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        <title>Narrative of James Williams, an American Slave: 
Electronic Edition.</title>
        <author>James Williams, 1805-?</author>
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        <publisher>Academic Affairs Library, UNC-CH</publisher>
        <pubPlace>University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, </pubPlace>
        <date>1997.</date>
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at Chapel Hill. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text.</p>
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        <note anchored="yes">Call number  E444 .W743 1838</note>
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          <title>Narrative of James Williams, an American Slave; Who was for Several Years a Driver on a Cotton Plantation in Alabama.</title>
          <author>James Williams </author>
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            <pubPlace>New York: </pubPlace>
            <publisher>Published by the American Anti-Slavery Society</publisher>
            <date>1838</date>
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            <item>Fugitive slaves -- United States -- Biography.</item>
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    <front>
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            <p>[Title Page Image]</p>
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      <titlePage type="main">
        <titlePart type="main">NARRATIVE OF <emph rend="bold">JAMES WILLIAMS,</emph> AN AMERICAN SLAVE,</titlePart>
        <titlePart type="subtitle">WHO WAS FOR SEVERAL YEARS A DRIVER ON A COTTON PLANTATION IN ALABAMA</titlePart>
        <epigraph>
          <p>”Oh the slave, who toils from the rising sun to sundown  -  who labors in the cultivation of a crop whose fruits he may never reap  -  who comes home at nightfall weary, faint, and sick of heart, to find in his hut creatures that are to run in the same career with himself,  -  will you not tell him of a period when his soil shall be at an end? Will you not give him a hope for his children”?</p>
          <p>
            <hi rend="italics">Speech of O'Connell. London, 1833.</hi>
          </p>
        </epigraph>
        <docImprint><pubPlace>NEW YORK:</pubPlace>
<publisher>PUBLISHED BY THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY,</publisher>
<address><addrLine>NO. 143 NASSAU STREET.</addrLine></address>
<pubPlace>BOSTON:</pubPlace>
<publisher>ISAAC KNAPP, 25 CORNHILL</publisher>
<docDate>1838.</docDate></docImprint>
        <titlePart type="verso">Stereotyped at GEO. A. &amp; J. Curtis's</titlePart>
        <titlePart type="verso">Type &amp; Stereotype Foundry.  -  Boston.</titlePart>
      </titlePage>
      <div1 type="preface">
        <head rend="bold">PREFACE.</head>
        <div2 type="part">
          <p>”AMERICAN SLAVERY,” said the celebrated John
Wesley,” is the <hi rend="italics">vilest</hi> beneath the sun! ”  Of the
truth of this emphatic remark no other proof is 
required than an examination of the statute books
of the American slave states.  Tested by its own 
laws, in all that facilitates and protects the hateful process of converting a man into a ”<hi rend="italics">chattel
personal;”</hi> in all that stamps the law-maker and
law-upholder with meanness and hypocrisy, it 
certainly has no present rival of its ” bad eminence ;” and we may search in vain the history
of a world's despotism for a parallel. The civil
code of Justinian never acknowledged, with that
our democratic despotisms, the essential equality,
of man. The dreamer in the gardens of Epicurus recognized neither in himself, nor in the slave
who ministered to his luxury, the immortality of
the spiritual. nature. Neither Solon nor Lycursus taught the inalienability of human rights.
<pb id="williamsiv" n="iv"/>
The Barons of the Feudal System, whose maxim
was emphatically that of Wordsworth's robber,</p>
          <lg type="poem">
            <l>”That he should take who had the power,</l>
            <l>And he should keep who can,”</l>
          </lg>
          <p>while trampling on the necks of their vassals, and
counting the life of a man as of less value than
that of a wild beast, never appealed to God for
the sincerity of their belief that all men were created 
equal.  It was reserved for American slave-
holders to present to the world the hideous anomaly 
of a code of laws, beginning. with the emphatic 
declaration of the inalienable rights of all
men to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,
and closing with a deliberate and systematic denial 
of those rights, in respect to a large portion
of their countrymen ; engrossing on the same
parchment the antagonist laws of liberty and
tyranny. The very nature of this unnatural
combination has rendered it necessary that
American slavery, in law and in practice, should
exceed every other in severity and cool atrocity.
The masters of Greece and Rome permitted their
slaves to read and write, and worship the gods
of paganism in peace and security, for there was
nothing in the laws, literature, or religion of the
<pb id="williamsv" n="v"/>
age to awaken in the soul of the bondman a just
sense of his rights as a man. But the American
slave-holder cannot be thus lenient. In the excess 
of his benevolence, as a political propagandist, 
he has kindled a fire for the oppressed of
the old world to gaze at with hope, and for
crowned heads and dynasties to tremble at; but
a due regard to the safety of his ” peculiar institution” 
compels him to put out the eyes of his
own people, lest they too should see it. Calling
on all the world to shake off  the fetters of oppression, 
and wade through the blood of tyrants to
freedom, he has been compelled to smother in
darkness and silence the minds of his own bondmen, 
lest they too should hear and obey the summons, 
by putting the knife to his own throat.
Proclaiming the truths of Divine Revelation, and
sending the Scriptures to the four quarters of the
earth, he has found it necessary to maintain
heathenism at home by special enactments, and
to make the second offence of teaching his slaves
the message of salvation punishable with <hi rend="italics">death!</hi></p>
          <p>What marvel then that American slavery, even
on the <hi rend="italics">statute book,</hi> assumes the right to transform
<pb id="williamsvi" n="vi"/>
moral beings into brutes;<ptr id="ptr1" n="1" target="note1" targOrder="U"/>  -  that it legalizes
man's usurpation of Divine authority: the substitution of the will of the master for the moral
government of God;  -  that it annihilates the
rights of conscience; debars from the enjoyment
of religious rights and privileges by specific enactments; and enjoins disobedience to the Divine
Lawgiver;  -  that it discourages purity and chastity, encourages crime, legalizes concubinage; and,
while it places the slave entirely in the hands of
his master, provides no real protection for his life
or his person.</p>
          <p>But it may be said, that these laws afford no
certain evidence of the actual condition of the
slaves: that, in judging the system by its code,
no allowance is made for the humanity of individual
 masters. It was a just remark of the celebrated 
Priestley, that  <hi rend="italics">”no people ever were found
to be better than their laws, though many have
been known to be worse.”</hi> All history and common experience confirm this. Besides, admitting
that the legal severity of a system may be softened
  <note id="note1" n="1" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr1"> *The <hi rend="italics">cardinal principle</hi> of slavery, that a slave is not
to be ranked among sentient beings, but among things,
as an article of Property, a chattel personal, obtains as
undoubted law, in all the slave states. (Judge Stroud's
sketch of Slave Laws, p. 22.)</note>
<pb id="williamsvii" n="vii"/> in the practice of the humane, may it not also
be aggravated by that of the avaricious and cruel?</p>
          <p>But what are the testimony and admissions of
slave-holders themselves on this point? In an
Essay published in Charleston, S. C., in 1822,
and entitled ”A Refutation of the Calumnies
circulated against the Southern and Western
States,” by the late Edwin C. Holland, Esq., it
is stated, that ”all slave-holders have laid down
non-resistance, and perfect and uniform <hi rend="italics">obedience</hi>
to their orders, as fundamental principles in the
government of their slaves ;” that this it is ”a <hi rend="italics">necessary</hi> result of the relation,” and <hi rend="italics">”unavoidable”</hi>
Robert J. Turnbull, Esq., of South Carolina, in
remarking upon the management of slaves, says,
” The only principle upon which any authority
over them (the slaves) can be maintained is <hi rend="italics">fear,</hi>
and he who denies this has little knowledge of
them.” To this may be added the testimony of
Judge Ruffin, of North Carolina, as quoted in
Wheeler's Law of Slavery, p. 247. ” The slave,
to remain a slave, must feel that there is <hi rend="italics">no appeal from his master.</hi> No man can anticipate the
provocations which the slave would give, nor the
consequent wrath of the master, prompting him
<pb id="williamsviii" n="viii"/>
to BLOODY VENGEANCE on the turbulent
traitor, a vengeance <hi rend="italics">generally</hi> practiced with impunity by reason of its <hi rend="italics">privacy</hi>.”</p>
          <p>In an Essay on the ” improvement of negroes
on plantations,” by Rev. Thomas S. Clay, a
slave-holder of Bryan County, Georgia, and printed 
at the request of the Georgia Presbytery, in
1833, we are told, ”that the present economy of
the slave system is <hi rend="italics">to get all you can</hi> from the
slave, and give him in return <hi rend="italics">as little as will barely 
support hint in a working condition!</hi>”  Here,
in a few words, the whole enormity of slavery is
exposed to view: ”to <hi rend="italics">get all you can</hi> from the
slave”  -  by means of whips, and stocks and irons
  -  by every device for torturing the body, without
destroying its capability of labor; and in return
give him as little of his coarse fare as will keep
him, like a mere beast of burden, in a <hi rend="italics">”working
condition.”</hi> This is slavery, as explained by the
slave-holder himself.</p>
          <p>Mr. Clay further says: <hi rend="italics">”Offences against the
master</hi> are more severely punished than violations
of the law of God,  a fault which affects the
slave's personal character a good deal. As examples 
we may notice, that <hi rend="italics">running away</hi> is more
<pb id="williamsix" n="ix"/>
severely punished than adultery.”  ”He (the
slave) only knows his master as lawgiver and
executioner, and the <hi rend="italics">sole object of punishment</hi>
held up to his view, is to make him <hi rend="italics">a more obedient 
and profitable slave.”</hi></p>
          <p>Hon. W. B. Seabrook, in an address before the
Agricultural Society of St. Johns, Colleton, published 
by order of the Society, at Charleston, in
1834, after stating that, ”as Slavery exists in
South Carolina, the action of the citizens should
rigidly conform to that state of things,” and that
”no <hi rend="italics">abstract opinions of the rights of man</hi> should
be allowed in any instance to modify the <hi rend="italics">police
system of a plantation,”</hi> proceeds as follows: <hi rend="italics"><hi rend="italics">”He</hi>
(the slave) <hi rend="italics">should be practically treated as a slave,</hi></hi>
and thoroughly taught the true cardinal principle
on which our peculiar institutions are founded,
viz., that to his owner he is bound by the law of
God and man; and that no human authority can
sever the link which unites them. The great
aim of the slave-holder, then, should be to keep
his people in strict <hi rend="italics">subordination</hi>. In this, it may
in truth be said, lies his <hi rend="italics">entire duty.”</hi>  Again, in
speaking of the punishments of slaves, he remarks:
”If to our army the disuse of THE LASH has been
<pb id="williamsx" n="x"/>
prejudicial, to the slave-holder it would operate to
deprive him of the MAIN SUPPORT of his authority.
