, which are very
nearly finished, and present a magnificent
appearance from the river. The old mill,
with all the valuable machinery, was burnt
down a year ago. The rest of the Island consists
of rice-fields, of which about 1,000 acres
are under cultivation or cultivable, some
marsh land covered with thick bamboo and
reeds, in which the wild duck do congregate,
and some scrubby brushwood; also Settlements Nos.
2 and 3, an old, rickety, but very
large barn, a ruined mill, a ruined sugar-house.
Of the rice plantation and method of cultivating
it, I shall hope to write at some future
time when I know more about it. I shall
also reserve my account of the liberated
negro until I know more of him. I fear,
however, that further acquaintance with that
much-abused, and at the same time much
over-rated specimen of humanity, will not
<pb id="leigh245" n="245"/>
tend to raise him much in my estimation.
At present I have plenty to tell you about.</p>
          <p>And first I must say something about
our Church Services. Last Sunday we met,
at 11 A.M., in the room which has for some
years been used as the Chapel for the
negroes, but which is small and not ornamented.
I have in my eye a very good-sized
room at the overseer's house, which I
think I can make into quite a nice little
Chapel. However, for the present we have
to do with the little chamber at the old hospital,
and here, on Sunday, I read through
the service, and spoke to them on the subject
of the Gospel for the day, viz., the
miraculous feeding of the multitude with the
loaves and fishes. I try and speak to them
in as simple language as I can, as I fear they
(the negroes) are very ignorant, although
they have a minister of their own, and services
twice a week. Concerning their religion
and services I shall tell you more when
I write to you on the subject of the negro.
<pb id="leigh246" n="246"/>
I found them very attentive, and we sang the
Old Hundredth and another hymn out of the
American Hymnal, which had been taught
them. Sunday afternoon, at three P.M., I had
school for the children, but which was also attended
by quite old people. We commenced
by singing, then I said a few prayers, next I
heard the children the Catechism and explained
it to them, and after closing with
hymns and prayers, we commenced practicing
chants and hymns. They are very quick at
learning tunes, and I think in time we shall
get a fair choir. Fancy a choir of small
frizzle-headed little niggers in white surplices!
We shall have to have a regular
little church built first before we get to that.
They have their own service in the evening.</p>
          <p>I intend, as soon as we are quite settled
down, to start a night school for them twice a
week. Now I must tell you about a wedding
which I performed last Saturday. The
bridegroom was a grandfather, the bride a
grandmother, both very respectable people.
<pb id="leigh247" n="247"/>
The hour appointed was nine in the evening.
(It is quite the custom to be married in the
evening all through the United States.) The
little Chapel was crowded by a well-behaved
congregation of blackies. The bride, although
having reached years of discretion and
having gone through the ceremony before,
was as bashful and coy as blushing seventeen.
She was literally supported by her bridesmaid
(a lady of about the same age), who clutched
her hard by the arm as if she was afraid she
might escape. The bride's dress was simple
and neat  -  a white apron over a stuff gown,
and a white turban on, and white cotton gloves
on her hands, one of which held a white handkerchief,
folded in the form of a fan or dinner
napkin in front of her face, to hide, I suppose,
her blushes, if indeed she could have shown
them on her jet-black face. The groom was
dressed in a sober suit of black with a blue
kerchief. When I put the all-important
question, ‘Chatham, wilt thou have this
woman to thy wedded wife?’&amp;c., the answer
<pb id="leigh248" n="248"/>
was promptly given, ‘I will, massa, I will:’
and when I asked ‘Who giveth this woman
to be married to this man?’ the father of the
Island, old Angus, spoke out boldly, ‘I do,
massa, with all my heart.’ The behaviour of
all, however, was reverent throughout, more
so than on another occasion, three or four
years ago, when the old black preacher came
over from another island to marry a couple,
and was requested by their mistress to use
the Prayer Book Service, which (although he
was able to read) he did <hi rend="italics">not</hi> understand.
Consequently, he would read through all the
Rubrics, and was going on through the
Service for Visitation of the Sick, when he
was judiciously stopped.</p>
          <closer>
            <signed>J.W.L.</signed>
          </closer>
        </div2>
        <pb id="leigh249" n="249"/>
        <div2 type="section">
          <head>NO. 2.
<lb/>
OUR HARVEST HOME.</head>
          <p>Dear E  -  ,  - The 28th of November,
1873, will be likely to be long remembered by
the inhabitants of Butler's Island, Georgia.
Thursday, the 27th, was the day appointed
by the President as the annual Thanksgiving
Day, to be observed throughout the States;
and here let me observe by the way, that it
would be well if our civil and ecclesiastical
authorities in England would follow the
example of America in this, and have one
special day set apart for thanksgiving to the
Almighty for the ingathering of the fruits
of the earth. In the American Prayer Book
there is moreover a Form of Prayer and
Thanksgiving, to be used yearly on this
occasion. Well, as I have said, the 27th
was the day appointed, and we had made
every preparation for the due observance of
<pb id="leigh250" n="250"/>
that day, but the elements were unpropitious.
The rain fell in torrents, and when it does rain
here, which is not often, it comes down in real
earnest, and so we were forced to put off our
festival to the 28th, and were well rewarded
by doing so, as the sun once more shone
brightly, and the wind, which had been so
boisterous, sobered down, and the air was
fresh and balmy. At twelve o'clock we
assembled in the small room which does
duty for our church, which was decorated
with illuminated texts and branches of
palmetto, red cedar, and other evergreens,
while from the centre of the room was
suspended a big orange branch, laden with
the ripe fruit. The room was as full as it
could hold of negroes, amongst whom here
and there were a few white faces, the Englishmen
we had brought with us, and the old
doctor from the neighbouring town, being
among the latter. The hymns selected were
the Old Hundredth, and the Harvest Hymn,
No. 224, from Hymns Ancient and Modern,
<pb id="leigh251" n="251"/>
which were heartily sung by our youthful
black choir, all the people joining in the last
two lines of the hymn  -  </p>
          <lg type="verse">
            <l>For his mercies still endure,</l>
            <l>Ever faithful, ever sure.</l>
          </lg>
          <p>At the close of the service I delivered a
short address on the object of our gathering,
and the necessity of preparing ourselves for
the great harvest at the end of the world,
Deut. viii. 10, 11. Service ended, we marched
in procession to the new barn, a youthful
black leading the van with a banner (which I
had brought with me from England), on
which were inscribed the words, ‘The Lord
of the Harvest.’ Behind the banner-bearer
I walked, and then the three black captains
or foremen of the gangs. After which, the
men two and two; and then the women,
dressed in Sunday best, and with picturesque
turbans on their heads.</p>
          <p>The barn which was to be the banqueting
hall for the occasion is a large building
which has only just been completed, and
<pb id="leigh252" n="252"/>
which consists of two storeys, each 60 feet
long by 25 broad. The feast was to take
place in the upper storey, and here great
preparations had been made in the way of
decorations. The walls were draped round
with old curtains, on which were texts and
mottoes. On one side, in large letters formed
of orange leaves, was ‘Praise ye the Lord of
the Harvest,’ on the other side, ‘Welcome
to our Home,’ and ‘The Lord bless our
Home.’ Along the base of the wall was the
fringe formed of the graceful fan-like palmetto,
whilst stars formed of the same plant were
fixed on each side of the texts. The cedar,
the cypress, the orange, the hickory, and
other evergreens were also brought into
requisition, whilst suspended from the topmost
beams of the hall were the Union Jack of
Old England, and the Stars and Stripes of
America, below which hung large bunches of
oranges and ears of rice, representing the
produce of the Island. About one hundred
coloured people sat down to a substantial
<pb id="leigh253" n="253"/>
repast, consisting of stewed oysters, sweet
potatoes, rice, rounds of beef, ham, bacon,
hominy, oranges, and coffee, and it is needless
to say that they did ample justice to the
good things that were set before them. There
were no toasts after dinner, as the fashion
of toast-giving has not yet reached this part
of the world, and probably would not have
been understood by the sable guests. Dinner
ended, we had, by way of sports, some
excellent boat and canoe races along the
broad river Altamaha, which flows at the
foot of the barn. The way these negroes
manage their small vessels is remarkable.
The canoes are cut out of a single log of
cypress, and each nigger ‘paddles his own
canoe’ with great dexterity, using his paddle
first on one side then on the other. The
spectators were greatly excited, and ‘Quash
wins’ was heard on all sides, as the young,
good-looking, dark-skinned carpenter shot
past, showing his pearly teeth under his black
moustache. The regatta ended, it was nearly
<pb id="leigh254" n="254"/>
dark, but the young people requested that they
might shout for the new barn. This was not done,
as you might be led to suppose, by loud
hurrahs  -  much more systematic than that. The girls
and boys assembled in the upper storey where we
had feasted, and, having formed in a circle,
commenced dancing or rather shaming round (as
they do not lift the heel), each one following close
behind the other, and all singing as they danced a
sort of dirge or hymn. As they continued they got
louder in their song and more shuffling in their gait.
It was curious, but not elegant. I cannot help
thinking it is a remnant of their old country, as I
have seen in Egypt a very similar performance,
only rather more heathenish. Having finished their
shouting, they returned peacefully to their homes,
and so ended the first Harvest Festival celebrated
 on Butlers Island.</p>
          <closer>
            <signed> J. W. L.</signed>
          </closer>
        </div2>
        <pb id="leigh255" n="255"/>
        <div2 type="section">
          <head>NO. 3.
<lb/>
CHRISTMAS SHOPPING DOWN SOUTH.</head>
          <p>Dear E -  , -  Christmas shopping down South is
a very different matter from shopping at the
fashionable Spa within two miles of your house,
and finding there everything necessary for your
Christmas wants. Savannah is our Leamington, and
is about 100 miles distant. Now, if we had the
express trains of the Great Western Railway or
London and North Western Railway close by, we
might, at slight risk in these days to our necks, do it
comfortably in three hours' time. As it is, however,
the time occupied in getting to our shopping town is
about eighteen hours, either by land or water,
provided, that is, that the steamboats do not get
stranded on a sandbank, or the trains do not break
down in a swamp. Having several purchases to
make in the way of knicknacks
<pb id="leigh256" n="256"/>
for our Christmas tree, green vegetables for
our Christmas dinner, mules for our ploughs;
and, moreover, having to see after all our
goods, which had just arrived at Savannah
by the steamer ‘Darien,’ after being three
months on the road, it was determined that
I should set out for the city of Savannah, and
the account of my journey to and fro is what
I purpose now to give you. I was fortunate
enough to get a passage in the steamer of our
rice factor, Major W  -  , who had come down
partly on a pleasure trip and partly to get a
load of rice, and who had on board with him
the Bishop of the Diocese, a colonel, a naval
captain, and a planter, all of whom, together
with your humble servant, slept in a row
on the floor of the saloon or cabin, which
measured about 18ft. by 12ft. Well, it was
arranged I should meet the steamer at 7 P.M.
in the evening at Darien, and I accordingly
rowed over there, but after waiting for two
hours, neither seeing nor hearing anything of
her, and supposing that she had either altered
<pb id="leigh257" n="257"/>
her course or was high and dry on a sandbank,
I returned home again. I had not,
however, been at home more than half an
hour before I heard the whistle of the steamer
in the distance, and immediately ordered the
boat out with two fresh rowers, and set off as
fast as we could go for Darien. Here I found
her taking in fuel, and received a hearty
welcome from all on board. After two hours'
delay at Darien, we started about the middle
of the night up the winding course of the
river, and through the treacherous Romiley
Marsh, where you can, in places, touch both
shores of the land with a long pole. We
arrived at Savannah without any mishap after
twenty-four hours' journey, not reckoning the
time I had to wait at Darien.</p>
          <p>At Savannah I was hospitably entertained
by my friend Mr. L., whose house I
well remembered, from having received great
hospitality there four years ago; the beautiful
garden of camelias was full of bloom, just
as it was when I last visited it. Having
<pb id="leigh258" n="258"/>
accomplished my commissions, bought mules
and ploughs, and had a long interview with
the very troublesome Custom-house officers,
and having, moreover, recovered my dear
old retriever ‘Toby,’ who had been a passenger
on board the steamer ‘Darien,’ and
had made great friends with all the officers
and crew, I thought I would try going home
by rail, so I started at four P.M. on Tuesday
for the station, or depot (as it is called in
this country), of the Atlantic Gulf R. R.
