Wilberforce Settlement,
U[pper] C[anada]

Mr. Editor(1):

It will no doubt be gratifying to our friends who in different parts of the state of New York and elsewhere,(2) have taken an interest in our welfare, and have aided us in effecting this infant settlement,(3) to hear from us, to know how we are getting along; we therefore beg the favor of communicating to them, through the medium of your very useful paper, a short account of our affairs: Through the blessing of God, we have all enjoyed our usual degree of health. We have erected for our accommodations comfortable log buildings, and have a portion of our land in a state of cultivation; our crops at present continue to smile upon the labor of our hands; we shall raise the present year nearly enough to supply the present number of settlers. The people are industrious, and well pleased with their present location; and it is believed that none of them could be hired to go back to the states. Two religious societies have been organized,(4) one of the Baptist, under the pastoral care of Elder Nathaniel Paul,(5) and the other of the Methodist, under the care of Elder Enos Adams; and we are happy to add, that the utmost degree of harmony exists between the two churches. A sabbath school,(6) under the superintendence of Mr. Austin Steward,(7) late of Rochester, is in successful operation; and a day school for the instruction of the children,(8) is taught by a daughter of Elder Benjamin Paul,(9) late of the city of New York; and in addition to which, a temperance society has been formed,(10) consisting of about thirty in number; and the voice of the people is decidedly against ardent spirits ever being introduced as an article of merchandise among us. There are, however, a number of families who have emigrated from the states, whose pecuniary circumstances will not admit of their coming at present to join us, but are compelled to take lands in the neighboring settlements upon shares, and hundreds more in the states are longing to join us, but on account of their limited means are not able to carry their designs into effect. We feel grateful for past favors, but will not the eye of the Philanthropist be turned toward their condition, and his hand opened to supply their wants, that they may thereby be enabled to join their brethren, to help forward one of the most noble enterprises that ever was started, to elevate the too long degraded African, this side the Atlantic?

The annual election of the Board of Managers, whose duty it is to appoint agents, and to take the oversight of the general concerns of the settlement, took place July 11th, when the following persons were duly elected: Austin Steward, Benjamin Paul, Enos Adams, William Bell,(11) Philip Harris,(12) Abraham Dangerfield, Simon Wyatt.(13) The newly elected board, considering the limited means of the colored people generally, and the absolute necessity of pecuniary aid, and in order to carry so desirable an object into effect, and to secure its permanent character, have reappointed Mr. Israel Lewis(14) their agent to obtain collections in the states, and the Rev. Nathaniel Paul, late of Albany, whose standing as a minister of the gospel, and whose devotedness to the cause of his colored brethren, are too well known to need any recommendation from us, to embark for England, for the same purpose. He will probably sail as soon as the necessary means shall be obtained to defray the expense of his voyage - and should a kind Providence smile upon the exertions of our agents, we have no doubt but in the course of a few years, that this settlement will present to the public such a state of things as will cheer the heart of every well wisher of the African race and put to silence the clamor of their violent enemies. By order and in behalf of the Board,

AUSTIN STEWARD, Chairman
Benjamin Paul, Secretary

[Scholarly and bibliographic notes from The Black Abolitionist Papers. Some bibliographic citations reference the microform edition of the The Black Abolitionist Papers which was published by Microfilming Corporation of America. Square brackets contain the reel number, a colon, and then the frame number, of the microfilm edition where there citation can be found: [reel #: frame #]