For the first class of offences, I consider imprisonment in THE STOCKS<ptr id="ptr2" n="2" target="note2" targOrder="U"/> at night, with or without
hard labor lay day, as a powerful auxiliary in the
cause of <hi rend="italics">good</hi> government.” ”<hi rend="italics">Experience</hi> has
convinced me that there is no punishment to
which the slave looks with more horror, than that
upon which I am now commenting, (the stocks,)
and none which has been attended with happier
results.”</p>
          <note id="note2" n="2" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr2">*Of the nature of this punishment in the stocks,
something may be learned by the following extract of a
letter from a gentleman in Tallahasse, Florida, to the
editor of the Ohio Atlas, dated June 9, 1835: ”A
planter, a professor of religion, in conversing upon the
universality of whipping, remarked, that a planter in
G------, who had whipped a great deal at length got
tired of it, and invented the following <hi rend="italics">excellent</hi> method
of punishment, which I sail practised while I was paying him a visit. The negro was placed in a sitting position, with his hands made fast above his head, and his
feet in the stocks, so that he could not move any part
of the body.  The master retired, intending to leave 
him till morning, but we were awakened in the night
by the groans of the negro, which were so doleful that
we feared he was dying.  We went to him, and found 
him covered in a cold sweat, and almost gone.  He 
could not have lived an hour longer.  Mr. ------ found
the ‘stocks’ such an effective punishment, that it almost
superseded the whip.”</note>
          <p>There is yet another class of testimony quite
as pertinent as the foregoing, which may at any
<pb id="williamsxi" n="xi"/>
time be gleaned from the newspapers of the slave
states  -  the advertisements of masters for their
runaway slaves, and casual paragraphs, coldly relating cruelties, which would disgrace a land of
Heathenism. Let the following suffice for
specimen:</p>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <opener><salute><hi rend="italics">To the Editors of the Constitutionalist;</hi></salute>
                         <dateline>AIKEN, S. C., <date>Dec. 20, 1836.</date></dateline></opener>
          <p> I have just returned from an inquest I held over the 
dead body of a negro man, a runaway, that was shot
near the South Edisto, in this District, (Barnewell,) on
Saturday morning last.  He came to his death by his
own recklessness.  He refused to be taken alive; and
said that other attempts to take him had been made,
and he was determined that he would not be taken.
When taken, he was nearly naked  -  had a large dirk or
knife, and a heavy club.  He was, at first, (when those
who were in pursuit of him found it absolutely necessary,) shot at with small-shot, with the intention of
merely crippling him.  He was shot at several times,
and at last he was so disabled as to be compelled to
surrender.  He kept in the run of a creek in a very 
dense swamp all the time that the neighbors were in 
pursuit of him.  As soon as the negro was taken, the 
best medical aid was procured, but he died on the same
evening.  One of the witnesses at the inquisition stated
that the negro boy said that he was from Mississippi,
and belonged to so many persons he did not know who
his master was: but again he said his master's name 
was <hi rend="italics">Brown</hi>.  He said his own name was Sam; and
when asked by another witness who his master was, he
muttered something like Augusta or Augustine.  The
boy was apparently above 35 or 40 years of age  -  about 
six feet high  -  slightly yellow in the face  -  very long
beard of whiskers  -  and very stout built, and a stern
countenance; and appeared to have been run away a
long time.   </p>
          <signed><name> WILLIAM H. PRITCHARD</name>
             Coroner, (Ex officio,)  Barnwell Dist., S.C.</signed>
          <trailer>The Mississippi and other papers will please copy
the above.  -  <hi rend="italics">Georgia Consitutionalist.</hi></trailer>
        </div2>
        <pb id="williamsxii" n="xii"/>
        <div2>
          <p>$100 REWARD.  -  Ran away the subscriber,
living on Herring Bay, Anne Arundel Co., Md., on Saturday, 28th January, Negro man Elijah, who calls him.
self Elijah Cook; is about 21 years of age, well made,
of a very dark complexion, has an impediment in his
speech, and <hi rend="italics">a scar on his left cheek bone, apparently occasioned by a shot. </hi></p>
          <signed>J. SCRIVENER.</signed>
          <closer>[Annapolis (Md.) Rep., <date>Feb. 1837.</date></closer>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <p>$40 REWARD.  -  Ran away from my residence, near
Mobile, two negro men, Isaac and Tim. Isaac is from
25 to 30 years old, dark complexion, scar on the right
side of the head, and also one on the right side of the
body, occasioned by BUCK SHOT. Tim is 22 years old,
dark complexion, scar on the right cheek, as also another
on the back of the neck. Captains and owners of
steamboats, vessels, and water crafts of every description, are cautioned against taking them on board, under
the penalty of the law, and all other persons against
harboring or in any manner favoring the escape of said
negroes, under like penalty. </p>
          <signed>SARAH WALSH.</signed>
          <closer> Mobile, Sept. 1.</closer>
          <closer>[Montgomery (Ala.) Advertiser, Sept. 29, 1837.</closer>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <p>$200 REWARD.  -  Ran away from the subscriber,
about three years ago, a certain Negro man named Ben,
(commonly known by the name of Ben Fox.) He is
about 5 feet 5 or 6 inches high, chunky made, yellow
complexion, and has but one eye. Also, one other negro by the name of Rigdon, who ran away on the 8th
of this month. He is stout made, tall, and very black,
with large lips.</p>
          <p>I will give the reward of one hundred dollars for each
of the above negroes, to be delivered to me or confined
in the jail of Lenoir or Jones County, or <hi rend="italics">for the killing
of them so that I can see them.</hi> Masters of vessels, and
all others, are cautioned against harboring, employing,
or carrying them away, under the penalty of the law.</p>
          <signed>W. D. COBB.</signed>
          <closer>Lenoir Co.,  N. C.,  November 12, 1836.</closer>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <p>BROUGHT TO JAIL.  -  In Irwinton, Wilkinson
County, (Ga.) 16th Nov. 1837, a negro man by the
name of JACOB, who says he belongs to Heritan Middleton, in Henry County, Alabama. He says he was hired
<pb id="williamsxiii" n="xiii"/>
to John Webb, near West Point, in this State. He is
about 6 feet high, dark complexion, and slow in speaking. There are no marks discoverable, <hi rend="italics">only</hi> he is VERY
BADLY SHOT <hi rend="italics">in the right side and right hand.</hi> The owner
or owners are requested to come forward, prove property, pay charges, and take him away.</p>
          <signed>S. B. MURPHEY, Jailer.</signed>
          <closer>Milledgville, Jan. 2, 1838.      [Georgia Journal. </closer>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <opener>[From the Clinton (Miss.) Gazette, July 23, 1836.]</opener>
          <p>WAS COMMITTED to the jail of Covington County,
on the 26th day of June, 1836, by G. D. Gere, Esq., a
negro man, who says his name is JOSIAH, and says he
belongs to John Martin, an Irishman, living in the State
of Louisiana, on the west side of the Mississippi river,
twenty miles below Natchez. Josiah is 5 feet 8 inches
high, heavy built, copper color, his back <hi rend="italics">very much scarred</hi>
with the <hi rend="italics">whip</hi>, and BRANDED on the thigh and hips in
<hi rend="italics">three</hi> or <hi rend="italics">four</hi> places; thus, (I. M.) or (J. M.;) the M. is
very plain, but the I. or J. is not plain: the rim of his
right ear has been bit or cut off. He is about 31 years
of age, had on, when committed, pantaloons made of
bed ticking, cotton coat, and an old fur hat very much
worn. The owner of the above described negro is requested to comply with the requisitions of the law in
such cases made and provided.</p>
          <signed>J. L. JOLLEY, Sheriff, C. C.</signed>
          <closer> Williamsburgh, June 28, 1836.</closer>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <p>WAS COMMITTED to jail, a negro man, who says
that his name is HARRY. Said boy is about 30 years
old, light complexion and bald head; has a scar on his
left knee; also, one on his forehead, and one on his
right hand;<hi rend="italics"> he is very much marked with the whip.</hi> The
owner, &amp;c.</p>
          <signed> B. W. HATCH, Jailer.</signed>
          <closer> [Port Gibson (Mi.,) Correspondent, Sept. 16, 1837.</closer>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <p>$50 REWARD.  -  Ran away from the subscriber, a
negro fellow named Dick, about 21 or 22 years of age,
dark mulatto, has many scars on his back from being
<hi rend="italics">whipped</hi>. The boy was purchased by me from Thomas
L. Arnold, and absconded about the time the purchase
was made. </p>
          <signed>JAMES NOE.</signed>
          <closer>[Sentinel and Expositor, Vicksburg, (Mi.,) Oct. 10, 1837.</closer>
        </div2>
        <pb id="williamsxiv" n="xiv"/>
        <div2>
          <opener>[From the New Orleans Bee, Oct. 28, 1837.]</opener>
          <p>$10 REWARD.  -  Ran away, on the 9th of October,
CAROLINE, aged about 38 years; had a collar on with
one prong turned down. </p>
          <signed>T. CUGGY,</signed>
          <closer>Gallatin st., between Hospital and Barracks.</closer>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <p>$25 REWARD.  -  For the black woman, Betsey, who
left my house in the Faubourg, McDonnough, about the, 
12th inst., when she had on her neck an iron collar; has
a mark on her neck and is about 20 years of age.</p>
          <signed>CHARLES KERNIN.</signed>
          <closer> [New Orleans paper, March, 1837.</closer>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <p>$50 REWARD.  -  Ran away from Murot's Plantation,
near Baton Rouge, about two months ago, the negro
man Manuel. Description  -  black, 5 feet 4 inches high,
about 30 years old, one scar on the forehead, and <hi rend="italics">much 
marked with irons.</hi></p>
          <closer>[New Orleans Bee, May 27, 1837.</closer>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <p>COMMITTED to the jail of Pike County, a man
about twenty-three or four years old, who calls his name
John. The said Negro has a clog of iron on his right
foot which will weigh 4 or 5 pounds. The owner is requested, &amp;c.</p>
          <signed>B. W.  HODGES, Jailer.</signed>
          <closer>[Montgomery (Alabama) Advertiser, Sept. 29,1837.</closer>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <p>$100 REWARD.  -  Ran away from the subscriber, six
weeks ago, two negro men, one a tall fellow, stoops considerably 
in walking; when spoken to fiercely, looks as
if he would sink into the earth. The other is a short
stumpy fellow, of a very black or almost blue color,
large cheeks, has a scar over one eye; also, <hi rend="italics">one on his
leapfrog the bite of a dog,</hi> and a burn on his body from a
piece of <hi rend="italics">hot iron</hi>, in the shape of a T!</p>
          <signed>JOHN A. DILLAHUNTY.</signed>
          <closer>[New Orleans Bee, Feb. 8, 1837.</closer>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <p>“A Negro who had absconded from his master,
and for whom a reward was offered of $100, has
been apprehended and committed to prison in Savannah, 
Georgia. The editor who states the
<pb id="williamsxv" n="xv"/>
fact, adds, with as much coolness as though there
were no barbarity in the matter, that he did not
surrender until he was considerably <hi rend="italics">maimed by
the dogs<ptr id="ptr3" n="3" target="note3" targOrder="U"/></hi> that had been set on him,  -  desperately
fighting them, one of which he cut badly with a
sword.”</p>
          <note id="note3" n="3" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr3">*In regard to the use of bloodhounds, for the recapture 
of runaway slaves, we insert the following from
the New York Evangelist, being an extract of a letter
from Natchez, (Miss.) under date of January 31, 1835:
“An instance was related to me in Clairborne County, 
in Mississippi.  A runaway was heard about the house
in the night.  The hound was put upon his track, and 
in the morning was found watching the dead body of
the negro.  The dogs are trained to this service when
young.  A negro is directed to go into the woods and
secure himself upon a tree.  When sufficient time has
elapsed for doing this, the hound is put upon his track.