Here I took a ticket for Jessup, a junction
on the road, where I had to change on to
the Brunswick and Albany R. R., and took
ticket for No. 1, which I reached at ten P.M.
I was assured by a gentleman on board the
cars (whom afterwards I found to be an interested
party) that I should find excellent
accommodation at No. 1; but No. 1 proved
not to be quite A1. It was situated in the
middle of the pine forest, which stretches
away inland for thousands of miles. A few
wooden shanties belonging to the negroes
<pb id="leigh259" n="259"/>
showed that it <hi rend="italics">was</hi> inhabited. To one of
these shanties we, <hi rend="italics">i.e.</hi>, three fellow-passengers
(who had been beguiled into stopping there
by our accommodating friend) and self, were
guided by a small darkey with a lantern.
We found the wooden erection was a store,
where rice, potatoes, corn, calico, and
whisky were dealt out to the negroes who
inhabited those parts. The store was full of
these gentry making their purchases, and
enjoying themselves with dancing and singing
to the tune of a fiddle. A large log fire
burnt at one end of the store, and round
this we gathered, waiting to be shown to our
apartments for the night. After about an
hour had elapsed, a boy came with a light to
show us the way; he first led us outside the
house, and then up a ladder which seemed
to lead to a hayloft, but which really led to two
roughly boarded rooms, not any better than
lofts, which were supplied with beds, and not
a single other article of furniture, the washing
apparatus (which consisted of one small tin
<pb id="leigh260" n="260"/>
basin) being placed in the passage between
the two rooms. Being an old traveller and
well acquainted with the customs of the
country, I immediately took possession of
the smallest room, and took my dog ‘Toby’
in with me, thus effectually guarding against
any other companion in my room. The
other chamber, which was a large one with
two beds, I left to my three fellow-travellers.
This may have appeared selfish; but <hi rend="italics"><foreign lang="fr">chacun
pour soi</foreign></hi> it is my motto when travelling in
unknown regions and with unknown friends.
I found the bed comfortable, although the
room was roughly put together, the lights
from the store below shining through the
chinks of the floor, and the sounds of music
and revelry being very distinct. As I was
pretty well tired by my journey, however,
I soon went fast asleep, regardless of the
music below me or the letting off of fireworks
outside; and at six o'clock next morning was
up and got the first wash in the tin basin, after
which I knocked at my fellow-travellers' door
<pb id="leigh261" n="261"/>
and awakened them. After a substantial
breakfast of wild venison and eggs and
bacon, we set off in a two-horse vehicle
through the pine forest, to a place called
Hammersmith landing, about seven miles
distant, where we found a very small steamer
about the size of a fishing punt, waiting to
convey passengers to Darien, eight miles off.
As it had to pass the head of our Island, I
persuaded the captain and crew (who were
one and the same person), to land me at a
convenient spot, and after a walk of two
miles across the Island, I reached my house
at 11 A.M., having accomplished the return
journey in nineteen hours. I may add that
the results of my shopping were satisfactory,
and that the Christmas tree exhibited in the
new barn gave great delight to old and
young among the coloured inhabitants of
Butler's Island.</p>
        </div2>
        <pb id="leigh262" n="262"/>
        <div2 type="section">
          <head>NO. 4.
<lb/>
RICE-CULTIVATION.</head>
          <p>Dear E  -  ,  -  You would perhaps like to
know something about the cultivation of that
most useful of grains which forms the chief
staple of food for a vast number of people in
India and China, and through lack of which,
alas! so many of our fellow-subjects in the
Indian Empire are suffering so terribly. I
will therefore endeavour in this letter to give
you some idea of the way we cultivate rice
on Butler's Island. A plantation is not our
idea of a plantation in England, <hi rend="italics">i.e.</hi> a pleasant
grove of trees: and a rice plantation is certainly
not a particularly attractive-looking
place to the casual visitor, as the best land
for the purpose is the flattest, in order that
a plentiful supply of water may be flowed
upon it at different seasons of the year. It
consists for the most part of land redeemed
<pb id="leigh263" n="263"/>
from the pine marshes, and a great deal of
trouble it must have cost those bold pioneers
of civilization who originally undertook
the task. Forests had to be cut down,
marshes drained, and a high embankment
thrown up round the whole plantation, before
anything could be done. Like the inhabitants
of Holland, we depend upon our dykes
for our livelihood, and the chief expense in
connection with such property is keeping up
the banks and clearing the canals and drains
every year; if this were neglected for two or
three years, the plantation would relapse into
its original uncivilized state, and become
once more a desolate marsh, fit only for wild
duck, snipe, frogs, water snakes, and mud
turtle to live in. Hence the reason that, since
the war, owing to want of capital and labour,
much of the country in the Southern States
has returned to its normal condition, and
that whereas formerly, in six of the Southern
States, 186,000,000 bushels of rice were sent
to market, in 1870 only 72,000,000 were
<pb id="leigh264" n="264"/>
raised. The original planters having been
completely ruined by the war, the planting in
many cases has been carried on by negroes
on their own account in small patches. As
the Agricultural Commissioner, in his report,
has lately stated  -  ‘ The rice-planters were
driven from the Carolina and Georgia shores
during the war, labour was in a disorganised
and chaotic state, production had almost
ceased, and at its close, dams, flood-gates,
canals, mills, and houses were either dilapidated
or destroyed, and the power to compel
the labourers to go into the rice-swamps
utterly broken. The labourers had scattered,
gone into other businesses, and those obtainable
would only work for themselves on a share
contract. Many of the proprietors were dead,
and more absentees, and inexperienced men
from the North or elsewhere assumed their
places. The rice-fields had grown up in weeds
or tangled shrubbery, the labour of separation
was discouraging, and the work of cultivation
greatly increased, giving unexpected gravity
<pb id="leigh265" n="265"/>
to the accidents and contingencies of the
seasoning.’</p>
          <p>This picture is by no means overdrawn, and even
now, in our own neighbourhood, there is scarcely
a planter whose plantation is not mortgaged, and
whose crop is not the property of his factor who
has advanced him money to plant with. They plant
on sufferance, and live from hand to mouth as best
they can. And now, to return to the subject of
planting, operations may be said to commence
towards the end of the fall, after the first frost, <hi rend="italics">i.e.</hi>
about November. The fields are first burnt off, that
is to say, the dry grass, rice stubble, and reeds are
in this manner cleared off; the ploughs are then put
in, and the ditches and drains are cleaned out and
the banks made up. The work of ditch-cleaning and
banking is now generally done by gangs of
Irishmen, who come down from the North each
winter, and do the work admirably.</p>
          <p>I ought, perhaps, to explain more fully 
<pb id="leigh266" n="266"/>
the configuration of a rice plantation. Round the
whole of it, as I have said, a high bank is thrown
up, to protect it from high tides and freshets or
floods; the land within this embankment is divided
off into fields by check-banks and face ditches, and
each field, which is about twenty acres in size, is
subdivided by smaller ditches, called quarter
drains. Through the length and breadth of the
plantation generally run two or three canals, which
serve to drain the Island, and also to convey the
flats, or large flat-bottomed boats for harvesting
the rice. Well, the land having been burnt off,
ploughed, and ditched, the harrows are put on in
early spring, and the seed is planted in time, if
possible, for the first high tides in March. As soon
as the seed is sown, the water is let on to the fields,
and kept on eight or ten days to sprout the rice;
this is called the first flow. About three weeks
afterwards the second flow is put on, and kept on
from ten to thirty days, and upon the length of this
second flow there is a great
<pb id="leigh267" n="267"/>
diversity of opinion amongst the planters, some
being for keeping it on as long as thirty days, in
order to kill the grass and weeds, and others not
keeping it on half that time, for fear of weakening
the rice. The third or harvest flow is put on about
the end of June, and kept on until the middle of
August, when the crop is ready for harvesting: and
this is work which can only be done by negroes, as
owing to the swampy state of the fields and the
great heat of the sun, the malarious atmosphere
makes it dangerous for any white man to stay a
single night on the plantation. The crop being
harvested, nothing remains but to thresh it and send
it to market. The threshing is done by a steam
thresher, in much the same way as grain is threshed
in England. It is generally, however, sent to the
factor in rough, <hi rend="italics">i.e.</hi> with the husk on, and is
pounded in large mills at Savannah or Charleston,
and is then ready for sale. The great enemies of the
rice-planter are volunteer and freshets; the first
of these is the scattered seed of the rice,
<pb id="leigh268" n="268"/>
which becomes a very disagreeable weed,
and is very difficult to eradicate; the second
the floods, which come down from the
hilly country in spring and autumn, and
put the plantations under water, and the
planters to much inconvenience. We have
just had one of these visitors  -  fortunately,
not a very serious one; still it has prevented
our doing any work for about a fortnight,
and made some of the fields look like a vast
lake.</p>
          <p>With regard to our own labour on the
plantation, we had at the beginning of the
year seven Irishmen for ditching and banking,
at two dollars per day; an English carpenter
and blacksmith, at two and a half
each; six English labourers, at one and a
half each; two coloured carpenters, at one
and a half; and about eighty negroes, full
hands, three-quarter hands, half hands, and
quarter hands, rating at twenty-four, eighteen,
twelve, nine, and six dollars per month;
added to which we have a trunk-minder (to
<pb id="leigh269" n="269"/>
look after the trunks or locks which shut out
the water from the ditches), a cow and sheep-minder,
an ostler, a flatman, and a boatman.