1. Steward and Paul wrote to the editor of the Albany African Sentinel and Journal of Liberty, John G. Stewart (?-1849). Stewart, a barber and editor of several black newspapers, lived in Albany, New York, from 1824 until his death. Prompted by the failure of Freedom's Journal and the Rights of All and believing that blacks needed their own print voice, Stewart established the African Sentinel and Journal of Liberty in 1831. The monthly, which survived a little over a year, opposed slavery and racial prejudice and urged "Education, Temperance and Morality." In September 1838, Stewart announced plans to publish a weekly paper called the Champion of Equal Rights in New York City, but no evidence exists to suggest that any issues ever appeared. During 1842-43 he began his most successful publishing effort as coeditor with Stephen Myers and Charles Morton of the Albany Northern Star and Freeman's Advocate. In addition to his black newspaper ventures, Stewart was active in the antislavery and the black convention movements. As a delegate to the 1833 and 1834 black national conventions, he opposed the American Colonization Society plan for Liberian colonization and favored Upper Canada as an alternative black emigration site. During the mid 1830s, he was secretary of the Albany Colored Anti-Slavery Society. A temperance activist, he held office in the New York State Delevan Union Temperance Society during the early 1840s. Stewart's activism apparently gained him some respect in the Albany community, as he sought election to the state assembly from Albany in 1848. Joel Munsell, The Annals of Albany, 10 vols. (Albany, N.Y., 1850-1859), 1: 349, 373; Albany City Directory, 1824, 1831-48; Lib [The Liberator], 12 March [1:0043], 10 September 1831; Peter M. Bergman, The Chronological History of the Negro in America (New York, N.Y., 1969), 143; CA [Colored American (New York)], 10 November, 15 December 1838 [2:0643, 0680]; NSFA [Northern Star and Freeman's Advocate (Albany, N.Y.)], 1842-43; Minutes and Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention for the Improvement of the Free People of Colour ... (New York, N.Y., 1834), 8; Charles H. Wesley, "The Negro in the Organization of Abolition," Phy [Phylon], 2:232 (Third Quarter, 1941); CF [Christian Freeman (New York)], 29 June 1843.

2. Wilberforce depended on the generosity of philanthropic friends. When Cincinnati blacks sent representatives to Upper Canada to arrange for the acquisition of land, they also sent out agents to solicit funds. Quakers of the Ohio and Indiana meetings purchased the acreage for the settlement; contributions also came from other benefactors in Ohio, Indiana, Pennsylvania, and New York. Austin Steward and the colony had close ties with several New York benefactors, including Lyman A. Spalding, a Lockport abolitionist; Everard Peck, a Rochester printer and newspaper publisher; Charles Davis of Ludlowville; John Budd, an Auburn minister; and Arthur Tappan, a New York City merchant-philanthropist—all of whom agreed to act as receivers for Wilberforce sometime in late 1832. In 1831 Spalding and Peck secured a loan for Israel Lewis, which he used to help finance Nathaniel Paul's fund-raising trip to England. Austin Steward, Twenty-Two Years a Slave and Forty Years a Freeman (Rochester, N.Y., 1857; reprint, Reading, Mass., 1969), 114, 146, 176, 206-8, 210-11 [1:0225], 211-12; Pease and Pease, Black Utopia, 48; Richard C. Wade, "The Negro in Cincinnati, 1800-1830," JNH [Journal of Negro History] 39: 158 (January 1854); Winks, Blacks in Canada, 158; Lib [The Liberator], 13 April 1833 [1:0274]; CA [Colored American (New York)], 7 October 1837 [2:0213]; Peter Williams, A Discourse Delivered in St. Philip's Church for the Benefit of the Coloured Community of Wilberforce, in Upper Canada, on the Fourth of July, 1830 (New York, N.Y., 1830), 10-11 [1:0006]; CG [Christian Guardian (Toronto, Ontario, Canada)], 30 July, 22 August 1829.

3. The Wilberforce settlement, which was named after British antislavery leader William Wilberforce, was the first planned black community in Upper Canada. It was established in response to increasingly stringent enforcement of Ohio's black laws during the 1820s. In 1829 a group of Cincinnati blacks, led by James C. Brown, sent representatives to Upper Canada to investigate the possibility of black settlement there. Sir John Colborne, the lieutenant-governor of the province, encouraged them to relocate and the Canada Land Company offered land on which to settle. Israel Lewis and Thomas Cresap, agents for the Cincinnati blacks, negotiated for the purchase of four thousand acres in the western part of the province, but they lacked the capital to acquire the land. Instead, concerned Quakers in Ohio and Indiana, represented by Frederick Stover, purchased eight hundred acres near the village of Lucan, Upper Canada. About two hundred free blacks and former slaves soon settled there. They established farms and operated a small sawmill. Churches and a temperance society were organized to promote the moral elevation of the community; a common school, which also served whites students in the area, was opened. The leaders of Wilberforce also hoped to establish a manual labor college and seminary and sent Nathaniel Paul to Britain to raise funds for this purpose. Despite early progress and ambitious objectives, the Wilberforce settlement achieved only limited success. The experiment was hampered by incompetent, divided, and sometimes corrupt leadership. Paul's failure to secure funds in Britain doomed the manual labor college scheme. Austin Steward, a former slave and Rochester, New York, grocer, who had been appointed to direct the settlement's board of managers, became embroiled in a bitter dispute with Lewis over fund-raising practices. Steward and the Wilberforce board eventually dismissed Lewis and issued public disclaimers to that effect, but he organized his own colonization company and continued to solicit funds for the settlement. Lewis's misconduct, and the dissension and litigation it provoked, did much to discredit the settlement. By 1836 it was in decline and it soon ceased to be an organized black community. Winks, Blacks in Canada, 155-57; Pease and Pease, Black Utopia, 46-63.