The blacks are compelled to worry them until they 
make them their implacable enemies; and it is common
to meet with dogs which will take no notice of whites,
though entire strangers, but will suffer no blacks beside
the house servants to enter the yard.”</note>
          <closer>
            <hi rend="italics">New York Commercial Advertiser, June 8, 1827.</hi>
          </closer>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <p>From the foregoing evidence on the part of
slave-holders themselves, we gather the following
facts:</p>
          <p>1. That perfect obedience is required of the
slave  -   that he is made to feel that there is no appeal from his master.</p>
          <p>2. That the authority of the master is only
maintained by fear  -  a <hi rend="italics">“reign of terror.”</hi></p>
          <pb id="williamsxvi" n="xvi"/>
          <p>3. That ”the economy of slavery is to <hi rend="italics">get all
you can</hi> from the slave, and give him in return
as little as will barely support him in a working
condition.”</p>
          <p>4. That runaway slaves may be shot down with
impunity by any white person.</p>
          <p>5. That masters offer rewards for <hi rend="italics">”killing”</hi>
their slaves, <hi rend="italics">”so that they may see them!”</hi></p>
          <p>6. That slaves are branded with hot irons, and
very much scarred with the whip.</p>
          <p>7. That <hi rend="italics">iron collars</hi>, with projecting prongs,
rendering it almost impossible for the wearer to
lie down, are fastened upon the <hi rend="italics">necks of women.</hi></p>
          <p>8. That the LASH is the MAIN SUPPORT of the
slave-holder's authority; but, that the <hi rend="italics">stocks</hi> are
”a powerful auxiliary” to his government.</p>
          <p>9. That runaway slaves are chased with dogs  -  
men hunted like beasts of prey.</p>
          <p>Such is American Slavery in practice.</p>
          <p>The testimony thus far adduced is only that
of the slave-holder and wrong-doer himself: the
admission of men who have a direct interest in
keeping ought of sight the horrors of their system. 
It is, besides, no voluntary admission.
Having ”framed iniquity by law,” it is out of
<pb id="williamsxvii" n="xvii"/>
their power to hide it. For the recovery of their
runaway property, they are compelled to advertise 
in the public journals, and, that it may be
identified, they are under the necessity of describing 
the marks of the whip on the backs of women,
the iron collars about the neck, the gun-shot
wounds, and the traces of the branding-iron.
Such testimony must, in the nature of things, be
partial and incomplete. But for a full revelation
of the secrets of the prison-house, we must look
to the slave himself. The Inquisitors of Goa
and Madrid never disclosed the peculiar atrocities
of their “hall of horrors.” It was the escaping
heretic, with his swollen and disjointed limbs,
and bearing about him the scars of rack and fire,
who exposed them to the gaze and abhorrence of
Christendom.</p>
          <p>The following pages contain the simple and
unvarnished story of an AMERICAN SLAVE,  -  of
one whose situation, in the first place, as a favorite 
servant in an aristocratic family in Virginia, 
and afterwards as the sole and confidential
driver on a large plantation in Alabama, afforded
him rare and peculiar advantages for accurate
observation of the practical workings on the system. 
<pb id="williamsxviii" n="xviii"/>His intelligence, evident candor, and grateful 
remembrance of those kindnesses which in a
land of slavery made his cup of suffering less
bitter; the perfect accordance of his statements
(made at different times and to different individuals<ptr id="ptr4" n="4" target="note4" targOrder="U"/>) one with another, as well as those statements 
themselves, all afford strong confirmation
of the truth and accuracy of his story. There
seems to have been no effort, on his part, to make
his picture of slavery one of entire darkness  -  he
details every thing of a mitigating character which
fell under his observation; and even the cruel deception 
of his master has not rendered him unmindful 
of his early kindness.</p>
          <p>The Editor is fully aware that he has not been
able to present this affecting narrative in the simplicity 
and vivid freshness with which it fell from
the lips of the narrator. He has, however, as
<note id="note4" n="4" rend="sc" anchored="yes" target="ptr4"> *The reader is referred to JOHN G. WHITTIER, of 
Amesbury, Mass., or to the following gentlemen, who
have heard the whole or part of his story from his
own lips: Emmor Kimber, of Kimberton, Pa., Lindley
Coates, of Lancaster Co., do.; James Mott, of Philadelphia, 
Lewis Tappan, Elizur Wright, Jun., Rev. Dr.
Follen, and James G. Birney, of New York.  The latter
gentleman, who was a few years ago a citizen of Alabama, 
assures us that the statements made to him by
James Williams were such as he had every reason to 
believe, from his own knowledge of slavery in that
State.</note>
<pb id="williamsxix" n="xix"/>
closely as possible, copied his manner, and in
many instances his precise language. THE SLAVE
HAS SPOKEN FOR HIMSELF. Acting merely as his
amanuensis, he has carefully abstained from comments of his own.<ptr id="ptr5" n="5" target="note5" targOrder="U"/></p>
          <p>The picture here presented to the people of
the free states is, in many respects, a novel one.
We all know something of Virginia and Kentucky slavery. 
We have heard of the internal
slave trade  -  the pangs of separation  -  the slave
ship with its ”cargo of despair,” bound for the
New Orleans market  -  and the weary journey of
the chained Coffle to the cotton country. But
here, in a great measure, we have lost sight of
the victims of avarice and lust. We have not
studied the dreadful economy of the cotton plantation, 
and know but little of the secrets of its
unlimited despotism.</p>
          <p> But in this narrative the scenes of the plantation rise 
before us, with a distinctness which approaches reality. We hear 
the sound of the horn
at daybreak, calling the sick and the weary to
  <note id="note5" n="5" rend="sc" place="foot" anchored="yes" target="ptr5">*As the narrator was unable to read or write, it is
quite possible that the orthography of some of the names
of individuals mentioned in this story may not be entirely correct. For instance, the name of his master
may have been either Larrimer or Larrimore.</note>
<pb id="williamsxx" n="xx"/>
toil unrequited. Woman, in her appealing delicacy 
and suffering, about to become a mother, is
fainting under the lash, or sinking exhausted beside 
her cotton row. We hear the prayer for
mercy answered with sneers and curses. We
look on the instruments of torture, and the corpses
of murdered men. We see the dogs, reeking
hot from the chase, with their jaws foul with human 
blood. We see the meek and aged Christian,
scarred with the lash, and bowed down with toil,
offering the supplication of a broken heart to his
Father in Heaven for the forgiveness of his brutal 
enemy. We hear, and from our inmost hearts
repeat, the affecting interrogatory of the aged
slave, <hi rend="italis">”How long, Oh Lord! How long!”</hi></p>
          <p>The Editor has written out the details of this
painful narrative with feelings of sorrow. If
there be any who feel a morbid satisfaction in
dwelling upon the history of outrage and cruelty,
he at least is not one of them.  His taste and
habits incline him rather to look to the pure and
beautiful in our nature  -  the sunniest side of humanity  -  
its kindly sympathies  -  its holy affections  -  
its charities and its love. But it is because he has seen that all which is thus beautiful
<pb id="williamsxxi" n="xxi"/>
and excellent in mind and heart perishes in the
atmosphere of slavery; it is because humanity
in the slave sinks down to a level with the brute,
and in the master gives place to the attributes of
a fiend  -  that he has not felt at liberty to decline
the task. He cannot sympathize with that abstract and delicate philanthropy which hesitates
to bring itself in contact with the sufferer, and
which shrinks from the effort of searching out
the extent of his afflictions. The emblem of
Practical Philanthropy is the Samaritan stooping
over the wounded Jew. It must be no fastidious
hand which administers the oil and the wine, and
binds up the unsightly gashes.</p>
          <p>Believing, as he does, that this narrative is one
of truth; that it presents an unexaggerated picture of slavery as it exists on the cotton plantations of the South and West, he would particularly invite to its perusal those individuals, and
especially those professing Christians at the North,
who have ventured to claim for such a system
the sanction and approval of the religion of Jesus
Christ. In view of the facts here presented, let
these men seriously inquire of themselves, whether, in advancing such a claim, they are not uttering 
<pb id="williamsxxii" n="xxii"/>
a higher and more audacious blasphemy than
any which ever fell from the pens of Voltaire and
Paine. As if to cover them with confusion, and
leave them utterly without excuse for thus libelling 
the character of a just God, these developments
 are making, and the veil rising, which for
long years of sinful apathy has rested upon the
abominations of American Slavery. Light is
breaking into its dungeons, disclosing the wreck
of buried intellect  -  of hearts broken  -  of human
affections outraged  -  of souls ruined. The world
will see it as God has always seen it; and when
He shall at length make inquisition for blood, and
His vengeance kindle over the habitations of cruelty, with a destruction more terrible than that of
Sodom and Gomorrah, His righteous dealing will
be justified of man, and His name glorified among
the nations, and there will be a voice of rejoicing
in Earth and in Heaven. ALLELUIA! THE PROMISE IS FULFILLED!  -  FOR THE SIGHING OF THE
POOR AND THE OPPRESSION OF THE NEEDY, GOD
HATH RISEN!</p>
          <p>It is the earnest desire of the Editor that this
narrative may be the means, under God, of awakening 
in the hearts of all who read it a sympathy 
<pb id="williamsxxiii" n="xxiii"/>
for the oppressed which shall manifest itself
in immediate, active, self-sacrificing exertions for
their deliverance; and, while it excites abhorrence 
of his crimes, call forth pity for the oppressor. 
May it have the effect to prevent the avowed 
and associated friends of the slave from giving
such an undue importance to their own trials and
grievances, as to forget in a great measure the
sorrows of the slave. Let its cry of <sic>wo</sic>, coming,
up from the plantations of the South, suppress
every feeling of selfishness in our hearts. Let
our regret and indignation at the denial of the
right of petition be felt only because we are
thereby prevented, frown pleading in the halls of
Congress for the ”suffering and the dumb.”
And let the fact, that we are shut out from half
the territory of our country, be lamented only
because it prevents us from bearing personally to
the land of slavery the messages of hope for the
slave, and of rebuke and warning for the oppressor.</p>
          <closer><hi rend="italics"> New York, 24th 1st. mo.,</hi>
  1838.</closer>
        </div2>
      </div1>
    </front>
    <body>
      <pb id="williams25" n="25"/>
      <head>NARRATIVE</head>
      <p>I WAS born in Powhatan County, Virginia, on
the plantation of George Larrimore, sen., at
place called Mount Pleasant, on the 16th of May,
1805. My father was the slave of an orphan
family whose name I have forgotten, and was under
the care of a Mr. Brooks, guardian of the
family. He was a native of Africa, and was
brought over when a mere child, with his mother.
My mother was the slave of George Larrimore,
sen. She was nearly white, and is well known
to have been the daughter of Mr. Larrimore himself.
She died when myself and my twin brother
Meshech were five years of age. I can
scarcely remember her. She had in all eight
children, of whom only five are now living. One,
a brother, belongs to the heirs of the late Mr.
Brockenbrough, of Charlottesville; of whom he
hires his time, and pays annually $120 for it.
He is a member of the Baptist church, and used
to preach occasionally. His wife is a free woman
                                                   <pb id="williams26" n="26"/>
from Philadelphia and being able to read and
write, taught her husband. The whites do not
know that he can write, and have often wondered
that he could preach so well without learning.