This seems to be a large staff for the cultivation
of 500 acres; but we do not find it
enough, as most of the negro hands are
women and children, and the men do as little
work as they can. We have fifteen mules
for ploughing, harrowing, and drilling, and
our wagons are large flats or punts with
which the harvest is got in, whilst boats of
various sizes do duty for light carts and
carriages.</p>
          <p>We have just leased a neighbouring
island to an energetic young planter, who
has brought down thirty Chinamen to work
it. It remains to be seen whether they will
do the work better than the negroes  -  they
could not do it much worse. Our two small
islands now represent the four quarters of
the globe, as we have inhabitants on them
from Europe, Asia, Africa, and America;
and as for different sects, there are the
<pb id="leigh270" n="270"/>
followers of Confucius and of John Wesley,
besides Roman Catholics, English Episcopalians,
American Episcopalians, Baptists,
and I know not what besides. The Established
Church on the Island is Anglo-American
Episcopalian, and there are no
church rates. Last Sunday I had an excellent
congregation in our new little church, some
of the neighbours from the other plantations
coming over to attend service. We expect
a visit from Bishop Beckwith, our Diocesan,
shortly.</p>
          <p>The reason why the middle or sprout
flow used to be about ten days and is now
often thirty days, is because labour was
plentiful, and all the grass or weeds could be
picked out by hand. Now, owing to want of
hands, water is kept on a long time in order
to kill the grass, and so save trouble of
picking. It is thought, however, by many,
that the rice is weakened by being kept so
long under water. In old times four to
five acres was planted to the hand; now,
<pb id="leigh271" n="271"/>
ten acres and more are planted, so that
we have only half the number of hands to
plant the same quantity. Machinery has
been introduced since the war, to take
the place of hand-labour, so we have drills,
horse-hoes, and carts as substitutes for
hand-sowing, picking, and touting, <hi rend="italics">i.e.</hi> carrying
in baskets on the head. Much more
might be done by machinery, but capital is
wanted in the South to invest in it. Two
and a half bushels of rice are planted to
the acre, yielding thirty to fifty bushels per
acre.</p>
          <p>P.S.  -  We have just heard that a great
‘freshet’ is coming down from the up country
to visit us. A telegram has been received to
that effect; and it takes ten to fifteen days
for it to travel the 500 miles. Although we
have plenty of notice, we can do nothing to
keep out the unwelcome visitor, and next
week the whole Island may be under water,
and all agricultural operations brought to a
standstill at the most important season of the
<pb id="leigh272" n="272"/>
year. British farmers may be thankful that
they have not ‘freshets’ to overwhelm them,
and negro labourers to vex and harass them.</p>
          <closer>
            <signed>J.W.L.</signed>
          </closer>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="section">
          <head>NO. 5.
<lb/>
ST. SIMON'S ISLAND.</head>
          <lg type="verse">
            <l>Through torrid tracts with fainting steps they go,</l>
            <l>Where mild Altama murmurs to their woe,</l>
            <l>Those blazing suns that dart a downward ray,</l>
            <l>And fiercely shed intolerable day,</l>
            <l>Those matted woods where birds forget to sing,</l>
            <l>But silent bats in drowsy clusters cling,</l>
            <l>Those poisonous fields with rank luxuriance crown'd,</l>
            <l>Where the dark scorpion gathers death around,</l>
            <l>Where at each step the stranger fears to wake</l>
            <l>The rattling terrors of the vengeful snake.</l>
          </lg>
          <bibl>
            <hi rend="italics">Deserted Village.</hi>
          </bibl>
          <p>Dear E  -  , A pleasant picture this of
our country down here: but then Goldsmith
never visited it himself, and was rather fond
of drawing upon his imagination. In all
probability he got some account of the
wild Altama(ha) from General Oglethorpe
<pb id="leigh273" n="273"/>
(the friend of Dr. Johnson), who resided for
some time at Frederica, on St. Simon's
Island, when he was Governor of Georgia.
It is a base libel on the beautiful island, and
would not have done much to have encouraged
emigration of the agricultural labourer
of these days, under the fostering care of the
great general. St. Simon's has witnessed
many changes since the day when Oglethorpe
first settled at Frederica in 1739, and called
that wild spot after Frederick, son of George
II. Charles Wesley accompanied him, and
acted as his chaplain and secretary, while his
brother, the great John, took up his abode at
Savannah as Rector of Christ Church, the
only incumbency he ever held. Both brothers
were unfortunate in this first missionary enterprise
of theirs. The reception of John at
Savannah was most hearty, and the enthusiasm
with which he began his work was great;
but, alas! the enthusiasm on both sides soon
passed away, and John Wesley found himself
in difficulties with his people; some say on
<pb id="leigh274" n="274"/>
account of an unfortunate love affair; others,
on account of his rigid adherence to what
were termed his High Church views, and
because he refused to administer the Holy
Communion to the chief magistrate's niece.
Whatever was the cause, he left Savannah
after twenty-two months' residence, and thus
ended, rather ingloriously, his mission to
Georgia. He was succeeded in his work by
his friend, the great Whitefield, whose labours
there were more successful. Charles Wesley
was not much more fortunate at Frederica:
he found enemies there who tried, and succeeded
for a time, in setting Oglethorpe
against his chaplain and secretary, and by
whom he was treated with such harshness
that he left Georgia about six months after,
and resigned his offices. The old oak is still
to be seen at Frederica under which Charles
Wesley is said to have preached the gospel.
In justice to Oglethorpe it must be stated that
he soon after found out that he had been
deceived, and sent Charles Wesley a ring in
<pb id="leigh275" n="275"/>
token of his friendship. There is a good
deal that is interesting in connection with the
Wesleys' brief residence in Georgia which I
have not space to write about, and I have
only alluded to them in connection with St.
Simon's. Frederica was in these early days
a rival of Savannah, and was fortified, and
the residence of the Governor of Georgia.
Now it has two or three nigger shanties and
one white man's tumble-down house. The
remains of the fortifications are still to be
seen, and the situation is a pretty one, on the
banks of the Sound. A great battle was
fought by Oglethorpe at St. Simon's against
the Spaniards in 1742, when the latter were
defeated with considerable loss. The scene
of action is marked by a place called ‘Bloody
Marsh.’ In later times St. Simon's was the
resort of many wealthy families, who had fine
houses, beautiful grounds, and flourishing
cotton plantations, where the famous Sea Island
cotton was raised to perfection. Fine hard shell
roads were made from one end of the Island
<pb id="leigh276" n="276"/>
to the other (a distance of about twelve miles),
and the gentlemen used to meet at their clubhouse
to play at quoits and billiards,&amp;c.,
or to arrange for a deer hunt or fishing
excursion.</p>
          <p>Great hospitality was shown, and open
house was kept for all comers, whilst picnics
and regattas were constantly taking place.
The late disastrous civil war changed all this.
The fine houses have fallen to decay or been
burnt down; the grounds neglected and
grown over with weeds; the plantations left,
with a few exceptions, to the negroes; olive
groves choked up with undergrowth; stately
date-palms ruthlessly burnt down by negroes
to make room for a small patch of corn, when
there were hundreds of acres, untilled, close
at hand; a few solitary white men eking out
an existence by growing fruit trees and cabbages,
by planting small patches of cotton or
corn, by hunting deer, or by selling whisky
to the negroes. ‘Sic transit gloria ’ (Si)
mondi. I made an excursion to St. Simon's,
<pb id="leigh277" n="277"/>
in company with a gentleman whose father
used to have a fine house and large plantation
there before the war. We started in
our plantation boat from Butler's Island at
six A.M., and rowed down the Altamaha to
St. Simon's, a distance of about fourteen miles.
After crossing Altamaha Sound, we entered
Hampton River, which is really an arm of the
sea, separating Little St. Simon's Island from
its larger namesake. On our way we shot
ducks, and an alligator that was slumbering
on the marsh. How the monster did plunge
and whisk its scaly tail about; but a charge
of buckshot on the top of the rifle-bullet
quieted him, and my companion boldly pulled
him into the boat by the tail, where he lay
quietly enough, although, I must say, I did
not feel quite comfortable with such a fellow
passenger, as I thought he might possibly
revive, and take a piece out of my calf; but
he had taken too many lead pills for that.
We saw many of his comrades about, who
were very shy of letting us come too near
<pb id="leigh278" n="278"/>
them; we also heard the old bull-alligators
roaring like fat bulls of Basan on every side.</p>
          <p>The first place we disembarked at was
Hampton Point, where our land lay, and
where formerly were a flourishing cotton plantation,
a good plantation-house, negro houses
built of tabby (a compost of oyster shells and
mortar), a hospital, and other buildings connected
with a well-regulated plantation. The
residence was burnt down two years ago, the
other houses are rapidly falling into ruin,
and the sole occupants now of this part of
the Island are old Uncle John and old Mum
Peggy, a venerable couple who were faithful
servants in the old times, and who have now
reached the allotted term of man's existence,
and remain as pensioners on the place. Uncle
John has a fine face and a very <sic corr="pleasant">pleasent</sic>
manner, and is altogether about the best
specimen I know of a faithful old negro, who
has served his master well on earth, and is
prepared to meet the great Master of all men
hereafter. As for the place, I was delighted
<pb id="leigh279" n="279"/>
with it: fine old evergreen oaks, with the
long grey moss hanging from the branches
like the hoary beard of some venerable patriarch;
peach, wild plum, and orange trees in
abundance, and in full blossom; semi-tropical
vegetation and beautiful wild flowers, especially
the yellow jessamine, which twines itself
in matted clusters amongst the tangled and
luxuriant vegetation; whilst flitting about
were many-coloured butterflies, and the beautiful
red cardinal bird. The Point juts out
between the Hampton River and a creek
which runs up about two miles into the
interior, and which looks like another river,
and along both rivers is a narrow strip of
sandy beach. What would not, I thought,
some of the wealthy capitalists give to transport
this spot to the old country, to form a
magnificent park for some modern palatial
mansion; and here Uncle John and old
Mum Peggy have it all to themselves. About
a mile inland from the shore stands another
of the old family houses, now nearly in ruins,
<pb id="leigh280" n="280"/>
which is approached on every side by dark
avenues of fine flex, or evergreen oaks.</p>
          <p>After wandering about the place for some
time, we started in our boat for Canon's
Point, which is a mile distant, and separated
from Hampton by the above-mentioned
creek, the two points forming, as it were, a
swallow-tail to the island. At Canon's
Point stands what must once have been a
very fine three-storeyed frame mansion, with
a verandah running all round, and having a
large portico on each side of it, whilst round
it were vestiges of pretty grounds and
gardens, which had once been tastefully
laid out; stately date-palms reared their
lofty heads above the portico, and oleanders
and other flowering shrubs were dotted about.
My companion, I then discovered for the
first time, had not been to his old home for
sixteen years. What a change it must have
seemed to him from the days when that
home was the scene of unbounded hospitality,
and full of merry children. There,
<pb id="leigh281" n="281"/>
amongst the tall grass and weeds, he could
still make out the little garden which was
the children's own, and from which he was
able to dig up some roses and bulbs to carry
away as a memento. There, on the old oak
near the house, used to hang the swing on
which the young ones were wont to amuse
themselves; and there actually was the old
negro woman, who used to be a faithful
servant in the family, ‘old Rina,’ and was
not she delighted to see ‘Massa James’ once
more; and would not she do everything
to make us comfortable in the old deserted
house, although it had not a scrap of furniture
in it; and did she not send ‘heaps of
howd-y’ to all the members of his family?</p>
          <p>Leaving my friend to recall bygone
days amidst the scenes of his childhood,
I attached myself to old Rina, and went off
with her to the kitchen to see about dinner.
She did not much like my interfering with
the culinary department; but one dish I was
determined to superintend myself, and it was
<pb id="leigh282" n="282"/>
to be a ‘surprise agréable’ for my companion.