4. Wilberforce residents founded both Baptist and Methodist churches by 1832 The settlement's First Baptist Church was the more prominent of the two; Nathaniel Paul, the congregation's first reported minister, was succeeded by his brother Benjamin Paul in 1831. Following Benjamin Paul's death in 1836, Daniel A. Turner assumed the position. By 1835 the church, with a congregation of twenty, was a member of the Western Baptist Association, and though it survived the settlement's decline through the next decade, by 1853 it claimed only ten members. In 1856 the Western Baptist Association dropped the church from its minutes. Little is known about the Methodist church. Donald George Simpson, "Negroes in Ontario from Early Times to 1870" (Ph.D. diss., University of Western Ontario, 1971), 370-73; James K. Lewis, "Pioneer Coloured Baptist Life in Upper Canada," CBHMD [Canadian Baptist Home Mission Digest] 6:266 (1963-64); Lib [The Liberator], 23 February 1833 [1:0244].

5. Nathaniel Paul (1793-1839) was born in New Hampshire, one of six brothers of Thomas Paul, a Baptist minister and a leader of Boston's black community during the early nineteenth century. Paul probably attended the Free Will Academy in Hollis, New Hampshire (an integrated ministerial training school run by the Free Will Baptist church), before becoming pastor of the First African Baptist Church of Albany, New York, in 1820. From the beginning of his tenure, Paul boldly stated his antislavery convictions. He applauded the New York State emancipation law, called for a halt to the slave trade, and assured his congregation that slavery would be overthrown in the United States. For Paul, racial prejudice demonstrated white America's inability to judge man's moral worth, but he suggested that black sobriety, industry, and prudence could overcome racism. Paul's anti-colonization views were moderate during the 1820s. He believed that black immigration to Africa was primarily justified as an antislavery tactic and as a missionary opportunity - a position that was consistent with his attachment to the Wilberforce settlement in Canada.

In 1830 Paul and his brother Benjamin were among the early settlers of the black agrarian community located twelve miles from the town of Lucan in Upper Canada. Nathaniel Paul was asked by Austin Steward, a leader of the community, to travel to Great Britain to raise money for a proposed black manual labor college. Paul arrived in England early in 1832. A year later, he married an Englishwoman and began a tour of Britain with William Lloyd Garrison, rebutting the claims of American Colonization Society agent Elliott Cresson, who was in England to raise money and support for the society. For the next three years, Paul continued his speaking, fund-raising, and organizing activities on behalf of American and British antislavery goals, particularly the Wilberforce settlement. Paul returned to Wilberforce (at Steward's request) in 1836; he reported that he had raised over $8,000 but had used nearly $7,000 for expenses, and that, combined with his monthly salary of $50 as a Wilberforce agent, left his mission $1,600 in debt. This severed Paul's relationship with Wilberforce. He moved back to New York State, and for the remaining three years of his life, he served as pastor of the Hamilton Street Baptist Church in Albany, where he continued to promote black antislavery activity, speak out against racial prejudice, and call for black moral and educational improvement. Lib [The Liberator], 17 September 1831, 14 January, 12 April, 25 August 1832, 22 June, 31 August 1833, 14 March, 19 December 1835, 15 September 1836, 26 July 1839 [1:0217, 0313, 0410, 0571]; RA [Rights of All (New York)], 14 August, 18 September 1829 [17:0624]; FM [Friend of Man (Utica, N.Y.)], 22 December 1836, 14 March 1838; FJ [Freedom's Journal (New York)], 20 April, 10 August 1827 [17:0457, 0497]; E [Emancipator], 15 September, 1 December 1836 [1:0579]; CA [Colored American (New York)], 15 April 1837, 27 July 1839 [2:0027, 3:0151]; Walter M. Merrill and Louis Ruchames, eds., The Letters of William Lloyd Garrison, 6 vols. (Cambridge, Mass., 1971-82), 2:53, 581; Winks, Blacks in Canada 158-61, 263-64; Pease and Pease, Black Utopia, 50-53, 57-61; Steward, Twenty-Two Years a Slave, 216-17; Minutes of the Glasgow Emancipation Society, February 1835, March 1836, UkGM [held in the Manuscript Collection of Mitchell Library, Glasgow, Scotland].