It is the practice when a church is crowded to
turn the blacks out of their seats. My brother
did not like this, and on one occasion preached a
sermon from a text, showing that all are of one
blood. Some of the whites who heard it said
that such preaching would raise an insurrection
among the negroes. Two of them told him that
if he would prove his doctrine by Scripture, they
would let him go, but if he did not, he should
have nine and thirty lashes. He accordingly
preached another sermon, and spoke with a great
deal of boldness. The two men who were in
favor of having him whipped left before the sermon
was over, those who remained acknowledged
that he had proved his doctrine, and
preached a good sermon, and many of them came
up and shook hands with him. The two opposers,
Scott and Brockley, forbid my brother, after
this, to come upon their estates. They were both
Baptists, and my brother had before preached to
their people. During the cholera at Richmond,
<pb id="williams27" n="27"/>
my brother preached a sermon, in which he compared
the pestilence to the plagues which <sic>afflict-</sic>
the Egyptian slave-holders, because they would
not let the people go. After the sermon some of
the whites threatened to whip him. Mr. Valentine,
a merchant on Shocko Hill, prevented them;
and a young lawyer named Brooks said it was
wrong to threaten a man for preaching the truth.
Since the insurrection of Nat. Turner he has not
been allowed to preach at all.</p>
      <p> My twin brother was for some time the property
of Mr. John Griggs, of Richmond, who
sold him, about three years since, to an Alabama
cotton planter, with whom he <sic>staid</sic> one year,
and then ran away; and in all probability escaped
into the free states or Canada, as he was seen
near the Maryland line. My other brother lives
in Fredericksburg, and belongs to a Mr. Scott, a
merchant, formerly of Richmond. He was sold
from Mr. Larrimore's plantation because his wife
was a slave of Mr. Scott. My only sister is the
slave of John Smith, of King William. Her
husband was the slave of Mr. Smith, when the
latter lived in Powhatan County, and when he
removed to King William she was taken with
her husband.</p>
      <pb id="williams28" n="28"/>
      <p>My old master, George Larrimore, married
Jane Roane, the sister of a gentleman named
John Roane, one of the most distinguished men
in Virginia, who in turn married a sister of my
master. One of his sisters married a Judge
Scott, and another married Mr. Brockenbrough,
of Charlottsville. Mr. Larrimore had three children; George, Jane, and Elizabeth. The former
was just ten days older than myself; and I was
his playmate and constant associate in childhood.
I used to go with him to his school, and carry his
books for him as far as the door, and meet him
there when the school was dismissed. We were
very fond of each other, and frequently slept together.
He taught me the letters of the alphabet,
and I should soon have acquired a knowledge
of reading, had not George's mother discovered
her son in the act of teaching me. She took him
aside and severely reprimanded him. When I
asked him, not long after, to tell me more of what
he had learned at school, he said that his mother
had forbidden him to do so any more, as her father
had a slave who was instructed in reading
and writing, and on that account proved very
troublesome. He could imitate the hand-writing
of all the neighboring planters, and used to write
<pb id="williams29" n="29"/>
passes and certificates of freedom for the slaves,
and finally wrote one for himself, and went off to
Philadelphia, from whence her father received 
from him a saucy letter, thanking him for his
education.</p>
      <p> The early years of my life went by pleasantly.
The bitterness of my lot I had not yet realized
Comfortably clothed and fed, kindly treated by
my old master and mistress and the young ladies,
and the playmate and confidant of any young
master, I did not dream of the dark reality of
evil before me.</p>
      <p> When he was fourteen years of age, master
George went to his uncle Brockenbrough's, at
Charlottsville, as a student of the University.
After his return from college, he went to Paris
and other parts of Europe, and spent three or
four years in study and travelling. In the mean
time I was a waiter in the house, dining-room
servant, &amp;c. My old master visited and received
visits from a great number of the principal families
in Virginia. Each summer, with his family,
he visited the sulphur springs and the mountains.
While George was absent, I went with him to
New Orleans, in the winter season, on account
of his failing health. We spent three days in
<pb id="williams30" n="30"/>
Charleston, at Mr. McDuffie's, with whom my
master was on intimate terms. Mr. McDuffie 
spent several days on one occasion at Mt. Pleasant.
He took a fancy to me, and offered my
master the servant whom he brought with him,
and $500 beside, for me. My master considered
it almost an insult, and said, after he was gone,
that Mr. McDuffie needed money, to say the
least, as much as he did.</p>
      <p>He had a fine house in Richmond, and used to
spend his winters there with his family, taking
me with him. He was not there much at other
times, except when the Convention of 1829, for
amending the State Constitution, was held in
that city. He had a quarrel with Mr. Neal, of
Richmond Co., in consequence of some remarks
upon the subject of slavery. It came near terminating
in a duel. I recollect that during the:
sitting of the Convention any master asked me,
before several other gentlemen, if I wished to be
free and go back to my own country. I looked
at him with surprise, and inquired what country.</p>
      <p>”Africa, to be sure,” said he, laughing.</p>
      <p>I told him that was not my country  -  that I
was born in Virginia.</p>
      <p> ”Oh yes,” said he,” but your father was born
<pb id="williams31" n="31"/>
in Africa.” He then said that there was a place
on the African coast called Liberia, where a great
many free blacks were going; and asked me to
tell him honestly whether I  would prefer to be
set free on condition of going to Africa, or live
with him and remain a slave. I replied that I
had rather be as I was.</p>
      <p>I have frequently heard him speak against
slavery to his visitors. I heard him say on one
occasion, when some gentlemen were arguing in
favor of sending the free colored people to Africa,
that this was as really the black man's country
as the white's, and that it would be as humane to
knock the free Negroes, at once, on the head, as
to send them to Liberia. He was a kind man to
his slaves. He was proud of them, and of the
reputation he enjoyed of feeding and clothing
them well. They were, as near as I can judge,
about 300 in number. He never to my knowledge
sold a slave, unless to go with a wife or
husband, and at the slave's own request. But all
except the very wealthiest planters in his neighborhood
sold them frequently. John Smoot, of
Powhatan Co., has sold a great number. Bacon
Tait<ptr id="ptr6" n="6" target="note6" targOrder="U"/> used to be one of the principal purchasers.
<note id="note6" n="6" anchored="yes" target="ptr6">*Bacon Tait's advertisement of ” new and commodious
buildings” for the keeping of negroes, situated at
the corner of 15th and Carey streets, appears in the
Richmond Whig of Sept. 1835.  -  EDITOR.</note>
<pb id="williams32" n="32"/>
He had a jail at Richmond where he kept them.
There were many others who made a business
of buying and selling slaves. I saw on one occasion,
while travelling with my master, a gang of
nearly two hundred men fastened to a single
chain. The women followed unchained and the
children in wagons. It was a sorrowful sight.
Some were praying, some crying, and they all
had a look of extreme wretchedness. It is an
awful thing to a Virginia slave to be sold for the
Alabama and Mississippi country. I have known
some of them to die of grief, and others to commit
suicide, on account of it. Sometimes, when
slaves are to he sold, they go to the rich planters
in their vicinity and beseech them to purchase
them. It is no uncommon thing for those planters
to whom they thus apply, to give orders for their
concealment somewhere on the plantation, and,
after they are advertised as runaways, to offer to
buy them, and run the risk of finding them. In
this way they get them for a fourth part of their
value After the bargain is made, the slaves
come back to their old masters, ask pardon for
running away, and are turned over to their new
owners. Mr. Larrimore employed his overseer
<pb id="williams33" n="33"/>
in obtaining six slaves in this way, of Stephen
Ransdell, of Caroline County.</p>
      <p>In my seventeenth year, I was married to a
girl named Harriet, belonging to John Gatewood,
a planter, living about four miles from Mt. Pleasant. She was about a year younger than myself
  -  was a tailoress, and used to cut out clothes
for the hands.</p>
      <p>We were married by a white clergyman named
Jones; and were allowed two or three weeks to
ourselves, which we spent in visiting and other
amusements.</p>
      <p>The field hands are seldom married by a clergyman.
They simply invite their friends together,
and have a wedding party.</p>
      <p>Our two eldest children died in their infancy;
two are now living. The youngest was only two
months old when I saw him for the last time. I
used to visit my wife on Saturday and Sunday
evenings.</p>
      <p>My young master came back from Europe in
delicate health. He was advised by his physicians
to spend the winter in New Orleans, whither
he accordingly went, taking me with him. Here
he became acquainted with a French lady of one
<pb id="williams34" n="34"/>
of the first families in the city. The next winter
he also spent in New Orleans, and on his third
visit, three years after his return from Europe, he
was married to the lady above mentioned. In
May he returned to Mt. Pleasant, and found the
elder Larrimore on his sick bed, from which he
never rose again. He died on the 14th of July.
There was a great and splendid funeral, as his
relatives and friends were numerous.</p>
      <p>His large property was left principally in the
hands of his widow until her decease, after which
it was to be divided among the three children. In
February, Mrs. Larrimore also died. The administrators
upon the estate were John Green, Esq.,
and Benjamin Temple.</p>
      <p>My young mistresses, Jane and Elizabeth, were
very kind to the servants. They seemed to feel
under obligations to afford them every comfort and
gratification, consistent with the dreadful relation
of ownership which they sustained towards them.
Whipping was scarcely known on the estate; and,
whenever it did take place, it was invariably
against the wishes of the young ladies.</p>
      <p> But the wife of master George was of a disposition
entirely the reverse. Feeble, languid, and
<pb id="williams35" n="35"/>
inert, sitting motionless for hours at her window,
or moving her small fingers over the strings of
her guitar, to some soft and languishing air, she
would have seemed to a stranger incapable of
rousing herself from that indolent repose, in which
mind as well as body participated. But, the
slightest disregard of her commands, and sometimes
even the neglect to anticipate her wishes,
on the part of the servants, was sufficient to awake
her. The inanimate and delicate beauty then
changed into a stormy virago. Her black eyes
glowed and sparkled with a snaky fierceness, her
full lips compressed, and her brows bent and darkened.
Her very voice, soft and sweet when speaking
to her husband, and exquisitely fine and melodious
when accompanying her guitar, was at
such times shrill, keen, and loud. She would
order the servants of my young mistresses upon
her errands, and if they pleaded their prior duty to
obey the calls of another would demand that
they should be forthwith whipped for their insolence.
If the young ladies remonstrated with her,
she met them with a perfect torrent of invective
and abuse. In these paroxysms of fury she always
spoke in French, with a vehemence and
volubility which strongly contrasted with the
<pb id="williams36" n="36"/>
calmness and firmness of the young ladies. She
would boast of what she had done in New Orleans,
and of the excellent discipline of her father's slaves.
She said she had gone down in the night to the
cell under her father's house, and whipped the
slaves confined there with her own hands. I had
heard the same thing from her father's servants at
New Orleans when I was there with my master.
She brought with her from New Orleans a girl
named Frances.  I have seen her take her by the
ear, lead her up to the side of the room, and beat
her head against it.  At other times she would
snatch off her slipper and strike the girl on her
face and head with it. </p>
      <p>She seldom manifested her evil temper before
master George.  When she did, he was greatly
troubled, and he used to speak to his sisters about
it. Her manner towards him was invariably that
of extreme fondness.  She was dark complexioned,
but very beautiful; and the smile of welcome
with which she used to meet him was peculiarly
fascinating. I did not marvel that he loved her;
while at the same time, in common with all the
house servants, I regarded her as a being possessed
with an evil spirit,  -  half woman, and half fiend.</p>
      <p>Soon after the settlement of the estate, I heard
<pb id="williams37" n="37"/>
my master speak of going out to Alabama. His
wife had 1500 acres of wild land in Greene County,
in that State, and he had been negotiating for
500 more. Early in the summer of 1833, he commenced
making preparations for removing to that
place a sufficient number of hands to cultivate it.