Our bill of fare (I cannot give it all in
French) was ‘Scotch broth,’ cold beef, duck,
potatoes, hominy, rice, and last, but not
least, my dish, which I shall call ‘filet de
queue de l'alligator à la Altamaha,’ and
very good I assure you it was. I had heard
that the tail of the alligator was considered a
delicacy, but had never met with anyone
who had actually tasted it, so I determined
to judge for myself. I cut a small piece off
and cooked it in butter, with plenty of pepper
and salt. I will venture to say that if it had
been served up in a Paris restaurant, with
spinach sauce, epicures would have taken it
for ‘filet de veau aux épinards.’ The meat
was whiter than veal, and quite tender. Altogether
we made an excellent repast, and
afterwards slept soundly on the hard boards
of the chief apartment. Next morning we
were up early, and after a good meal of
hominy and poached eggs, started off, in a
mule cart belonging to one of the negroes, to
<pb id="leigh283" n="283"/>
the other end of the Island, about twelve
miles distant. The road, which was an old
shell one, was tolerably good (quite as good
as most of the roads which are to be found
anywhere down South), and lay for the most
part through primeval woods, which formed
an arched avenue, and protected us from
the heat of the sun. Here and there on the
road were cleared spaces, where the negroes
were lazily tilling the soil in a rough sort of
manner for their own benefit. Many of
them left their ploughs and came to us to
have a shake of the hands with ‘Massa
James.’ At St. Clair we stopped to have a
look at the ruins of the house once occupied
by General Oglethorpe, and which was difficult
to find owing to the vegetation that had
grown up all round it. We also stopped at
a place called the Village, where stood a
house belonging to my friend, and which was
then occupied by two white men and their
families, who seemed to get their chief living
out of deer hunting. Here there were more
<pb id="leigh284" n="284"/>
friends of Massa James, and more handshaking.
At length we reached our destination, a pretty
place called Hamilton, situated on the sea-shore,
with another house belonging to the family of my
friend, and in which his elder brother lived a regular
hermit's life. The doors and walls were covered
with texts, and the young hermit was living chiefly
on oysters and unleavened bread, and rendering
the negroes aid to satisfy their temporal and
spiritual wants. He was evidently quite a
character, and I should like to have seen more of
him, but we had to find our way over to Brunswick
(having sent our own boat back), so we got three
stalwart negroes to row us across the Sound in
their boat, and reached Brunswick (thirteen miles'
distance), in the evening, after having enjoyed our
expedition to St. Simon's very much.</p>
          <closer>
            <signed> J. W. L.</signed>
          </closer>
        </div2>
        <pb id="leigh285" n="285"/>
        <div2 type="section">
          <head>NO. 6.
<lb/>
THE EMANCIPATED AFRICAN.</head>
          <p>Dear E  -  ,  -  The subject I have undertaken to
write to you about is by no means as easy a one as
might at first appear. It is indeed easy enough for a
traveller passing rapidly through the Southern
States, or getting his opinion of the negroes as
Hepworth Dixon did from what he saw of the
waiters at a Richmond hotel,  -  it is easy enough for
such travellers to write a lot of nonsense about the
intelligence of the coloured man, the mixture of
races, <sic corr="miscegenation">miscegination</sic>,&amp;c. But most travellers see
nothing of the inner life and character of these
people, and an American might just as well get his
opinion of a Dorsetshire labourer from what he
saw of a waiter at the Langham Hotel, as a traveller
in the United
<pb id="leigh286" n="286"/> 
States form his opinion of plantation negroes from
what he saw of Eli Brown or other intelligent and
civil waiters at the large hotels. To know and
understand the negro in his present position, you
must see and hear him on the floor of the State
Legislature, and transact business with him on a
plantation, as well as chat familiarly with him on a
pleasure excursion, or be waited on by him in an
hotel. I have done all this, and therefore have some
authority in speaking, and yet I can scarcely say
that I know the emancipated African thoroughly
yet.</p>
          <p>The fact is the poor negro has since the war
been placed in an entirely false position, and is
therefore not to be blamed for many of the
absurdities he has committed, seeing that he has
been urged on by Northern ‘carpet-baggers’ <ref targOrder="U" id="ref5" n="5" rend="sc" target="note5">1</ref> and
Southern ‘scalaways,’
<note id="note5" n="5" rend="sc" anchored="yes" target="ref5">1.  Carpet-baggers are unscrupulous men who rushed down
from the North after the war, to see what they could pick up
for themselves from the ruins of the South. ‘Scalaways’  -  
Southerners, who to serve their own ends
professed allegiance to the North, and betrayed their own
friends.</note><pb id="leigh287" n="287"/>
who have used him as a tool to further their own
nefarious ends.</p>
          <p>The great mistake committed by the North was
giving the negroes the franchise so soon after their
emancipation, when they were not the least
prepared for it. In 1865 Slavery was abolished,
and no one even among the Southerners, I venture
to say, would wish it back. In 1868 they were
declared citizens of the United States, and in 1870
they had the right of voting given them, and at the
same time persons concerned in the rebellion were
excluded from public trusts by what was called the
‘iron-clad’ oath; and as if this was not enough, last
year the Civil Rights Bill was passed, by which
negroes were to be placed on a perfect equality
with whites, who were to be compelled to travel in
the same cars with them, and to send their children
to the same schools. The consequence of all this is
that where there is a majority of negroes, as is the
case in the States of Louisiana, Mississippi, and
South
<pb id="leigh288" n="288"/>
Carolina, these States are placed completely
under negro rule, and scenes occur in the
State Legislatures which baffle description.
I recollect at the beginning of 1870 being at
Montgomery, the capital of Alabama, and
paying a visit to the State House there when
a discussion was going on with respect to a
large grant which was to be made for the
building of the Alabama and Chattanooga
Railway, the real object of which was to
put money into the pockets of certain carpet-baggers,
who, in order to gain their object
had bribed all the negroes to vote for the
passing of the Bill. The scene was an exciting
one. Several negro members were present,
with their legs stuck up on the desks in front
of them, and spitting all about them in free
and independent fashion. One gentleman
having spoken for some time against the Bill,
and having reiterated his condemnation of it
as a fraudulent speculation, a stout negro
member for Mobile sprung up and said,
‘Mister Speaker, when yesterday I spoke, I
<pb id="leigh289" n="289"/>
was not allowed to go on because you said I
spoke twice on same subject. Now what is
sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander.
Dis member is saying over and over again de
same thing; why don't you tell him to sit
down? for what is sauce for’&amp;c. To which
the Speaker said, ‘Sit down yourself, sir.’
Another member (a carpet-bagger) jumped
up and shook his fist in the speaking
member's face, and told him he was a liar,
and if he would come outside he would give
him satisfaction.</p>
          <p>This is nothing, however, to what has been
going on in South Carolina this last session.
Poor South Carolina, formerly the proudest
State in America, boasting of her ancient
families, remarkable for her wealth, culture,
and refinement, now prostrate in the dust,
ruled over by her former slaves, an old
aristocratic society replaced by the most
ignorant democracy that mankind ever saw
invested with the functions of government.
Of the one hundred and four representatives,
<pb id="leigh290" n="290"/>
there are but twenty-three representatives of her
old civilization, these few can only look on at the
squabbling crowd amongst whom they sit as silent
enforced auditors. Of the 101 remaining, 94 are
coloured, and 7 their white allies. The few honest
amongst them see plundering and corruption going
on on all sides, and can do nothing. Here is a
specimen of the oratory of the House of
Representatives at Columbia, the capital of South
Carolina, where formerly such accomplished
orators as Calhoun, Preston, Hayne,&amp;c., were
wont to be heard with admiration.</p>
          <p>The debate was on Penitentiary Appropriations.</p>
          <p><hi rend="italics">Minort</hi> (negro): The appropriation is not a bit
too large.</p>
          <p><hi rend="italics">Humbert</hi> (negro): The institution ought to be
self-sustaining. The member only wants a grab at
the money.</p>
          <p><hi rend="italics">Hurley</hi> (negro): Mr. Speaker: True  -  </p>
          <p><hi rend="italics">Humbert</hi> (to Hurley): You shet you
myuf, sah! (Roars of laughter.)</p>
          <pb id="leigh291" n="291"/>
          <p><hi rend="italics">Greene</hi> (negro): That thief from Darlington
(Humbert)  -  </p>
          <p><hi rend="italics">Humbert</hi>: If I have robbed anything, I expect
to be ku-kluxed by just such highway robbers as
the member (Greene) from Beaufort.</p>
          <p><hi rend="italics">Greene</hi>: If the Governor were not such a
coward, he would have cowhided you before this,
or got somebody else to do it.</p>
          <p><hi rend="italics">Hurley</hi>: If the gentleman from Beaufort
(Greene) would allow the weapon named to be
sliced from his cuticle, I might submit to the
castigation.</p>
          <p>Such is one of the numerous scenes enacted in
some of the State Legislatures in the South. The
negroes have it all their own way, and rob and
plunder as they please. The Governor of South
Carolina lives in luxury, and treats his soldiers to
champagne, while the miserable planters have to
pay taxes amounting to half their income, and if
they fail to pay, their property is confiscated.</p>
          <pb id="leigh292" n="292"/>
          <p>Louisiana and Mississippi are not much better
off. The former has an ignorant negro barber for its
Lieutenant-Governor, and the latter has just
selected a negro steamboat porter as its United
States Senator, filling the place once occupied by
Jefferson Davis.</p>
          <p>I might tell you much more with regard to those
States that are now in the hands of the negroes, but
enough has been said to show the terrible condition
in which these States are now after the civil war. In
a future letter I shall speak more fully upon the past
and present condition of the South. Georgia, I am
happy to say, owing to the prudent policy of her
people and the energies of a population in
possession of a State rich in resources of every
kind  -  industrial, commercial, and mineral  -  has
been able to shake off the carpet-bag and negro
yoke, and is in a fair way to recover her
independence. Still even in Georgia, and especially
in our immediate neighbourhood, a very bad
influence
<pb id="leigh293" n="293"/>
has been exercised over the negroes, which has
caused us no small difficulty in one's dealings with
them.</p>
          <p>We have just heard of the death of a certain
doctor who originally came from Philadelphia, and
who was the means of stirring up an immense deal
of ill-feeling amongst the coloured inhabitants of
Darien, over whom he had gained considerable
power, which he used for his own ends. I trust his
death may be the means of making the people
more peaceful and reconciled. From what has been
said, it will be seen that most of the difficulties that
have arisen between the negroes and their former
masters have been owing to the pernicious
influences that have been brought to bear on them
by unscrupulous and bad men. Naturally they are
quiet and peaceful enough, and I do not believe
that they would ever have caused any trouble if
they had been left to themselves. It is only
surprising that they have behaved as well as they
have, and that there was no
<pb id="leigh294" n="294"/>
insurrection amongst them during the war.
When the war began, the Butler's Island
negroes were all taken by one of the overseers
up into the interior, and immediately
on the conclusion of the war they returned
to the Island, although they were free to go
where they would.</p>
          <p>A gentleman in the South, who went all
through the war, told me that a negro boy of
his accompanied him all the time, and that on
one occasion, when he was going into battle,
he gave him his great-coat and a sword, to
take home to his family in case he should be
killed. After the battle the boy made
inquiries, and it was reported that his master
was dead. The boy set off straight home
with his master's things, although he had
many liberal offers from Northern officers.</p>
          <p>Mr. C  -  was not killed or wounded;
and after the battle got leave to go on furlough
for a short time. On his way home he
was walking through a Southern city, when
he saw a strange-looking figure coming
<pb id="leigh295" n="295"/>
towards him, which on nearing he perceived
was his negro boy, clad in his long military
cloak, and the sword dangling by his side,
grinning from ear to ear with delight at the
sight of his master.</p>
          <p>Many other tales have I heard of their
faithfulness and attachment to their old
masters which I have not time to relate.