6. In January 1832, while visiting Wilberforce, Benjamin Lundy learned that Austin Steward taught the Sabbath school during the "warm season." Earlier, during the summer of 1818, Steward had conducted a children's Sabbath school in Rochester, New York. Fred Landon, ed., "The Diary of Benjamin Lundy Written during his Journey through Upper Canada, January 1832," OHSPR [Ontario Historical Society Papers and Records] 19:115 (1922); Steward, Twenty-Two Years a Slave, 81.

7. Austin Steward (1793-1865) was born in Prince William County, Virginia, to slave parents Robert and Susan Steward. When Steward was eight or nine years of age, his master, Captain William Helm, sold his Virginia plantation and moved his slaves to upper New York State. Steward was hired out to various employers, but sometime around 1813, he escaped to Canandaigua, where he labored summers for a local farmer and attended a Farmington academy during the winter. In 1815 Helm located Steward, who retained his freedom with the assistance of the New York Manumission Society through a legal technicality in the state's Gradual Emancipation Law of 1799. About 1817 Steward moved to Rochester and, despite violent opposition by local whites, developed a successful grocery business during the 1820s. He also taught a Sabbath school in the city. After being chosen by Rochester blacks to deliver an oration at their 5 July 1827 ceremonies celebrating slave emancipation in New York State, Steward became increasingly involved in the antislavery, temperance, and black convention movements. During the late 1820s, he served as Rochester subscription agent for Freedom's Journal and the Rights of All and hosted black reform meetings. He served as a vice-president at the first black national convention (1830).

In 1831 Steward joined the Wilberforce colony at the urging of a group of settlers. He organized and directed the settlement despite continual conflict with the Israel Lewis faction. Steward returned to Rochester in 1837, reentered business (this time with less success), and served on a committee appointed to oversee black schools in the city. After fire destroyed his business, he moved back to Canandaigua about 1842 and taught school. Despite these business failures, Steward regained his prominence among New York blacks during the early 1840s, presiding over New York State black conventions in 1840, 1841, and 1845 and simultaneously devoting new energy to the antislavery, black suffrage, and temperance causes. His evangelical approach to these struggles culminated in his attendance at the 1843 Christian convention at Syracuse, which attempted to harmonize reform ideals with New Testament principles. In later years, Steward's age forced him to localize his efforts; he chaired local black meetings, served as Canandaigua's subscription agent for the National Anti-Slavery Standard, and was a vocal opponent of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850. He wrote and published his autobiography, Twenty-Two Years a Slave, and Forty Years a Freeman, in 1857; it sold well, and three other editions were printed during the following decade. The terminal illness of his talented daughter Barbara during 1860-61 placed Steward in a precarious financial situation and prompted his return to Rochester to sell copies of his narrative and to seek aid from former friends. Although he entertained the idea of going south to teach black contrabands during the Civil War, he remained in Rochester until his death. NCAB [National Cyclopaedia of American Biography], 14: 308-9; Steward, Twenty-Two Years a Slave; Philip S. Foner and George E. Walker, eds., Proceedings of the Black State Conventions, 1840-1865, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, Pa., 1979-1980), 1:5, 10, 24, 37; FJ [Freedom's Journal (New York)], 15 June, 27 July 1827 [17:0493]; RDA [Rochester Daily Advertiser (Rochester, N.Y.)],21 January 1831 [1:0017]; RA [Rights of All (New York)], 29 May 1829; RDT [Rochester Daily Telegraph (Rochester, N.Y.)], 28 June 1828; Lib [The Liberator], 13 May 1833 [1:0274]; RDD [Rochester Daily Democrat (Rochester, N.Y.)], 19 April 1845; RR [Rochester Republican (Rochester, N.Y.)], 12 July 1841; CA [Colored American (New York)], 11 September, 4 December 1841 [4:0191, 0318]; ASR [Anti-Slavery Record (New York)], 30 June 1841 [4:0085]; E [Emancipator], 26 October 1843 [4:0688]; NEW [National Era (Washington)], 21 November 1850 [6:0669]; FDP [Frederick Douglass' Paper], 16 December 1853; RUA [Rochester Union and Advertiser (Rochester, N.Y.)], 31 December 1861; Austin Steward to Gerrit Smith, 24 November 1861, Gerrit Smith Papers, NSyU [Syracuse University] [13:0931].