He took great pains to buy up the wives and husbands
of those of his own slaves who had married
out of the estate, in order, as he said, that his hands
might be contented in Alabama, and not need
chaining together while on their journey. It is always
found necessary by the regular slave-traders,
in travelling with their slaves to the far South, to
handcuff and chain their wretched victims, who
have been bought up as the interest of the trader
and the luxury or necessities of the planter may
chance to require, without regard to the ties sundered
or the affections made desolate by these infernal
bargains. About the 1st of September, after
the slaves destined for Alabama had taken a final
farewell of their old home, and of the friends they
were leaving behind, our party started on their
long journey. There were in all 214 slaves, men,
women, and children. The men and women travelled
on foot  -  the small children in the wagons,
<pb id="williams38" n="38"/>
containing the baggage, &amp;c. Previous to my departure,
I visited my wife and children, at Mr.
Gatewood's. I took leave of them with the belief
that I should return with my master, as soon as he
had seen his hands established on his new plantation.
I took my children in my arms and embraced
them; my wife, who was a member of the Methodist church, implored the blessing of God upon me
during my absence, and I turned away to follow
my master.</p>
      <p>Our journey was a long and tedious one, especially
to those who were compelled to walk the
whole distance. My master rode in a sulky, and
I, as his body servant, on horseback. When we
crossed over the Roanoke, and were entering upon
North Carolina, I remember with what sorrowful
countenances and language the poor slaves looked
back for the last time upon the land of their nativity.
It was their last farewell to Old Virginia.
We passed through Georgia, and, crossing the
Chattahooche, entered Alabama. Our way for
many days was through a sandy tract of country,
covered with pine woods, with here and there the
plantation of an Indian or a half-breed. After
crossing what is called Line Creek, we found large
<pb id="williams39" n="39"/>
plantations along the road, at intervals of four or
five miles. The aspect of the whole country was
wild and forbidding, save to the eye of a cotton
planter. The clearings were all new, and the
houses rudely constructed of logs. The cotton
fields were skirted with an enormous growth of
oak, pine, and bass wood. Charred stumps stood
thickly in the clearings, with here and there a
large tree girdled by the axe and left to decay.
We reached at last the place of our destination.
It was a fine tract of land, with a deep rich soil.
We halted on a small knoll, where the tents were
pitched, and the wagons unladen. I spent the
night with my master at a neighboring plantation,
which was under the care of an overseer named
Flincher.</p>
      <p>The next morning my master received a visit
from a man named Huckstep, who had undertaken
the management of his plantation as an overseer.
He had been an overseer on cotton plantations
many years in Georgia and North Carolina. He
was apparently about forty years of age, with a
sunburnt and sallow countenance. His thick shock
of black hair was marked in several places with
streaks of white, occasioned, as he afterwards told
<pb id="williams40" n="40"/>
me, by blows received from slaves whom he was
chastising.</p>
      <p>After remaining in the vicinity for about a week,
my master took me aside one morning, told me he
was going to Selma, in Dallas County, and wished
me to be in readiness, on his return the next day,
to start for Virginia. This was to me cheering
news. I spent that day and the next among my
old fellow-servants who had lived with me in Virginia.
Some of them had messages to send by
me to their friends and acquaintances. In the
afternoon of the second day after my master's departure,
I distributed among them all the money
which I had about me, viz., fifteen dollars. I noticed
that the overseer Huckstep laughed at this
and called me a fool; and that whenever I spoke
of going home with my master, his countenance
indicated something between a smile and a sneer.</p>
      <p>Night came; but, contrary to his promise, my
master did not come. I still, however, expected
him the next day. But another night came, and
he had not returned. I grew uneasy, and inquired
of Huckstep where he thought my master was.</p>
      <p> ” On his way to old Virginia,” said he, with a
malicious laugh.</p>
      <pb id="williams41" n="41"/>
      <p>”But,” said I, ”master George told me that he
should come back and take me levity him to Virginia.”</p>
      <p>”Well, boy,” said the overseer, ”I'll now tell
ye what master George, as you call him, told me.
You are to stay here and act as driver of the field
hands. That was the order. So you may as
well submit to it at once.”</p>
      <p>I stood silent and horror-struck. Could it be
that the man whom I had served faithfully from
our mutual boyhood, whose slightest wish had
been my law, to serve whom I would have laid
down my life, while I had confidence in his integrity
  -  could it be that he had so cruelly and
wickedly deceived me? I looked at the overseer.
He stood laughing at me in my agony.</p>
      <p>”Master George gave you no such orders,” I
exclaimed, maddened by the overseer's look and
manner.</p>
      <p>The overseer looked at me with a fiendish grin.
”None of your insolence,” said he, with a dreadful oath. ”I never saw a Virginia nigger that I
couldn't manage, proud as they are. Your master
has left you in my hands, and you must obey my
orders. If you don't, why, I shall have to make
<pb id="williams42" n="42"/>
you ‘<hi rend="italics">hug the widow there</hi>,’” pointing to a tree, to
which I afterwards found the slaves were tied
when they were whipped.</p>
      <p>That night was one of sleepless agony. Virginia,
the hills and the streams of my birth-place;
the kind and hospitable home; the gentle-hearted
sisters, sweetening with their sympathy the sorrows
of the slave; my wife, my children  -  all that
had thus far made up my happiness, rose in contrast
with my present condition. Deeply as he
has wronged me, may my master himself never
endure such a night of misery!</p>
      <p>At daybreak, Huckstep told me to dress myself
and attend to his directions. I rose, subdued and
wretched, and at his orders handed the horn to the
headman of the gang, who summoned the hands to
the field. They were employed in clearing land
for cultivation, cutting trees, and burning. I was
with them through the day, and at night returned
once more to my lodgings to be laughed at by the
overseer. He told me that I should do well, he
did not doubt, by and by, but that a Virginia driver
generally had to be whipped a few times himself
before he could be learned to do justice to the
slaves under his charge. They were not equal to
<pb id="williams43" n="43"/>
those raised in North Carolina, for keeping the
lazy hell-hounds, as he called the slaves, at work.</p>
      <p>And this was my condition! a driver set over
more than one hundred and sixty of my kindred
and friends, with orders to apply the whip unsparingly
to every one, whether man or woman,
who faltered in the task, or was careless in the
execution of it, myself subject at any moment to
feel the accursed lash upon my own back, if feelings
of humanity should perchance overcome the
selfishness of misery, and induce me to spare and
pity.</p>
      <p>I lived in the same house with Huckstep; a
large log house, roughly finished, where we were
waited upon by an old woman, whom we used to
call aunt Polly. Huckstep was, I soon found, inordinately
fond of peach brandy; and once or
twice in the course of a month he had a drunken
debauch, which usually lasted from two to four
days. He was then full of talk, laughed immoderately
at his own nonsense, and would keep me
up until late at night listening to him. He was
at these periods terribly severe to his hands, and
would order me to use up the cracker of my whip
every day upon the poor creatures who were toiling
in the field; and in order to satisfy him, I used
<pb id="williams44" n="44"/>
to tear it off when returning home at night. He
would then praise me for a good fellow, and invite
me to drink with him. He used to tell me at such
times that if I would only drink as he did I should
be worth a thousand dollars more for it. He would
sit for hours with his peach brandy, cursing and
swearing, laughing and telling stories full of obscenity
and blasphemy. He would sometimes
start up, take my whip, and rush out to the slave
quarters, flourish it about and frighten their inmates,
and often cruelly beat them. He would
order the women to pull up their clothes, in Alabama
style, as he called it, and then whip them
for not complying. He would then come back
roaring and shouting to the house, and tell me
what he had done; if I did not laugh with him,
he would get angry and demand what the matter
was. Oh! how often have I laughed, at such
times, when my heart ached within me; and how
often, when permitted to retire to my bed, I found
relief in tears!</p>
      <p>He had no wife, but kept a colored mistress in
a house situated on a gore of land between the
plantation and that of Mr. Goldsby's. He brought
her with him from North Carolina, and had three
children by her.</p>
      <pb id="williams45" n="45"/>
      <p>Sometimes, in his fits of intoxication, he would
come riding into the field, swinging his whip, and
crying out to the hands to strip off their shirts and
be ready to take a whipping; and this too when
they were all busily at work. At another time,
he would gather the hands around him and fall to
cursing and swearing about the neighboring overseers.
They were, he said, cruel to their hands,
whipped them unmercifully, and in addition starved
them. As for himself, he was the kindest and
best fellow within forty miles; and the hands ought
to be thankful that they had such a good man for
their overseer.</p>
      <p>He would frequently be very familiar with me,
and call me his child; he would tell me that our
people were going to get Texas, a fine cotton country,
and that he meant to go out there and have a
plantation of his own, and I should go with him
and be his overseer.</p>
      <p>The houses in the ” negro quarters ” were constructed
of logs, and from twelve to fifteen feet
square; they had no glass, but there were holes to
let in the light and air. The furniture consisted
of a table, a few stools, and dishes made of wood,
and an iron pot, and some other cooking utensils.
The houses were placed about three or four rods
<pb id="williams46" n="46"/>
apart, with a piece of ground attached to each of
them for a garden, where the occupant could raise a
few vegetables. The ”quarters” were about three
hundred yards from the dwelling of the overseer.</p>
      <p>The hands were occupied in clearing land and
burning brush, and in constructing their houses,
through the winter. In March we commenced
ploughing, and on the first of April began planting
seed for cotton. The hoeing season commenced
about the last of May. At the earliest dawn
of day, and frequently before that time, the laborers
were roused from their sleep by the blowing of
the horn. It was blown by the headman of the
gang, who led the rest in the work and acted under
my direction, as my assistant.</p>
      <p>Previous to the blowing of the horn the hands
generally rose and eat what was called the ”morning's
bit,” consisting of ham and bread. If exhaustion
and fatigue prevented their rising before
the dreaded sound of the horn broke upon their
slumbers, they had no time to snatch a mouthful,
but were hurried out at once.</p>
      <p>It was my business to give over to each of the
hands his or her appropriate implement of labor,
from the tool-house, where they were deposited at
night. After all had been supplied, they were
<pb id="williams47" n="47"/>
taken to the field, and set at work as soon as it
was sufficiently light to distinguish the plants from
the grass and weeds. I was employed in passing
from row to row, in order to see that the work was
well done, and to urge forward the laborers. At
12 o'clock the horn was blown from the overseer's
house, calling the hands to dinner, each to his own
cabin. The intermission of labor was one hour and
a half to <sic>hoers</sic> and pickers, and two hours to the
<sic>ploughmen</sic>. At the expiration of this interval the
horn again summoned them to their labor. They
were kept in the field until dark, when they were
called home to supper.</p>
      <p>There was little leisure for any of the hands on
the plantation. In the evenings, after it was too
dark for work in the field, the men were frequently
employed in burning brush, and in other labors,
until late at night. The women, after toiling in
the field by day, were compelled to card, spin, and
weave cotton for their clothing, in the evening.