The fact is, they are very like children, not
hard to manage if kindly treated, but very
easily led astray by bad advisers. They
were encouraged in the idea that freedom
meant no work, twenty acres of land, a mule,
a gun, a watch, and an umbrella; and it was
some time before they learnt that it would be
necessary for them to work to support themselves
and to obtain the above-named
luxuries. An old negro man named Bran,
who used to live at St. Simon's before the
war, came the other day to see my wife at
Brunswick. The poor old man seemed
much broken, and burst into tears on seeing
her. He then told us his sad tale. After
<pb id="leigh296" n="296"/>
the war he had bought a patch of ground
(about twelve acres) in the pine woods, on
the mainland. He began well, and had a
few heifers and some fowls, but of late misfortunes
had come thick upon him; his crops,
which would never have been very good on
such land, had entirely failed. All his stock
of chickens and heifers had been stolen by
the coloured gentry in the neighbourhood.
His son had left him to set up for himself,
and lately his old wife, for whom he had a
great affection, had died, and he was left
alone in his old age with no means of
support. At the conclusion of his pitiable
tale, he again broke down and sobbed like a
child.</p>
          <closer>
            <signed> J. W. L.</signed>
          </closer>
        </div2>
        <pb id="leigh297" n="297"/>
        <div2 type="section">
          <head>NO. 7.
<lb/>
OUR POST TOWN.</head>
          <p>Dear E  -  , It is some time now since I
have written to you from this side of the
Atlantic. Pray accept my apologies, and at
the same time my good wishes for the New
Year. As I have never told you anything
as yet about our market and post town, I
shall begin my letter with a short account of
that interesting town, or rather ‘city’ as they
call it.</p>
          <p>And first, do not confuse this Darien with
the Isthmus of Darien, near Panama, in South
America. The only thing approaching to an
isthmus that we have is a strip of land which
formerly joined two parts of General's Island,
which island lies between us and the city of
Darien. This piece of land had a canal cut
through it long before the canal through the
great Isthmus of Darien was ever talked
<pb id="leigh298" n="298"/>
about, and was accomplished in this wise  -  so
local tradition tells us. General Oglethorpe,
being with his soldiers at Darien, and finding
himself hemmed in by the Spaniards, who
had blockaded the river Altamaha above and
below the town, adopted a bold plan. He
sallied forth at night, and with his soldiers
cut through General's Island a canal about
three-quarters of a mile in length. As their
only tools were their swords, and the obstructions
in the shape of cypress roots were very
great, it was a big undertaking; but they did
it, so we are told, and escaped to St. Simon's
Island, and the name of that canal to this
day bears testimony to the deed, as it is called
The General's Cut,’ and it is through that
cut that we have to row whenever we want
to go to market. Whilst he was about it,
I wish he had cut it a little deeper, as, when
the tide is low, we get stuck in the cut and
have to wait for high water, which is not
pleasant, especially on a very hot day (and
Christmas week the thermometer stood at
<pb id="leigh299" n="299"/>
78°, as the muddy banks and low tide are
not picturesque or sweet. Having struggled
through the cut, we emerge once more into
the broad Altamaha, and soon find ourselves
at Darien. It is not an imposing city, I
am free to confess. It stands on a bluff, <hi rend="italics">i.e.</hi>
the one piece of high ground between it and
Savannah; marshes to the right of it, marshes
to the left of it, marshes in front of it.
Adjoining the city of Darien is or was the
city of Mackintosh, which, however, never
existed except on paper. I have seen the
plans of that city, and it is marked out with
wide streets, fine squares, cemetery, town hall,
&amp;c., but it never was seen except on paper,
and has lately been incorporated with Darien.
The site has a fine frontage of marsh and
reeds, and very much resembles Charles
Dickens's ‘Eden,’ to which poor Martin and
Mark Tapley were allured by the glowing
descriptions of the Yankee speculators. I
wish it did exist as on paper, as we own the
greater part of it. But Darien does exist,
<pb id="leigh300" n="300"/>
and has several wharves along its banks,
where occasionally you may see the steamer
from Savannah, or a sailing vessel from Liverpool
loading timber. It was once a cotton
port, but the cotton has gone from it to Savannah;
now it is a timber port, and last year did
a lively business. This year timber is dull, as
the market in Europe is overstocked. The
Georgian pine is considered the finest in the
world, and therefore there will no doubt be a
fresh demand before long. The chief port
of Darien is, however, not at Darien, but ten
miles down the river, at a place called ‘Doboy,’
and last year there were at one time over
sixty vessels waiting to be loaded. Our leading
men are the timber merchants, amongst
whom are a Northerner, an Irish Canadian,
a German, and a Scotchman. They have all
come here to make their fortunes, and when
they have made them mean to pack up their
chattels and go off, as they do not find Darien
sufficiently tempting to make it their permanent
place of residence. Whilst residing here
<pb id="leigh301" n="301"/>
they do a good deal for the place, and not
the least of their meritorious acts is the building
of a Protestant Episcopal Church, which
they are about to undertake. It is to be built
at the expense of three of them, a Presbyterian,
Unitarian, and Methodist. This is,
to say the least of it, liberal in every sense of
the word, and the sort of liberality you are
not likely to meet with in the old country.
I referred them to our friend Mr. Robinson
as an architect, and they have received
the plans and specifications from the firm of
which he was a member at Manchester. I
think, from what I have seen of the plans,
that it promises to be an ornament to the
town, and the town certainly wants ornamentation.
It might be quite a pretty place if it
only had fine buildings and well-paved streets,
as there are several fine old evergreen oaks
scattered about it, and the view of the river,
notwithstanding the marshes, has a certain
wild picturesqueness about it. At present
the main street is a sandy road, with no
<pb id="leigh302" n="302"/>
attempt at paving and no idea of lighting.
On each side the buildings are, for the
most part, wooden shanties of various dimensions.
The only two buildings having any
pretensions at all are the hotel called the
Magnolia House, and the Masonic Hall, and
both these buildings are of wood. They
have had two fires lately, which have demolished
about a quarter of the city, which,
however, will be soon put up again, as it
does not take very long to put up these
frame houses, and it takes a very short time
to burn them down.</p>
          <p>A good many Israelites have found their
way to this remote district, and it is whispered
that their tumble-down shanties and Cheap
Jack goods were very heavily insured, and
thus both fires began in their quarter; and,
moreover, that they were not losers by the
transaction. Be that as it may, it is certain
that the insurance companies have declined
insuring any more buildings in the city of
Darien. The shops here are unlike any you
<pb id="leigh303" n="303"/>
would be likely to meet with in your town,
or any other town in England. They are
emporiums of multitudinous articles; and
although the articles sold are about four times
the price and one-fourth as good as the same
kind of article in England, yet the variety, I
suppose, in some measure makes up for the
inferiority.</p>
          <p>The purchaser may go into one shop and
purchase furniture for his house; stove to
warm it, flour, groceries, and potatoes to
satisfy his wants; medicines to heal all sickness,
a fine dress and bonnet for his better
half, toys for his children, ploughs, harness,
and other requirements for the farm, and a
drop of bad whisky for himself. The chief
customers are the negroes, who delight in
spending their money as soon as they get it,
and who are not particular as to the quality or
quantity or price of the article they wish to
purchase, and who always choose the brightest
of colours and gaudiest of bonnets for their
womankind. Amongst other buildings
<pb id="leigh304" n="304"/>
consumed by the fire was the Post Office; and the
postmaster, a genial, accommodating, and very
important personage, was for a time rather
perplexed as to a temporary post-box for the
inhabitants. He has, however, solved the difficulty,
and now perambulates the street in a loose coat
supplied with large pockets on each side. The
citizens soon recognise his genial countenance in the
distance, and come out with their letters, which they
drop into the receptacles of the perambulating pillar-box.
Talking of pillar-box reminds me of pill-box,
and this brings me to ‘our doctor.’ But I feel that I
cannot do justice to this old citizen in the short time
that is left me, and I must give him a letter to
himself, as he is quite a character, and full of
anecdotes about antebellum times; those good old
days when ‘the code of honour’ was the fashion,
which meant that a Southern gentleman was
scarcely considered one if he was not prepared, on
the slightest pretext, to go forth to slay his neighbour
or be slain himself, in what is commonly
<pb id="leigh305" n="305"/>
known as a duel. Our doctor has the queerest-looking
little wooden edifice for his office, and the
most grotesque-looking negro boy for an
attendant, that ever practicing physician boasted of.
But, as I have already said, he is worthy of a
description by himself, and he shall have it. </p>
          <closer>
            <signed>J.W.L.</signed>
          </closer>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="section">
          <head>NO. 8.
<lb/>
OUR DOCTOR.</head>
          <opener>
            <dateline>Butler's Island, Darien, Ga.</dateline>
          </opener>
          <p>As you approach the city of Darien in a boat,
your attention is drawn to a peculiar-looking
erection, standing out alone on the edge of the
bluff, and you begin to surmise for what purpose it
may be used. It is about the size of a gipsy's
caravan, but instead of being set upon wheels, it
rests on one side on the bank, the side facing the
river being supported by two posts or stilts. There
seems to be a door on this side, but as it is about
<pb id="leigh306" n="306"/>
10 feet from the ground, and has no steps up
to it, you come to the conclusion that there
must be some other way of egress and ingress.
From the river side it presents the appearance
of a large Punch and Judy show, and
you can almost imagine life-size marionettes
going through a performance in the opening
which you mistook for the door. On a nearer
inspection, you find a board hanging below
this opening, on which is inscribed in large
letters, ‘THE DOCTOR.’ This is our doctor's
office, and probably you will see our doctor
sitting in a rocking chair at the opening,
smoking a long pipe, and scanning the last
paper that the weekly steamer has brought
down. On going up the bank and round to
the other side of the wooden erection, you
find the door, which is on a level with the
bank, and you there discern that the opposite
door serves as a window, there being no
glazed windows about the establishment.
Probably, in the doorway, you will find the
doctor's sole attendant, a hideous-looking
<pb id="leigh307" n="307"/>
negro boy, marked with small-pox, and without
shoes or stockings; his position of rest
is generally with his back against one door-post
and his legs stuck up against the opposite
one. This youth has been reared by the
doctor from early infancy, and seems to have
a sort of dog-like attachment to him, only he
irritates his master not a little by insisting
upon calling the people of his own nation
gentlemen and ladies. ‘Sare,’ says the boy,
‘dere is a gentleman outside wishes to see
you.’ ‘What sort of a gentleman is he?’ says
the doctor. ‘He's rather a dark-faced one,’
says the boy, and retires with a malicious
chuckle. The boy's duties are devoted chiefly
to attending to a lean shaggy white pony
which lives under the erection and between
the stilts, and which has to draw the old doctor
about in a rickety old buggy. On entering
the office you receive a hearty welcome from
the old gentleman, who bids you take the
only other chair, and offers you the pipe of
peace. The office is about 12 by 12, with
<pb id="leigh308" n="308"/>
few articles of furniture, an old stove that
smokes as hard as its master, a deal table, a
few shelves with empty medicine bottles and
well-worn magazines lying thereon. The
doctor is about three score and ten, small of
stature, with grizzly hair and a genial countenance,
not much careworn considering the
many troubles he has had to go through, for
our doctor has seen better days, and delights
to tell the patient listener about those better
days, when the houses of all the wealthy
planters in the neighbourhood were thrown
open to him, and when he received a fixed
yearly salary from them for attending to their
negroes. Those indeed were palmy days for
the doctor, and he could boast of fine trotting
horses, elegant equipages, and a retinue of
slaves. Now, owing to the Yankees, whom
he does not love, matters are considerably
changed; he has hard work to find clients,
his only horse the old grey pony, his only
attendant the negro lad. Notwithstanding
this let down in the world, our doctor is still
<pb id="leigh309" n="309"/>
cheerful, and can entertain you by the hour
with tales of Southern life in former days,
enough, indeed, to fill a volume; and curious
times they must have been by his account  -  
semi-barbaric, semi-luxurious, taking one
back a hundred years or more to the olden
times of English society, when hard drinking
and sharp duelling were the fashion.