8. By 1832 Benjamin Paul's daughter turned over her teaching chores to her brother Thomas Paul, who conducted classes in a log schoolhouse built with funds donated by Oberlin, Ohio, Quakers. Education at Wilberforce, however, proved to be erratic, and by the end of 1836, the settlement was without a school. In 1839 residents reported a "flourishing school" under the direction of the Reverend Hiram Wilson, but the school closed sometime in 1842 when New York Quakers withdrew their support. A black public school was established in the area by the following year. P [Philanthropist], 27 February 1838; CA [Colored American (New York)], 24 August 1839; NASS [National Anti-Slavery Standard], 3 June 1841 [4:0042]; Landon, "Diary of Benjamin Lundy," 115; Fred Landon, "The history of the Wilberforce Refugee Colony in Middlesex County," Trans [Transactions (London and Middlesex Historical Society)], 9:41 (1918); Simpson, "Negroes in Ontario to 1870," 365; Pease and Pease, Black Utopia, 52.

9. Benjamin Paul (?-1836) was born in Exeter, New Hampshire, the son of a black Revolutionary War veteran. Like three of his six brothers - Thomas, Nathaniel, and Shadrach - he became a Baptist clergyman. Paul served an Albany, New York, congregation until 1824, when he was appointed pastor of the black Abyssinian Baptist Church in New York City. There he actively involved himself in black community affairs, particularly black education; he served as attendance agent for the African Free Schools and supported Benjamin F. Hughes's School for Coloured Children during the late 1820s. In 1830, after resigning his New York City parish and moving to Rochester, he became enthused by prospects at the black Wilberforce settlement in Upper Canada. For nearly a year, he solicited funds throughout New York State for the enterprise before moving there with his family in the spring of 1831. Like four of his children and his brother Nathaniel, he played a prominent role in the young colony's affairs. When Nathaniel left Wilberforce in late 1831 on a fund-raising tour of Britain, Benjamin Paul replaced him as minister of the settlement's First Baptist Church, a position he retained until his death. Paul also was an early member of the Wilberforce board of managers, functioning as treasurer in 1832. When a protracted, bitter struggle for control of the colony emerged between Austin Steward and Israel Lewis after 1832, Paul joined the pro-Lewis faction. According to Steward, Paul was "inclined to pulmonary diseases," which likely contributed to his death at the Wilberforce settlement on 31 March 1836. DANB [Rayford W. Logan and Michael R. Winston, eds., Dictionary of American Negro Biography], 481-82; J Marcus Mitchell, "The Paul Family," OTNE [Old-Time New England] 63:75 (Winter 1973); George Walker, "The Afro-American in New York City, 1827-1860" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1975), 136, 142; RA [Rochester Advertiser (Rochester, N.Y.)], 12 June 1829; FJ [Freedom's Journal], 23 March 1827, 1 February 1828 [17:0534]; CA [Colored American (New York)], 7 October 1837 [2:0213]; Simpson, "Negroes in Ontario to 1870," 333, 362-74; Lib [The Liberator], 21 May 1831, 12 May 1832, 23 February 1833, 8, 29 March 1834 [1:0244, 0399, 0407]; Steward, Twenty-Two Years a Slave, 156.

10. Members of Wilberforce's temperance society pledged to discourage the sale and the use of alcoholic beverages, and in this they were successful. Nathaniel Paul testified before a House of Commons committee in 1832 that Wilberforce's residents "unanimously agreed to exclude the use of ardent spirits from the settlement." Landon, "Diary of Benjamin Lundy," 115; Great Britain, House of Commons Sessional Papers, Reports from Committees (1831-32), 20:232.

11. William Bell, a local black farmer, remained a member of the Wilberforce board of managers through 1836. Bell later promoted local black education and served on the committee of the self-help oriented Provincial Union Association. Bell's moderate success antagonized local immigrant whites, who burned his barn and crops in 1848; despite this, he continued to reside in Canada West through the mid-1850s. Simpson, "Negroes in Ontario to 1870," 372; CA [Colored American (New York)], 13 July 1839 [3:0133]; Lib [The Liberator], 13 April 1833 [1:0274]; A. Beckford Jones et al., Memorial of the Colored Inhabitants of London and Wilberforce, Canada West, 10 October 1842, Fred Landon Papers, CaOLU [University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario, Canada] [4:0475]; PFW [Provincial Freeman (Windsor, Chatham and Toronto, Ontario, Canada)], 19 August 1854, 22 December 1855 [09:0018].