Even on Sundays there was little or no respite
from toil. Those who had not been able to work
out all their task during the week were allowed
by the overseer to finish it on the Sabbath, and
thus save themselves from a whipping on Monday
<pb id="williams48" n="48"/>
morning. Those whose tasks were finished frequently employed most of that day in cultivating
their gardens.</p>
      <p>Many of the female hands were delicate young
women, who in Virginia had never been accustomed
to field labor. They suffered greatly from
the extreme heat and the severity of the toil. Oh!
how often have I seen them drawing their weary
limbs frown the cotton field at nightfall, faint and
exhausted. The overseer used to laugh at their
sufferings. They were, he said, Virginia ladies,
and altogether too delicate for Alabama use; but
they must be made to do their tasks notwithstanding.
The recollection of these things even now is
dreadful. I used to tell the poor creatures, when
compelled by the overseer to urge them forward
with the whip, that I would much rather take their
places and endure the stripes than inflict them.</p>
      <p>When but three months old, the children born
on the estate were given up to the care of the old
women who were not able to work out of doors.
Their mothers were kept at work in the field.</p>
      <p>It was the object of the overseer to separate me
in feeling and interest as widely as possible from
my suffering brethren and sisters. I had relations
<pb id="williams49" n="49"/>
among the field hands, and used to call them my
cousins. He forbid my doing so, and told me if I
acknowledged relationship with any of the bands I
should be flogged for it. He used to speak of them
as devils and hell-hounds, and ridicule them in
every possible way; and endeavored to make me
speak of them and regard them in the same manner.
He would tell long stories about hunting and
shooting ” runaway niggers,” and detail with great
apparent satisfaction the cruel and horrid punishments
which he had inflicted. One thing he said
troubled him. He had once whipped a slave so
severely that he died in consequence of it, and it
was soon after ascertained that he was wholly innocent
of the offence charged against him. That
slave, he said, had haunted him ever since.</p>
      <p>Soon after we commenced weeding our cotton,
some of the hands, who were threatened with a
whipping for not finishing their tasks, ran away.
The overseer and myself went out after them, taking
with us five bloodhounds, which were kept on
the estate for the sole purpose of catching runaways.
There were no other hounds in the vicinity,
and the overseers of the neighboring plantations
used to borrow them to hunt their runaways. A
<pb id="williams50" n="50"/>
Mr. Crop, who lived about ten miles distant, had
two packs, and made it his sole business to catch
slaves with them. We used to set the dogs upon
the track of the fugitives, and they would follow
them until, to save themselves from being torn in
pieces, they would cling into a tree, where the
dogs kept them until we came up and secured
them.</p>
      <p>These hounds, when young, are taught to run
after the negro boys; and being always kept confined
except when let out in pursuit of runaways,
they seldom fail of overtaking the fugitive, and
seem to enjoy the sport of hunting men as much
as other dogs do that of chasing a fox or a deer.
My master gave the sum of $500 for his five dogs,
a slut and her four puppies.</p>
      <p>While going over our cotton picking for the last
time, one of our hands, named Little John, ran
away. The next evening the dogs were started
on his track. We followed them awhile, until we
knew by their ceasing to bark that they had found
him. We soon met the dogs returning. Their
jaws, heads, and feet, were bloody. The overseer
looked at them and said “he was afraid the dogs
had killed the nigger.” It being dark, we could
<pb id="williams51" n="51"/>
not find him that night. Earlier the next morning
we started off with our neighbors, Sturtivant and
Flincher, and after searching about for some time,
we found the body of Little John lying in the midst
of a thicket of cane. It was nearly naked, and
dreadfully mangled and gashed by the teeth of the
dogs. They had evidently dragged it some yards
through the thicket: blood, tatters of clothes, and
even the entrails of the unfortunate man, were
clinging to the stubs of the old and broken cane.
Huckstep stooped over his saddle, looked at the
body, and muttered an oath. Sturtivant swore it
was no more than the fellow deserved. We dug a
hole in the cane-brake, where he lay, buried him,
and returned home.</p>
      <p>The murdered young man had a mother and two
sisters on the plantation, by whom he was dearly
loved. When I told the old woman of what had
befallen her son, she only said that it was better
for poor John than to live in slavery.</p>
      <p>Late in the fall of this year, a young man, who
had already run away several times, was missing
from his task. It was four days before we found
him. The dogs drove him at last up a tree, where
he was caught, and brought home. He was then
<pb id="williams52" n="52"/>
fastened down to the ground by means of forked
sticks of wood selected for the purpose, the longest
fork being driven into the ground the other
closed down upon the neck, ankles, and wrists.
The overseer then sent for two large cats belonging to the house. These he placed upon the naked shoulders of his victim, and dragged them suddenly by their tails downward. At first they did
not scratch deeply. He then ordered me to strike
them with a small stick after he had placed them
once more upon the back of the sufferer.  I did so;
and the enraged animals extended their claws,
and tore his back deeply and cruelly as they were
dragged along it. He was then whipped and
placed in the stocks, where he was kept three days.
On the third morning, as I passed the stocks, I
stopped to look at him. His head hung down
over the chain which supported his neck. I spoke,
but he did not answer. <hi rend="italics">He was dead In the stocks!</hi>
The overseer on seeing him seemed surprised,
and, I thought, manifested some remorse. Four
of the field hands took him out of the stocks and
buried him; and every thing went on as usual.</p>
      <p>It is not in my power to give a narrative of the
daily occurrences on the plantation. The history
<pb id="williams53" n="53"/>
of one day was that of all. The gloomy monotony of our slavery was only broken by the overseer's periodical fits of drunkenness, at which
times neither life nor limb on the estate were secure from his caprice or violence.</p>
      <p>In the spring of 1835, the overseer brought me
a letter from my wife, written for her by her
young mistress, Mr. Gatewood's daughter. He
read it to me. It stated that herself and children
were well  -  spoke of her sad and heavy disappointment
in consequence of my not returning
with my master, and of her having been told by
him that I should come back the next fall.</p>
      <p>Hope for a moment lightened my heart, and I
indulged the idea of once more returning to the
bosom of my family. But I recollected that my
master had already cruelly deceived me, and
despair again took hold on me.</p>
      <p> Among our hands was one whom we used to
call Big Harry. He was a stout, athletic man,
very intelligent, and an excellent workman; but
he was of a high and proud spirit, which the
weary and crushing weight of a life of slavery
had not been able to subdue. On almost every
plantation at the South you may find one or more
individuals whose look and air show that they
<pb id="williams54" n="54"/>
have preserved their self-respect as <hi rend="italics">men;</hi>  -  that
with them the power of the tyrant ends with the
coercion of the body  -  that the soul is free, and
the inner man retaining the original uprightness
of the image of God. You may know them by
the stern sobriety of their countenances, and the
contempt with which they regard the jests and
pastimes of their miserable and degraded companions,
who, like Samson, make sport for the keepers
of their prison-house. These men are always
feared as well as hated by their task-masters.
Harry had never been whipped, and had always
said that he would die rather than submit to it.
He made no secret of his detestation of the overseer.
While most of the slaves took off their
hats, with cowering submission, in his presence,
Harry always refused to do so. He never spoke
to him except in a brief answer to his questions.
Master George, who knew and dreaded the indomitable
spirit of the man, told the overseer, before
he left the plantation, to beware how he attempted
to punish him. But the habits of tyranny in which
Huckstep had so long indulged had accustomed
him to abject submission on the part of his subjects,
and he could not endure this upright and
unbroken manliness. He used frequently to curse
<pb id="williams55" n="55"/>
and swear about him, and devise plans for punishing
him on account of his impudence, as he
called it.</p>
      <p>A pretext was at last afforded him. Some time
in August of this year there was a large quantity
of yellow unpicked cotton lying in the gin house.
Harry was employed at night in removing the
cotton seed, which had been thrown out by the
gin. The rest of the male hands were engaged
during, the day in weeding the cotton for the last
time, and in the night in burning brush on the
new lands clearing for the next year's crop. Harry
was told one evening to go with the others and
assist in burning the brush. He accordingly
went; and the next night a double quantity of
seed had accumulated in the gin house; and,
although he worked until nearly two o'clock in
the morning, he could not remove it all.</p>
      <p>The next morning the overseer came into the
field, and demanded of me why I had not whipped
Harry for not removing all the cotton seed. He
then called aloud to Harry to come forward and
be whipped. Harry answered somewhat sternly
that he would neither be struck by overseer nor
driver; that he had worked nearly all night, and
had scarcely fallen asleep when the horn blew to
<pb id="williams56" n="56"/>
summon him to his toil in the field. The overseer
raved and threatened, but Harry paid no farther
attention to him. He then turned to me and
asked me for my pistols, with a pair of which he
had furnished me. I told him they were not
with me. He growled an oath, threw himself on
his horse, and left us. In the evening I found
him half drunk and raving like a madman. He
said he would no longer bear with that nigger's
insolence, but would whip him if it cost him his
life. He at length fixed upon a plan for seizing
him, and told me that he would go out in the
morning, ride along by the side of Harry and talk
pleasantly to him, and then, while Harry was
attending to him, I was to steal upon him and
knock him down, by a blow on the head from
the loaded and heavy handle of any whip. I was
compelled to promise to obey his directions.</p>
      <p>The next morning, when we got to the field, I
told Harry of the overseer's plan, and advised
him by all means to be on his guard and watch
my motions. His eye glistened with gratitude.
“Thank you, James,” said he; “I'll take care
that you don't touch me.”</p>
      <p>Huckstep came into the field about ten o'clock.
He rode along by the side of Harry, talking and
<pb id="williams57" n="57"/>
laughing. I was walking on the other side.
When I saw that Harry's eye was upon me, I
aimed a blow at him, intending, however, to miss
him. He evaded the blow and turned fiercely
round with his hoe uplifted, threatening to cut
down any one who again attempted to strike him.
Huckstep cursed my awkwardness, and told Harry
to put down his hoe and come to him. He refused
to do so, and swore he would kill the first
man who tried to lay hands on him. The cowardly
tyrant shrunk away from his enraged bondman,
and for two weeks Harry was not again
molested.</p>
      <p>About the first of September the overseer had
one of his drunken fits. He made the house literally
an earthly hell. He urges me to drink,
quarrelled and swore at me for declining, and
chased the old woman round the house with his
bottle of peach brandy. He then told me that
Harry had forgotten the attempt to seize him, and
that in the morning we must try our old game
over again.</p>
      <p>On the following morning, as I was handing to
each of the hands their hoes from the tool-house,
I caught Harry's eye. “Look out,” said I to him;
“Huckstep will be after you again to-day.” He
<pb id="williams58" n="58"/>
uttered a deep curse against the overseer and
passed on to his work. After breakfast Huckstep
came riding out to the cotton field.  He tied his
horse to a tree and came towards us.  His sallow
and haggard countenance was flushed, and his
step unsteady.  He came up by the side of Harry
and began talking about the crops and the weather.
I came at the same time on the other side,
and in striking at him beat off his hat. He sprang
aside and stepped backwards. Huckstep, with a
dreadful oath, commanded him to stop, saying
that he had determined to whip him, and neither
earth nor hell should prevent him. Harry defied
him, and said he had had always done the work allotted
to him, and that was enough; he would
sooner die than have the accursed lash touch him.