Our doctor has had in his medical capacity
to be present at many a duel, and
many a sad tale he has to tell of the fatal
results. He never had to act first part in
one, although he was on one occasion very
near it, as he thought at the time. It
happened thus. There was in the neighbourhood,
a very eccentric old general who was
a great patron of the little doctor's. The
doctor, who passed off as a good mimic, was
in the habit of taking off the general's
eccentricities behind his back. This coming
to the ears of the fire-eating general, he sent
a note by a friend to the doctor, in which
he demanded instant satisfaction for certain
<pb id="leigh310" n="310"/>
liberties taken by him, the nature of which
would be explained to him. The little doctor
trembled in his shoes, for he well knew the
fiery temper of the general; and, moreover,
that he could snuff out a candle with a pistol
at twelve paces. He tried to obtain some
explanation of the general's intentions from
the friend, but he could extract nothing more
from him than that the doctor should attend
the next evening at the hotel where the
general was staying, when he would himself
give the explanation and demand satisfaction.
There was nothing for it but to obey, and so
next evening the doctor went in fear and
trembling to see the general, whom he found
with a few friends round him. ‘Sir,’ said the
general, ‘I understand that you have been
in the habit of imitating certain peculiarities
of mine behind my back, and I sent my
friend the Mayor to demand satisfaction of
you for the liberty you have taken. The
satisfaction that I require of you,’ and here
the little doctor felt his legs tremble under
<pb id="leigh311" n="311"/>
him, ‘is that you forthwith proceed to give
your entertainment in my presence, omitting
nothing.’ The doctor felt immensely relieved,
and proceeded at once to do as he
was bid. On another occasion he was on a
visit to the same general, when the latter
proposed a ride. A couple of steeds were
brought out of the stables, one of which was
assigned to the doctor. The general shortly
appeared, with a <sic corr="visor">vizor</sic> on his head and a
lance in one hand, whilst in the other hand
he had a heavy sabre, which he presented
to the doctor, and then, mounting his steed,
he informed the doctor seriously that they
would have a tournament, and that he would
use the lance whilst the doctor should
defend himself with the broadsword. The
doctor was aghast; he knew not how to use
the sword, and yet saw that the general was
in earnest. There sat the tall gaunt figure
ready to charge, just like Don Quixote,
and Sancho Panza shook in his stirrups, but
his remonstrances were only met by, ‘Not
<pb id="leigh312" n="312"/>
afraid, sir; I hope not afraid.’ A friend who was by
advised the doctor to fly, and he took the advice,
turned his steed and fled, whilst the knight fairly
couched his steady spear, and fiercely ran at him
with rigorous might. Away rode the doctor for
very life, with the general close at his heels, and
never slacked reins until he reached a neighbouring
planter's, when he threw himself off and rushed into
the house. The fleetness of his steed had saved him,
and he could bear with equanimity the reproaches
of this modern Quixote. Many other tales of our
doctor could I tell you did time allow, but I have
given two specimens illustrating something of the
manners and customs of the Southern gentleman in
the days of his prosperity.</p>
          <closer><signed>J. W. L.</signed>
P.S.  -  I omitted to state, in my account of
Darien, that it was originally a Scotch colony, and
was settled in 1735 under the name of New
Inverness. The Highlanders from Darien, under the
command of Colonel
<pb id="leigh313" n="313"/>
MacIntosh, rendered valuable assistance to
General Oglethorpe in his campaign against the
Spaniards. Colonel MacIntosh was also in
command of the Georgia Militia during the war of
Independence, and greatly distinguished himself in
his encounters with the Britishers. The county we
live in is called after him, and the old family house
of the MacIntoshes still exists about six miles from
Darien.</closer>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="section">
          <head>NO. 9.
<lb/>
A TRIP TO FLORIDA.</head>
          <p>Dear E  -  , About the middle of last month a
looked-for freshet began to make its appearance at
the head of our Island, and very gradually to flow
over the rice-fields, until it reached our settlement
and came up to the steps of the piazza. Higher and
higher the water rose, and bit by bit the land
disappeared. The cellar was cleared out of its
contents; the negroes in the old houses,
<pb id="leigh314" n="314"/>
moved their goods and chattels to the new
houses we built last year, and to the uninhabited
overseer's house; our mules and
horses were put in the rice mill, our sheep
and cows were sent off to St. Simon's
Island, and the chickens and rabbits had
to get up into the trees. The water had
risen 3 ft. 6 in. in our garden round the
house, and a boat had to be tied to our
doorstep to enable us to get away at
all. The general aspect was not a cheerful
one, and so we made up our minds to go
away for awhile, until the waters had subsided.
An English friend being with us, we
thought a trip to Florida, the Paradise of
America (I believe Paris is the Paradise of
Americans), would be the pleasantest. So
on February 18 we took passage on board
the ‘Lizzie Baker’ at Darien, and the next
day found ourselves steaming up the St.
John's River in Florida, and a magnificent
river it is, the most beautiful in the Southern
States. In some places half a mile wide, in
<pb id="leigh315" n="315"/>
others a mile, and sometimes as much as six
miles broad. The water is of a clear brown
peaty colour, such as you see in parts of
Scotland and Ireland. The banks along
both sides of it are fringed with woods of
pine, evergreen oak, magnolia, bay, wild
orange, palm, and many other trees, whilst
every few miles is situated some pretty
colony, which has sprung up within the last
few years to accommodate the many visitors
who flock down every winter to this semi-tropical
climate, to avoid the bitter cold of
a Northern winter, and who, leaving at the
beginning of the week New York or Philadelphia,
with the thermometer at 20° below
zero, find themselves at the end of the
week transported to a Southern clime with
Fahrenheit at 70° above 0. Every year the
number of visitors increases, and the large
hotels, and boarding-houses, and steamers can
scarcely accommodate the crowds. The first
place the steamers stop at after entering the
St. John's River is Jacksonville, a flourishing
<pb id="leigh316" n="316"/> 
city, the great starting point for all travellers
in Florida. Fifteen miles above Jacksonville
you come to Mandarin, where Mrs.
Harriet Beecher Stowe resides, since the
war, in the middle of a pretty orange grove.
Ten miles further is Hibernia, after which
you come to Magnolia, one of the prettiest
spots on the St. John's River, where some
Boston gentlemen have built very pleasant
cottages in park-like grounds. Green Cove
Springs lies just beyond, and here you find
a warm sulphur spring which discharges
3,000 gallons of water per minute, at a temperature
of 78°. Continuing up the river
you come to Tocoi, at which place you can
take the train for St. Augustine, which lies
about fifteen miles to the east. Passing on in
the steamer by several pretty orange plantations,
you arrive at Palatka, a thriving town,
and from this place you are transferred to
smaller steamers, which take you to many
places of great interest and beauty, through a
chain of lakes which forms the Upper St.
<pb id="leigh317" n="317"/>
John's River. The sportsman finds his way
to Enterprise, and from thence to the Indian
River, the happy hunting grounds of enthusiastic
hunters, in the waters of which are
found endless variety of fish, turtles, lobsters,
oysters, whilst in the vicinity of its shores
are deer, wild turkey, an occasional bear,
and many other smaller game. As, however,
we did not get further than Palatka, it is
chiefly of the northern part of the peninsula
that I will tell you, reserving an account of
the southern and less explored portion for a
future time, if I shall be fortunate enough to
explore it hereafter. I wish more particularly
to tell you something of the ancient
city of St. Augustine, the most ancient, the
most interesting, and one of the most attractive
places in the whole of the United States.
The history of St. Augustine goes back to
the time of Ponce de Leon, who discovered
Florida in 1512, and since that date to the
close of the late civil war, St. Augustine
has been the scene of many a hard-fought
<pb id="leigh318" n="318"/>
battle and the stage of many a romantic
drama. Thrilling tales and tragic episodes
are told in connection with Florida, and this
ancient city in particular. How the veteran
cavalier Ponce de Leon set out in search of
the Fountain of Youth, and expected to find
it in the newly discovered and beautiful land
of flowers, and to obtain a fresh lease of
youthful vigour and enjoyment, which would
enable him to gain the affections of a beautiful
young signora whose hand he had sought
in vain in his own country. How after many
years of fruitless search, wounded in body,
sick at heart, and empty of purse, he died
in Cuba. How he was succeeded by other
bold Spanish cavaliers, who were constantly
rebuffed by the brave Indians of the country.
How Panfilo de Narvaez was hemmed in on
every side by the Indians, and almost starved
to death; and how the commander was lost
at sea in escaping, and how few of his gallant
band ever reached their home again.</p>
          <p>Time would fail me to tell of Cabeça de
<pb id="leigh319" n="319"/>
Vaca, the first discoverer of the Mississippi,
and the gallant De Soto, who explored Florida
and tried to reach Mexico, but struggled on
with his disheartened followers as far as the
banks of the Mississippi, where body and
spirit gave way, and he passed from this world,
second to none of his age in deeds of knightly
prowess. Or of the bloodthirsty and bigoted
papist Menendez, who so barbarously and
treacherously massacred the poor Huguenots
at Anastasia Island, opposite St. Augustine,
and also at Fort Caroline, on the banks of the
St. John's; or of the terrible vengeance that
fell upon the Spanish colonists at the hands
of the Frenchman, Dominic de Gorgues; and
how, later on, Menendez was attacked in his
fort at St. Augustine by our Sir Francis
Drake. Are not all these mighty deeds recorded
by the ancient chroniclers of Spanish
history?</p>
          <p>One tale I will relate to the credit of an
Indian maiden. Juan Ortiz, a follower of
Narvaez, a youth of eighteen, having been
<pb id="leigh320" n="320"/>
captured by the Indians, was taken before a
savage chief who was bitterly hostile to the
Spaniards, and who at once ordered Ortiz to
be stretched out upon a sort of wooden grid
iron, and to be broiled alive. The cruel chief,
Hirihigua, had a beautiful daughter about the
same age as Ortiz, who seeing the dreadful
fate to which the young Spaniard was doomed,
threw herself at her father's feet and implored
him to spare the life of the captive youth, urging
upon him that this smooth-checked boy could
do him no injury, and that it was more noble
for a brave and great warrior like himself to
keep the youth a captive. Her intercession
was successful, and the young Spaniard was
loosed, and his wounds cared for by the gentle
hands of her who had saved his life. But
some months later, his life being again in peril,
his fair deliverer again came to his rescue, and
at the dead of night conducted him out of
the camp, and put him on the way to reach a
friendly chief, Mucoso, who received him well,
and protected him for many years from the
<pb id="leigh321" n="321"/>
rage of Hirihigua. What adds to the romance
is that Hirihigua's daughter was affianced to
Mucoso, and that owing to the latter's refusal
to surrender Ortiz the alliance was broken
off, and thus the fair Indian sacrificed her
love to her humanity, and the brave chief
his bride to his sense of honour.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="section">
          <head>NO. 10.