12. Philip Harris (1775-1857) and his wife, Vilana, were among the earliest Wilberforce settlers (1830) and remained at the colony until their deaths. As a member of the board of managers, Harris initially supported Israel Lewis in his struggle for control of Wilberforce but later opposed him. Landon, "History of Wilberforce Refugee Colony," 42; Pease and Pease Black Utopia, 58.

13. Simon Wyatt was described in 1832 as "an old man, in his dotage," but he remained active in Wilberforce affairs throughout the 1830s. Initially a member of Wilberforce's small, pro-Israel Lewis faction, he later joined with the board of managers to condemn Lewis. Pease and Pease, Black Utopia, 58; Steward, Twenty-Two Years a Slave, 210; CA [Colored American (New York)], 24 August 1839.

14. Israel Lewis (?-ca. 1841), a founder and early leader of the Wilberforce settlement, escaped with his wife from slavery, settled in Cincinnati, and became a prominent member of the city's black community by the late 1820s. In 1829, when a group of Cincinnati blacks decided to immigrate to Upper Canada, Lewis and Thomas Cresap met with Sir John Colborne, the lieutenant governor of the province, obtained his approval for the settlement, and negotiated the acquisition of a tract of land from the Canada Land Company. Arriving in Upper Canada during the summer of 1829, Lewis was one of the first settlers of the new colony and a prominent community leader. He marked out the settlement's land purchase into parcels, petitioned the Ohio legislature for assistance with the resettlement of the Cincinnati blacks, supervised the construction of a road at the settlement, and returned to the United States to solicit funds for the fledgling colony.

After Austin Steward arrived at Wilberforce in 1831, Lewis lost his position of prominence. He acted as an agent for the settlement until 1 April 1832 when he severed his connection with the board of managers. He formed a rival organization to challenge the leadership at Wilberforce and remained active in the settlements affairs (thereby contributing to the factionalism) by establishing schools, distributing relief, and collecting funds. From the late 1830s until at least 1841, Lewis solicited contributions for Wilberforce in the Midwest, New York State, and Upper Canada despite condemnation in the press, in northern black communities, and at Wilberforce, where, by the summer of 1839, he had lost most of his support. Throughout the 1830s, Lewis's critics charged him with using the money he collected for his own benefit. The bickering and controversy his willfulness encouraged did much to damage the colony's chances for survival. His feud with Austin Steward brought the colony bad publicity; the shortcomings that it revealed persuaded the Baptist Missionary Society of Upper Canada to withdraw support from Wilberforce in 1837 and to encourage other philanthropists to follow their example, arguing that the colony was incapable of appointing competent agents. Nevertheless, Lewis pursued his plan to establish a manual labor institute; in 1840 he unsuccessfully petitioned the Upper Canada House of Assembly for a charter to form a black educational organization called the Wilberforce Benevolent School Company of Upper Canada. Lewis died in poverty in a Montreal hospital.CG [Christian Guardian Toronto], 30 July, 22 August 1829; Lib [The Liberator],9 April 1831, 11, 23 February, 2, 9, March, 13 April 1833, 8 March 1834, 16 July 1836 [1:0245, 0271, 0273, 0399,3:0133]; P [Philanthropist], 17 June 1836 [1:0670]; E [Emancipator], 11 August 1836; CA [Colored American (New York)], 15 July 1837, 16 February, 13 July, 24 August 1839, 18 September 1841 [3:0132, 4:0210]; FM [Friend of Man (Utica, N.Y.)], 14 March 1838; NASS [National Anti-Slavery Standard], 3 June 1841 [4:0042]; Steward, Twenty-Two Years a Slave, 108, 171-73, 209, 214 [1:0288]; Pease and Pease Black Utopia, 53-54, 57, 58; Winks, Blacks in Canada, 160; Landon, "History of the Wilberforce Refugee Colony," 42; Marilyn Bailey, "From Cincinnati, Ohio, to Wilberforce, Canada: A Note on Antebellum Colonization," JNH [Journal of Negro History] 58: 431-36 (October 1973); Journal of the Assembly of Upper Canada, 5th Session, 13th Parliament, 20-21 January 1840.