The overseer staggered to his horse, mounted him
and rode furiously to the house, and soon made his
appearance, returning, with his gun in his hand.</p>
      <p>“Yonder comes the devil!” said one of the
women whose row was near Harry's.</p>
      <p>“Yes,” said another, “he's trying to scare
Harry with his gun.”</p>
      <p>“Let him try as he pleases,” said Harry, in his
low, deep, determined tones. “He may shoot me,
but he can't whip me.”</p>
      <pb id="williams59" n="59"/>
      <p>Huckstep came swearing on. When within a
few yards of Harry he stopped, looked at him
with a stare of mingled rage and drunken imbecility,
and bid him throw down his hoe and come
forward. The undaunted slave refused to comply,
and, continuing his work, told the drunken
demon to shoot if he pleased. Huckstep advanced
within a few steps of him when Harry raised his
hoe and told him to stand back.  He stepped back
a few paces, levelled his gun, and fired. Harry
received the charge in his breast, and fell instantly
across a cotton row. He threw up fix hands
wildly and groaned, “Oh Lord!”</p>
      <p>The hands instantly dropped their hoes. The
women shrieked aloud. For my own part, I
stood silent with horror. The cries of the women
enraged the overseer. He dropped his gun, and
snatching the whip from my hand, with horrid
oaths and imprecations, fell to whipping them,
laying about him like a maniac. Upon Harry's
sister he bestowed his blows without mercy, commanding
her to quit her screaming and go to
work. The poor girl, whose brother had thus
been murdered before her eyes, could not wrestle
down the awful agony of her feelings, and the
<pb id="williams60" n="60"/>
brutal tormentor left her without effecting his object.
He then, without going to look of his victim,
told four of the hands to carry him to the
house, and, taking up his gun, left the field.
When we got to the poor fellow, he was alive, and
groaning faintly. The hands took him up, but
before they reached the house he was dead. Huckstep
came out and looked at him, and, finding him
dead, ordered the hands to bury him. The burial
of a slave in Alabama is that of a brute: no coffin,
no decent shroud, no prayer.  A hole is dug, and
the body thrown in without further ceremony.</p>
      <p>From this time the overseer was regarded by
the whole gang with detestation and fear  -  as a
being to whose rage and cruelty there were no
limits. Yet he was constantly telling us that he
was the kindest of overseers  -  that he was formerly
somewhat severe in managing his hands,
but that now he was, if any thing, too indulgent.
Indeed he had the reputation of being a good
overseer and an excellent manager when sober.
The slaves on some of the neighboring plantations
were certainly worse clothed and fed, and
more frequently and cruelly whipped, than ours.
Whenever we saw them they complained of overworking
<pb id="williams61" n="61"/>
and short feeding. One of Flincher's
and one of Sturtivant's hands ran away while I
was in Alabama, and, after remaining in the woods
awhile, and despairing of being able to effect their
escape, resolved to put an end to their existence
and their slavery together. Each twisted himself
a vine of the muscadine grape, and fastened one
end around the limb of an oak, and made a noose
in the other. Jacob, Flincher's man, swung himself
off first, and expired after a long struggle.
The other, horrified by the contortions and agony
of his comrade, dropped his noose, and was retaken.
When discovered two or three days afterwards,
the body of Jacob was dreadfully torn and
mangled by the obscene buzzards, those winged
hyenas and <sic>goules</sic> of the Southwest.</p>
      <p>Among the slaves who were brought from Virginia,
were two young and bright mulatto women,
who were always understood throughout the plantation
to have been the daughters of the elder Larrimore,
by one of his slaves. One was named
Sarah and the other Hannah. Sarah, being in a
state of pregnancy, failed of executing her daily
allotted task of hoeing cotton.  I was ordered to
whip her, and on my remonstrating with the overseer,
<pb id="williams62" n="62"/>
and representing the condition of the woman,
I was told that my business was to obey orders,
and that if I was told “to whip a dead nigger I
must do it.” I accordingly gave her fifty lashes.
This was on Thursday evening. On Friday she
also failed through weakness, and was compelled
to lie down in the field. That night the overseer
himself whipped her. On Saturday the wretched
woman dragged herself once more to the cotton
field. In the burning sun, and in a situation which
would have called forth pity in the bosom of any
one save a cotton-growing overseer, she struggled
to finish her task. She failed  -  nature could do no
more  -  and, sick and despairing, she sought her
cabin. There the overseer met her and inflicted
fifty more lashes upon her already lacerated back.</p>
      <p>The next morning was the Sabbath. It brought
no joy to that suffering woman. Instead of the
tones of the church bell summoning to the house of
prayer, she heard the dreadful sound of the lash
falling upon the backs of her brethren and sisters
in bondage. For the voice of prayer she heard
curses; for the songs of Zion obscene and hateful
blasphemies. No Bible was there with its consolations
for the sick of heart. Faint and fevered,
<pb id="williams63" n="63"/>
scarred and smarting from the effects of her cruel
punishment, she lay upon her pallet of moss,
dreading the coming of her relentless persecutor,
who, in the madness of one of his periodical fits
of drunkenness, was now swearing and cursing
through the quarters,  -  the demon of that Sabbathless
hell.</p>
      <p>Some of the poor woman's friends on the evening
before had attempted to relieve her of the task
which had been assigned her, but exhausted nature
and the selfishness induced by their own miserable
situation did not permit them to finish it; and the
overseer, on examination, found that the week's
work of the woman was still deficient. After
breakfast, he ordered her to be tied up to the limb
of a tree, by means of a rope fastened round her
wrists, so as to leave her feet about six inches from
the ground. She begged him to let her down
for she was very sick.</p>
      <p>“Very well!” he exclaimed, with a sneer and a
laugh; “I shall bleed you then, and take out some
of your Virginia blood. You are too proud a miss
for Alabama.”</p>
      <p>He struck her a few blows. Swinging thus by
her arms, she succeeded in placing one of her feet
<pb id="williams64" n="64"/>
against the body of the tree, and thus partly supported herself, and relieved in some degree the
painful weight upon her wrists. He threw down
his whip, took a rail from the garden fence, ordered
her feet to be tied together, and thrust the rail between
them. He then ordered one of the hands
to sit upon it. Her back at this time was bare,
but the strings of the only garment which she wore
passed over her shoulders and prevented the full
force of the whip from acting on her flesh. These
he cut off with his penknife, and thus left her entirely naked. He struck her only two blows, for
the second one cut open her side and abdomen
with a frightful gash. Unable to look on any longer
in silence, I entreated him to stop, as I feared he
had killed her. The overseer looked at the wound,
dropped his whip, and ordered her to be untied.
She was carried into the house in a state of insensibility,
and died in three days after.</p>
      <p>During the whole season of picking cotton, the
whip was frequently and severely plied. In his
seasons of intoxication, the overseer made no distinction
between the stout man and the feeble and
delicate woman  -  the sick and the well. Women
in a far advanced state of pregnancy were driven
<pb id="williams65" n="65"/>
out to the cotton field. At other times he seemed
to have some consideration, and to manifest something
like humanity. Our hands did not suffer for
food  -  they had a good supply of ham and cornmeal;
while on Flincher's plantation the slaves
had meat but once a year, at Christmas.</p>
      <p>Near the commencement of the weeding season
of 1835, I was ordered to whip a young woman,
a light mustee, for not performing her task. I told
the overseer that she was sick. He said he did
not care for that; she should be made to work. A
day or two afterwards, I found him in the house
half intoxicated. He demanded of me why I had
not whipped the girl; and I gave the same reason
as before. He flew into a dreadful rage, but his
miserable situation made him an object of contempt
rather than fear. He sat shaking his fist at me
and swearing for nearly half an hour. He said he
would teach the Virginia lady to sham sickness;
and that the only reason I did not whip her was
that she was a white woman, and I did not like to
cut up her delicate skin. Some time after I was
ordered to give two of our women, named Hannah
and Big Sarah, 150 lashes each, for not performing
their tasks.  The overseer stood by until he
<pb id="williams66" n="66"/>
saw Hannah whipped, and until Sarah had been
tied up to the tree. As soon as his back was turned
I struck the tree instead of the woman, who, understanding
my object, shrieked as if the whip at
every blow was cutting into her flesh. The overseer
heard the blows and the woman's cries, and,
supposing that all was going on according to his
mind, left the field. Unfortunately the husband
of Hannah stood looking on, and, indignant that
his wife should be whipped and Sarah spared, determined
to revenge himself by informing against
me.</p>
      <p>Next morning Huckstep demanded of me whether
I had whipped Sarah the day before; I replied
in the affirmative. Upon this he called Sarah forward
and made her show her back, which bore no
traces of recent whipping. He then turned upon
me and told me that the blows intended for Sarah
should be laid on my back. That night the overseer,
with the help of three of the hands, tied me
up to a large tree  -  my arms and legs being clasped
round it, and my body drawn up hard against it by
two men pulling at my arms, and one pushing.
against my back. The agony occasioned by this
alone was almost intolerable. I felt a sense of
<pb id="williams67" n="67"/>
painful suffocation, and could scarcely catch my
breath.</p>
      <p>A moment after I felt the first blow of the overseer's
whip across my shoulders. It seemed to cut
into my very heart. I felt the blood gush and run
down my back.. I fainted at length under the torture,
and on being taken down my shoes were
filled with the blood which ran from the gashes in
my back. The skin was worn off from my breast,
arms, and thighs, against the rough bark of the
tree. I was sick and feverish, and in great pain,
for three weeks afterwards; most of which time I
was obliged to lie with my face downwards, in
consequence of the extreme soreness of my sides
and back. Huckstep himself seemed concerned
about me, and would come frequently to see me,
and tell me that he should not have touched me
had it not been for “the cursed peach brandy.”</p>
      <p>Almost the first person that I was compelled to
whip, after I recovered, was the man who pushed
at my back when I was tied up to the tree. The
hands who were looking on at that time all thought
he pushed me much harder than was necessary;
and they expected that I would retaliate upon him
the injury I had received. After he was tied up,
<pb id="williams68" n="68"/>
the overseer told me to give him a severe flogging,
and left me. I struck the tree instead of the man.
His wife, who was looking on, almost overwhelmed
me with her gratitude.</p>
      <p>At length one morning, late in the fall of 1835,
I saw Huckstep and a gentleman ride out to the
field. As they approached, I saw the latter was
my master. The hands all ceased their labor, and
crowded around him, inquiring about old Virginia.
For my own part, I could not hasten to greet him.
He had too cruelly deceived me. He at length
came towards me, and seemed somewhat embarrassed.
“Well, James,” said he, “how do you
stand it here?” “Badly enough,” I replied. “I
had no thought that you could be so cruel as to go
away and leave me as you did.” “Well, well, it
was too bad, but it could not be helped; you must
blame Huckstep for it.” “But,” said I, “I was
not his servant; I belonged to you, and you could
do as you pleased.” “Well,” said he, “we will
talk about that by and by.” He then inquired of
Huckstep where Big Sarah was. “She was sick
and died,” was the answer. He looked round
among the slaves again, and inquired for Harry.
The overseer told him that Harry undertook to
<pb id="williams69" n="69"/>
kill him, and that, to save his life, he was obliged
to fire upon him, and that he died of the wound.
After some further inquiries, he requested me to go
into the house with him. He then asked me to tell
him how things had been managed during his absence.
I gave him a full account of the overseer's
cruelty. When he heard of the manner of Harry's
death, he seemed much affected and shed tears.