<lb/>
CHURCH WORK AMONGST THE NEGROES.</head>
          <opener>
            <dateline>Butler's Island, Darien, Ga.</dateline>
          </opener>
          <p>Dear E  -  , It is with much pleasure that
I indite this epistle to you to tell you about
the happy results of our work amongst the
negroes during the last two winters. Last
Christmas I gave notice that, as the Bishop
of the Diocese intended to hold a Confirmation
at Darien in the early spring, I should
be glad if any of our people who felt disposed
to join our Communion would give me their
names, in order that I might prepare them for
<pb id="leigh322" n="322"/>
the Apostolic laying on of hands, and baptise
such as had not been already baptised.</p>
          <p>I soon found that I had a very good class,
many of whom seemed in earnest about the
matter and attended regularly, and listened
attentively to what I had to say. Owing to
the good instruction that they had had for
some years, I found a fair number of them
knew the Catechism well, and seemed to
understand the explanation of it also; answering,
indeed, with more intelligence, I
must confess, than many agricultural young
people who have been prepared by me in
England. On Easter Day I gave notice that
I was prepared to take the names of those
who sincerely wished, of their own free will,
to be baptised and confirmed, and the consequence
was that I had fourteen names for
baptism and twenty-two for confirmation.
As they had all been brought up in the
Baptist persuasion, I also gave notice that I
was prepared, if they preferred it, to immerse
them instead of pouring water over them, and
<pb id="leigh323" n="323"/>
I gave them some days to think over the
matter, having previously explained the reason
why our Church, whilst it left the manner of
baptising to the discretion of the minister,
usually considered the latter method, <hi rend="italics">i.e.</hi>, of
pouring on the water, sufficient for the purpose.
After consulting amongst themselves, they all
agreed to be baptised by pouring on of water,
and Low Sunday was the day appointed,
and a red-letter day it may be marked in the
calendar of our little church, for such an event
as this had not happened before in our neighbourhood.
On Low Sunday, then, fourteen
black youths met me in a room at the overseer's
house which served as a vestry, and
from there marched two-and-two into the
church, singing  -  ‘Onward, Christian soldiers,
marching as to war.’ The church was prettily
decorated for the occasion; the font, which
was an extemporized one of wood and porcelain,
was completely covered with our beautiful
hanging moss, adorned with the wild blue
iris and sweetly-scented tea-roses. On the
<pb id="leigh324" n="324"/>
communion table was a cross of moss and
orange flowers, each side of which were vases
of iris and Cape jessamine, whilst distributed
about were more flowers, perfuming the air
with their sweet fragrance. The hymns sung
were  -  ‘Soldiers of Christ, arise,’ and the
baptismal hymn, ‘In token that thou shalt
not fear.’ The behaviour of the youths was
devout and solemn throughout. After the
second lesson I performed the baptismal
service, and admitted fourteen young and
promising negroes into the Church of Christ.
At the close of the service I delivered a short
address on the text, ‘See, here is water; what
cloth hinder me to be baptised?’ (Acts viii.
36), dwelling particularly on the fact that the
Ethiopian baptised by Philip was the first
individual convert to Christianity baptised
after our Blessed Lord's ascension. I also
reminded them how, more than five years ago,
when I had visited the Island as a perfect
stranger to them, I had been asked to preach
to them, and had selected the same subject,
<pb id="leigh325" n="325"/>
viz., Philip and the Ethiopian; and how,
at the conclusion of the service, one of their
old veterans, Commodore Bob by name, who
soon after that was called to his account, had
come up and shaken me by the hand and
said that he had had a vision of Philip coming
to him, and that there would be a great
movement upon that Island. The old man's
prophecy had, I believed, come true, although
he was no longer amongst us to witness it.
This was the movement, and it rested with
them to show whether it was destined to be a
successful one or not.</p>
          <p>The following Friday, Bishop Beckwith,
of Georgia, came to lay his hands upon them,
accompanied by the Rev. Mr. Clute, rector of
the parish; and a most impressive ceremony
it was  -  perhaps one of the most impressive
that I have yet witnessed. In addition to
the fourteen youths that I had baptised
the previous Sunday, there were six young
women who had been baptised in the Baptist
church, and one old veteran, Captain Angus
<pb id="leigh326" n="326"/>
(our negro foreman), who was a Wesleyan.
We all met in our vestry room, and marched
into the church, preceded by a white banner
with a red cross on it, borne by a bright-looking
mulatto boy, singing as we entered
a favourite song of the negroes, the chorus of
which was  -  </p>
          <lg type="verse">
            <l>We will march through the valley with faith;</l>
            <l>We will march through the valley with faith</l>
            <l>And Jesus Himself shall be our leader</l>
            <l>As we march through the valley with faith.</l>
          </lg>
          <p>The church was crowded, not only with
negroes, but with many of the planters and
their families from the other plantations.
The singing was most creditably performed
by our coloured choir, who sang, besides the
chants, ‘Soldiers, arise,’ and ‘Pilgrims of
the night,’ and for a processional, ‘Onward,
Christian soldiers.’ The ceremony of laying
on of hands was performed by the Bishop
placing his hands on each candidate separately,
and pronouncing the blessing in the most
impressive manner. The address to the
candidates at the conclusion must have made
<pb id="leigh327" n="327"/>
a deep impression on those just confirmed, as
perhaps there is no more eloquent preacher
or one with a finer delivery than Bishop
Beckwith amongst the many eloquent
Bishops in this country. His subject was
the laying on of hands by the Apostles after
Philip had baptised the Christian converts at
Samaria, and from this passage of Scripture
he showed how there were different orders
in the ministry, and whilst some could only
baptise, by others, like the Apostles and
their successors the Bishops, the laying on
of hands could alone be performed. On
Sunday all the candidates and many of the
old people partook of the Holy Communion,
the number of communicants amounting to
thirty-five. In the afternoon I went over
to Darien to witness the Confirmation of
some more coloured people, to the number of
ten, and had it not been for the heavy rain I
understand there would have been several
more. The service took place in an old
warehouse, but the negroes are now engaged
<pb id="leigh328" n="328"/>
putting up an Episcopalian church for themselves,
on a good site close to the town
which we have been able to let them have,
and I have no doubt but that when it is
finished it will be well filled every Sunday.</p>
          <p>The work has begun well, and there is
every reason to look for good results.
Hitherto the Anglican Episcopal Church
has made but little progress amongst the
coloured people, and they have been left for
the most part to the mercies of illiterate and
often worthless Baptist preachers of their
own colour. The Roman Catholic Church
is beginning to make strenuous efforts for the
conversion of the negroes, and the Anglican
Church must not be behind in her efforts.
If she succeeds, and I believe she will,
notwithstanding the opposition that is raised
against her by interested black Baptists, she
will do more to civilise the negroes and to
make good Christians and worthy citizens
of them, than all the Fifteenth Amendments,
Civil Rights Bills, or Freedmen's Bureaux
<pb id="leigh329" n="329"/>
that have been passed or established for his
supposed benefit.</p>
          <p>The negro, of course, is naturally tractable
and docile, and is easily influenced for good
or evil. Unprincipled men have tried to make
use of him as a mere political tool, to increase
the power of the executive party in
the South: but I believe he is beginning to
have his eyes opened to the real facts, and
to find out that his best friends are the
Southerners amongst whom he dwells, and
who know and understand him, and who are
ready to help him out of a difficulty.</p>
          <p>P.S.  -  There are two churches for coloured
members of the Protestant Episcopal Communion
in Savannah. St. Augustine's is the
High Church, and St. Stephen's is the Low
Church; for already, even amongst the
coloured people, there are different shades of
religion, just as there are different shades of
colour. The High Church is served by Mr.
Love, who is quite black, and his congregation
are almost all of the darkest hue as to
<pb id="leigh330" n="330"/>
complexion. His church is elaborately decorated
at the east end, and bright banners
and May flowers and candlesticks are used
in the celebration of the service. Moreover,
he has a capital choir of small darkies in
cassocks and surplices, who performed Tallis's
full choral service very creditably. Mr. Love
himself is intelligent and well-educated, and is,
I believe, a British subject, having been born
and educated in the West Indies. He seems,
however, to preach rather over the heads of
his congregation, and not to be satisfied with
the simplest kind of address, most suitable to
the capacity of his hearers. Last year he had
fifty-five baptisms, twelve confirmations, and
forty communicants on his list. There are
good Sunday schools attached to this church.
The minister of the other church is Mr.
Atwell, and his services, as well as his church,
are of a simpler kind. He is a mulatto, and
his congregation are chiefly mulattoes; he
seems to be a simple-minded, honest sort of
man, and anxious for the religious advancement
<pb id="leigh331" n="331"/>
of his people. The Sunday I was there
his wife played the organ, but the singing
was not up to the usual standard of negro
excellence. His baptisms last year numbered
thirty-two, and the confirmations twelve.
His communicants amounted to a hundred
and twenty-one, and his Sunday scholars to
eighty-six. He has a sewing class and
Sunday School Library Association attached
to his church, and has a special children's
service once a month. The ministrations of
both these coloured clergymen seem to be
progressive, and it is to be hoped that in
many cities in Georgia and throughout the
South similar churches may be established,
and as there are but few of them now, they
are very much needed.</p>
          <closer><salute/>
<signed>J.W.L.</signed></closer>
        </div2>
        <pb id="leigh332" n="332"/>
        <div2 type="section">
          <head>NO. 11.
<lb/>
CHURCH WORK AMONGST THE  NEGROES.
‘AN EPISCOPAL CONVEYANCE.’</head>
          <opener>
            <dateline>Butler's Island, Darien, Georgia.</dateline>
          </opener>
          <p>Dear E  -  ,  -  The Second Sunday after Easter
was a day of Church rejoicing and festivity in two
places in the State of Georgia. In Savannah the
Roman Catholics had a grand festival on the
occasion of the opening of their new Cathedral,
which is really quite a fine building, erected by the
coppers of the Irish, and the contributions levied at
bazaars and lotteries, for the most part on heretical
Protestants. Our Bishop received a polite invitation
to attend, although he has been of late fighting them
in their own paper upon the subject of the Pope's
infallibility; but he, good man, was far better
employed on that day, consecrating my church for
the negroes at Darien, and it is about this
consecration that I would
<pb id="leigh333" n="333"/>
wish to write to you, humble as the ceremony was
in comparison with the gorgeous show that was
going on in another part of the State.</p>
          <p>The day was most beautiful, which was
fortunate, as our roof was not completed. The
church was prettily adorned by the coloured fair,
or rather dark ones, of my congregation. We
assembled at a house a short distance off  -  the
Bishop, the Rector of the parish, six of the
vestrymen of the parish church, and myself,
escorted by my choir from Butler's Island. We
marched to the church, the choir singing, as a
processional, ‘Onward, Christian soldiers.’ At the
church doors the Bishop was met by three black
wardens whom I had appointed, and the senior
warden presented him with the papers conveying
the church in trust to him. The church, which is a
roomy one, was crowded, one side of it being
filled with the white citizens, the other side with the
coloured citizens, whilst in the chancel was the
choir,
<pb id="leigh334" n="334"/>
consisting of about thirty coloured singers. The
musical portion of the service was very well
rendered.</p>
          <p>At the close of the Consecration Service, an
admirable address was delivered by the very
eloquent Bishop, upon the subject of the grand old
African Bishop, St. Cyprian, after whom the church
was named, and he dwelt with special satisfaction
on the fact of St. Cyprian having, in the third
century, withstood Pope Stephen to the face. After
the sermon the Bishop confirmed nine coloured
females, seven of whom I had baptised on Easter
Sunday. They were all dressed in white, and seemed
much affected by the ceremony. The long services
concluded with the celebration of the Holy
Communion, at which there were thirty
communicants, almost all my last year's candidates
being present. Amongst the communicants I was
very glad to see the six white vestrymen of the
parish church.</p>
          <p>The Bishop expressed himself delighted
<pb id="leigh335" n="335"/>
with the church, which has been entirely built by
the negroes themselves, all the furniture
for the interior being executed by them from
designs I had furnished them with. The church is
now consecrated, the congregation is formed; a
good deal, however, yet remains to be done, both
as regards the material fabric in the way of vestry,
porch, belfry and bell, communion service, font,
&amp;c., for which we want funds; and still more yet
remains to be done as regards the spiritual building
up of the church  -  a minister of their own, a school
of their own,&amp;c., for which I fear they will have to
wait some time. If only churchmen in the North
would co-operate with those in the South, and
instead of quarrelling about civil rights would
recognise the fact that there must always exist a line
between the two races, and that a social
intermixture can never take place and is not
advisable, a great work might be done amongst
these poor people. A vast mission field is ready in
which to work, into which the
<pb id="leigh336" n="336"/>
plough has scarcely yet been put; labourers
could be found to do the work, if funds would
be forthcoming. Churchmen in the South
have but little money to spare, and what
they have they require to rebuild their old
churches, and to pay the salaries of their old
ministers, which are low enough as it is.
Churchmen in the North express a great
affection for the African whom they have
freed; they would do well to show their
affection for him by taking some interest in
his spiritual welfare. Up to this time he has
been the tool of political agitators and the
catspaw of a party seeking power. He is
very susceptible to good or bad influences;
the latter in most cases have been brought
to bear on him, it were about time that the
former should be tried. The results would, I
think, exceed the hopes of many who are
doubtful about him.</p>
          <p>I have alluded above to the low salaries
of the clergy in the South; let me say a word
about our excellent Bishop, and contrast
<pb id="leigh337" n="337"/>
his lot with that of the favoured diocesans
in our own land. He has a diocese in size
about equal to the whole of England; he has
no palace or pleasant grounds; his salary is
nominally five thousand dollars (1,000<hi rend="italics">l</hi>.) per
annum, but the payment of this is uncertain
and always in arrears, so much so that he is
often hard pressed to meet the numerous calls
upon his purse; his travelling expenses over
so large an area are of course heavy, but they
are, fortunately, lightened through the liberality
of the railway companies, who give him
free passes over many of their lines. He
has to find lodgings in all sorts of quarters,
where there is no wealthy man's house to go
to, and he has to travel over the roughest of
roads, often in the roughest of conveyances.
Here is an example which has something of
the ludicrous in it. After evening service at
Darien, and some tea at Butler's Island, we
started off to catch a train which was to leave
‘No. 1,’ on the Macon and Brunswick line at
two o'clock in the morning. We left Butler's
<pb id="leigh338" n="338"/>
Island ate 9 P.M., and after an hour and a
half's hard rowing got to the landing in the
pine woods at 10:30. Here I had ordered
a vehicle to meet us to take us to the station
about seven miles off. Arrived there, we found
no vehicle awaiting us (it had been and gone
away again, as we afterwards heard). There
was nothing for it but to shoulder our baggage
and walk to the nearest planter's house
about a mile off. On reaching the house
there was no sign of life, the planter having
gone to his home in Brunswick for the Sunday,
and taken his buggy and horse with
him. I sent one of our boatmen to the nearest
negro settlement, nearly a mile away, and,
after considerable delay, he brought a darky
back with him whom I knew. After a little
consultation he managed to get a rice cart
without any springs to it, and an old mule,
and having put plenty of rice straw in the
bottom of the cart, his lordship and I started
in this episcopal conveyance on a drive of
over seven miles through the pine woods
<pb id="leigh339" n="339"/>
and over a road strewed with branches and
logs. Of course we could only travel at a
slow walk, and accomplished the journey in
about two hours, arriving at the station at 2
A.M., in time, however, to catch the train. I
forgot to say that, besides ourselves and the
driver, we had my dog ‘Toby,’ a small negro
I was taking North with me, and our baggage.
I could not help exclaiming to the
Bishop, ‘Oh that I could only have a good
picture of this party, that I might send it
home to one of our great dignitaries in the
Church, and show them how a worthy Bishop
in this country travels through his diocese!’</p>
          <closer>
            <signed>J. W. L.</signed>
          </closer>
        </div2>
        <pb id="leigh340" n="340"/>
        <div2 rend="italics">
          <head>NO. 12.
<lb/>
A FAREWELL PARTING.</head>
          <opener>
            <dateline>London: February 1877.</dateline>
          </opener>
          <p>Dear E  -  ,  -  I was down South this
winter alone for nearly two months, winding
up our affairs there, previous to leaving the
country, for some time at least. Many
pleasant reminiscences of our Southern home
will remain imprinted on my mind, and my
connection with the negroes will be amongst
the pleasantest. The fact is, that with all
their faults there is something that attracts
one much to these Africans, and if only they
could be left alone by the agitators from the 
North, there would be little doubt but that
Southern whites and blacks would soon pull
well together. You may perhaps have read
some very excellent letters which have lately
been appearing in the <hi rend="italics">Times</hi>, from its Special
Correspondent; if so, you will have been able
to form some fair idea of the real state of
<pb id="leigh341" n="341"/>
affairs down there, which have been hitherto
so much misrepresented. I see that in his
last letter, which was dated from New Orleans,
January 25, and which was in the <hi rend="italics">Times</hi>
of February 16, he is good enough to
refer to a conversation he had with me at
Charlestown on the subject of the two races
in Georgia, and mentions a certain incident
which I related to him to illustrate the good
feeling which existed there between whites
and blacks. The full particulars are these.
Lewis Jackson, a black man, who by the way
has acted as churchwarden of the coloured
church at Darien, was put up by the white
Democrats of the place to fill the position of
Ordinary of the city, and he was opposed by
a white man who was chiefly supported by
the black Republicans. This would scarcely
be believed by men in the North, who
declare that in Georgia no negro has a
chance of office, and that no negro votes the
Democratic ticket unless he is intimidated
into so doing. Another negro in Darien,
<pb id="leigh342" n="342"/>
who held the office of constable, not only
voted for the Democratic ticket, but happening
to have twins born that day, named one
‘Tilden Centennial Guyton,’ and the other
‘Hendricks Centennial Guyton,’ which I do
not suppose he could have been intimidated
into doing. The fact is the intimidation
is generally the other way, and negroes who
do not hold important positions like Jackson
and Guyton are afraid to vote for the Democrats
because of their own people. The
Northerners take it for granted that every
negro <hi rend="italics">must</hi> be Republican, because the Republicans
released them from bondage; they 
seem to forget that since the war the Republicans
have really done nothing for the
negroes, nor in any way fulfilled the many
promises they made to them. The Freedmen's
Bureau has only striven to set the
freedmen against their old masters; the
Freedmen's Bank, after getting hold of all
their savings, broke, and they lost all they
had put in it. The Freedmen's Mission has,
<pb id="leigh343" n="343"/>
with all its professions, done scarcely anything
for their spiritual welfare, and they are still
left in the hands of ignorant, unscrupulous,
and immoral political negro preachers, who are
mere tools in the hands of a party. On the
other hand they look to their old masters for
employment, and for any little help they may
require. Is it to be wondered at then, that
having been cheated and defrauded in every
way by those whom they looked upon as their
saviours, they should begin to turn to their
old masters, who they find after all are their
best friends? They are called down-trodden,
but anyone who last month witnessed in
Charlestown their wonderful annual procession
to celebrate Emancipation, which is so
graphically described by the Special Correspondent
of the <hi rend="italics">Times</hi>, and which he and
I witnessed together, would certainly have
come away with the impression that the
whites and not the blacks of Charlestown
were the down-trodden ones. But to return
to our own negroes, we parted from each
<pb id="leigh344" n="344"/>
other with many mutual regrets. On the
last day of the old year, Sunday, I held two
full services with them, with celebration of
the Holy Communion, besides having a
service and celebration for the whites at their
church five miles the other side of Darien.
The evening service I held at my own little
Chapel on the Island, which was crowded,
as several of my congregation from Darien
came over in boats to attend; they sang many
of their favourite hymns, and the service was
not over until nearly ten o'clock. After service,
the night being a beautiful moonlight
one, I took it into my head, as I felt rather
excited after my day's work, to start off for
our favourite St. Simon's Island, 15 miles off.
So, much to the astonishment of the old
foreman, I ordered the long-boat out, and,
with four good rowers, we started on our
journey. A most pleasant journey it was,
the rowers singing their quaint songs all the
way, whilst I lay wrapped up in the stern,
steering. We reached St. Simon's at 12.30,
<pb id="leigh345" n="345"/>
and so saw the New Year in. Arrived at
the Cottage there, we soon had a blazing
fire of pine wood, and I drew the sofa up
in front of the burning logs, and, wrapped
up in my blanket, was soon fast asleep,
whilst my negroes lay round the kitchen
fire, perfectly happy. Next morning the
St. Simon's people came all up to the
house to bid me God speed, after which I
wandered alone through the solitary woods
of this beautiful Island. The following
Thursday I held a farewell service at the
new church at Darien, and charged my
hearers to do their utmost to carry on the
work that had been thus auspiciously begun.
After service, every member of the congregation
came up to shake hands and bid me
farewell, and I was much touched by their
simple, affectionate, but respectful manner.
God grant that they may have some minister
amongst them to take a real and hearty
interest in their spiritual welfare. I am sure
much can be done with these poor simple,
<pb id="leigh346" n="346"/>
ignorant people. Whilst in New York,
preparatory to leaving in the steamer, I
went to see the secretary of the Episcopal
Missionary Society for coloured people, and
I urged on him the immediate wants of the
congregation of St. Cyprian's church at
Darien, and I am happy to say that I so far
succeeded as to get a promise from him
that the Society would send down a coloured
minister, and pay his expenses for six
months; this, at all events, will enable the
Bishop to look out for further aid. Now
that I am in England, I intend to make
personal appeals for fresh supplies to send
out to Darien. I might give you some
account of our journey home, but I am
afraid I have already written too much. I
will only say that we made a wonderfully
quick trip in the White Star steamer
‘Britannic.’ We were to have left on the
20th, but, owing to a fog, we did not leave
New York until January 21. The first
three days the weather was fine and calm,
<pb id="leigh347" n="347"/>
the rest of the journey it blew a perfect gale;
fortunately, the wind was with us and carried
us along. We arrived at Queenstown on
the 29th, having accomplished the voyage
from land to land in less than eight days.
I saw in the papers that a steamer which
was going from England to New York had
taken twenty-seven days; rather a difference.
The 30th, the day we reached Liverpool,
was the day of the terrific gale which did
so much mischief all over England. It was
the first time that I had seen a really big sea,
and although these mountains of waves were
awful to behold, they were nevertheless very
grand, especially at night by moonlight.
On the Sunday I performed Divine Service,
and it was hard work to keep my equilibrium,
so I am not sorry to be once more on ‘terra
firma,’ and that terra my own land, Old
England.</p>
          <closer>
            <signed>J. W. L. </signed>
          </closer>
        </div2>
        <trailer>Spottiswoode&amp; Co., Printers, New-street Square, London.</trailer>
      </div1>
    </back>
  </text>
</TEI.2>