He was a favorite servant of his father's. I showed
him the deep scars on my back; occasioned by the
whipping I had received. He was, or professed to
be, highly indignant with Huckstep; and said he
would see to it that he did not lay hands on me
again. He told me he should be glad to take me
with him to Virginia, but he did not know where
he should find a driver who would be so kind to
the hands as I was. If I would stay ten years, he
would then give me a thousand dollars, and a piece
of land to plant on my own account. “But,” said
I, “my wife and children.” “Well,” said he, “I
will do my best to purchase them, and send them
on to you.” I now saw that my destiny was fixed,
and that I was to spend my days in Alabama, and
I retired to my bed that evening with a heavy
heart.</p>
      <pb id="williams70" n="70"/>
      <p>My master <sic>staid</sic> only three or four days on the
plantation. Before he left, he cautioned Huckstep
to be careful and not strike me again, as he would
on no account permit it. He told him to give the
hands food enough, and not over-work them, and,
having, thus satisfied his conscience, left us to our
fate.</p>
      <p> Out of the two hundred and fourteen slaves
who were brought out from Virginia, at least one-third
of them were members of the Methodist and
Baptist churches in that State. Of this number
five or six could read. They had been torn away
from the care and discipline of their respective
churches, and from the means of instruction, but
they retained their love for the exercises of religion,
and felt a mournful pleasure in speaking of
the privileges and spiritual blessings which they
enjoyed in Old Virginia. Three of them had been
preachers, or exhorters, viz. Solomon, usually
called uncle Solomon, Richard, and David. Uncle
Solomon was a grave, elderly man, mild and
forgiving in his temper, and greatly esteemed
among the more serious portion of our hands.
He used to snatch every occasion to talk to the
lewd and vicious about the concerns of their souls,
<pb id="williams71" n="71"/>
and advise them to fix their minds upon the Savior,
as their only helper. Some I have heard
curse and swear in answer, and others would say
that they could not keep their minds upon God
and the devil (meaning Huckstep) at the same
time: that it was of no use to try to be religious  -  
they had no time  -  that the overseer wouldn't let
them meet to pray  -  and that even uncle Solomon,
when he prayed, had to keep one eye open all the
time, to see if Huckstep was coming. Uncle
Solomon could both read and write, and had
brought out with him from Virginia a Bible, a
hymn-book, and some other religious books, which
he carefully concealed from the overseer.  Huckstep
was himself an open infidel as well as blasphemer.
He used to tell the hands that there was
no hell hereafter for white people, but that they
had their punishment on earth in being obliged to
take care of the negroes. As for the blacks, he
was sure there was a hell for them. He used
frequently to sit with his bottle by his side, and
his Bible in his hand, and read passages and comment
on them, and pronounce them lies. Any
thing like religious feeling among the slaves irritated
him. He said that so much praying and singing
<pb id="williams72" n="72"/>
prevented the people from doing their tasks,
as it kept them up nights, when they should be
asleep. He used to mock, and in every possible
way interrupt the poor slaves, who, after the toil
of the day, knelt in their lowly cabins to offer their
prayers and supplications to Him whose ear is
open to the sorrowful sighing of the prisoner, and
who hath promised in his own time to come down
and deliver. In his drunken seasons he would
make excursions at night through the slave-quarters,
enter the cabins, and frighten the inmates,
especially if engaged in prayer or psalm-singing.
On one of these occasions he came back rubbing
his hands and laughing. He said he had found
uncle Solomon in his garden, down on his knees,
praying like an old owl, and had tipped him over
and frightened him half out of his wits. At another
time he found uncle David sitting on his
stool with his face thrust up the chimney, in order
that his voice might not be heard by his brutal
persecutor. He was praying, giving utterance to
these words, probably in reference to his bondage:
  -  “<hi rend="italics">How long, oh Lord, how long?</hi>” “As long
as my whip!” cried the overseer, who had stolen
<pb id="williams73" n="73"/>
behind him, giving him a blow. It was the sport
of a demon.</p>
      <p>Not long after my master had left us, the overseer
ascertained for the first time that some of the
hands could read, and that they had brought books
with them from Virginia. He compelled them to
give up the keys of their chests, and on searching
found several Bibles and hymn-books. Uncle
Solomon's chest contained quite a library, which
he could read at night by the light of knots of the
pitch-pine. These books he collected together,
and in the evening called uncle Solomon into the
house. After jeering him for some tinge, he gave
him one of the Bibles and told him to name his
text and preach him a sermon. The old man was
silent. He then made him get upon the table,
and ordered him to pray. Uncle Solomon meekly
replied that “forced prayer was not good for
soul or body.” The overseer then knelt down
himself, and in a blasphemous manner prayed
that the Lord would send his spirit into uncle
Solomon, or else let the old man fall from the
table and break his neck, and so have an end of
“nigger” preaching. On getting up from his
knees he went to the cupboard, poured out a glass
<pb id="williams74" n="74"/>
of brandy for himself, and brought another to the
table. “James,” said he, addressing me, “uncle
Solomon stands there, for all the world, like a
Hickory Quaker. His spirit don't move; I'll see
if another spirit won't move it.” He compelled
the old preacher to swallow the brandy, and then
told him to preach and exhort, for the spirit was in
him. He set one of the Bibles on fire, and after
it was consumed mixed up the ashes of it in a
glass of water, and compelled the old man to drink
it, telling him that as the spirit and the word were
now both in him, there was no longer any excuse
for not preaching. After tormenting the wearied
old man in this way until nearly midnight, he
permitted him to go to his quarters.</p>
      <p>The next day I saw uncle Solomon, and talked
with him about his treatment. He said it would
not always be so  -  that slavery was to come to an
end, for the Bible said so  -  that there would then
be no more whippings and fightings, but the lion
and the lamb would lie down together, and all
would be love. He said he prayed for Huckstep
  -  that it was not he, but the devil in him, who behaved
so. At his request, I found means to get
him a Bible and a hymn-book from the overseers
<pb id="williams75" n="75"/>
room, and the old man ever afterwards kept them
concealed in the hen-house.</p>
      <p>The weeding season of 1836 was marked by repeated
acts of cruelty on the part of Huckstep.
One of the hands, Priscilla, was, owing to her delicate
situation, unable to perform her daily task.
He ordered her to be tied up against a tree, in the
same manner that I had been. In this situation
she was whipped until <hi rend="italics">she was delivered of a dead
infant at the foot of the tree!</hi> Our men took her
upon a sheet and carried her to the house, where
she lay sick for several months, but finally recovered.
I have heard him repeatedly laugh at the
circumstance.</p>
      <p>Not long after this, we were surprised,. one
morning about ten o'clock, by hearing the horn
blown at the house.  Presently aunt Polly came
screaming into the field. “What is the matter,
Aunty?” I inquired. “Oh <sic>Lor</sic>!” said she, “old
Huckstep's pitched off his horse and broke his
head, and is e'en about dead.”</p>
      <p>“Thank God!” said Little Simon;“the devil
will have him at last.”</p>
      <p>“God-<sic>amighty</sic> be praised!” exclaimed half a
dozen others.</p>
      <p>The hands, with one accord, dropped their hoes,
<pb id="williams76" n="76"/>
and crowded round the old woman, asking questions: “Is he dead?” “Will he die?” “Did
you feel of him  -  was he cold?”</p>
      <p>Aunt Polly explained, as well as she could, that
Huckstep, in a state of partial intoxication, had
attempted to leap his horse over a fence, had fallen
and cut a deep gash in his head, and that he was
now lying insensible.</p>
      <p>It is impossible to describe the effect produced
by this news among the hands. Men, women,
and children shouted, clapped their hands, and
laughed aloud. Some cursed the overseer, and
others thanked the Lord for taking him away.
Little Simon got down on his knees, and called
loudly upon God to finish his work, and never let
the overseer again enter a cotton field. “Let him
die, Lord,” said he, “let him die; he's killed
enough of us. Oh, good Lord, let him die and
not live.”</p>
      <p>“Peace, peace! it is a bad spirit,” said uncle
Solomon; “God himself willeth not the death of
a sinner.”</p>
      <p>I followed the old woman to the house, and
found Huckstep at the foot of one of those trees, so
common at the South, called the Pride of China.
His face was black, and there was a frightful contusion
<pb id="williams77" n="77"/>
on the side of his head. He was carried
into the house, where, on my bleeding him, he
revived. He lay in great pain for several days,
and it was nearly three weeks before he was able
to come out to the cotton fields. </p>
      <p>On returning to the field, after Huckstep had
revived, I found the hands sadly disappointed to
hear that he was still living. Some of them fell
to cursing and swearing, and were enraged with
me for trying to save his life. Little Simon said
I was a fool; if he had bled him he would have
done it to some purpose. He would, at least, have
so disabled his arm that he would never again try
to swing a whip. Uncle Solomon remonstrated
with Simon, and told me that I had done right.</p>
      <p>The neighboring overseers used frequently to
visit Huckstep, and he, in turn, visited them. I
was sometimes present during their interviews,
and heard them tell each other stories of horseracing,
negro huntings, &amp;c. Some time during
this season, Ludlow, who was overseer of a plantation
about eight miles from ours, told of a slave
of his, named Thornton, who had twice attempted
to escape with his wife and one child.  The first
time he was caught without much difficulty, chained
<pb id="williams78" n="78"/>
to the overseer's horse, and in that way brought
back. The poor man, to save his wife from a beating,
laid all the blame upon himself, and said that
his wife had no wish to escape, and tried to prevent
him from attempting it. He was severely
whipped; but soon ran away again, and was again
arrested. The overseer, Ludlow, said he was determined to put a stop to the runaway, and accordingly had resort to a somewhat unusual method
of punishment.</p>
      <p>There is a great scarcity of good water in that
section of Alabama; and you will generally see a
large cistern attached to the corners of the houses
to catch water for washing, &amp;c. Underneath this
cistern is frequently a tank from eight to ten feet
deep, into which, when the former is full, the water
is permitted to run. From this tank the water is
pumped out for use. Into one of these tanks the
unfortunate slave was placed, and confined by one
of his ankles to the bottom of it, and the water was
suffered to flow in from above. He was compelled
to pump out the water as fast as it came in, by
means of a long rod or handle connected with the
pump above ground. He was not allowed to begin
until the water had risen to his middle. Any
<pb id="williams79" n="79"/>
pause or delay after this, from weakness and exhaustion,
would have been fatal, as the water would
have risen above his head. In this horrible dungeon,
toiling for his life, he was kept for twenty-four
hours without any sustenance. Even Huckstep
said that this was too bad; that he had himself
formerly punished runaways in that way, but
should not do it again.</p>
      <p>I rejoice to be able to say that this sufferer has
at last escaped, with his wife and child, into a free
State. He was assisted by some white men, but
I do not know all the particulars of his escape.</p>
      <p>Our overseer had not been long able to ride about
the plantation, after his accident, before his life was
again endangered. He found two of the hands,
Little Jarret and Simon, fighting with each other,
and attempted to chastise both of them. Jarret bore
it patiently, but Simon turned upon him, seized a
stake or pin from a cart near by, and felled him to
the ground. The overseer got up, went to the
house, and told aunt Polly that he had nearly been
killed by the “niggers,” and requested her to tie up
his head, from which the blood was streaming.
As soon as this was done, he took down his gun,
and went out in pursuit of Simon, who had fled
to his cabin, to get some things which he supposed
<pb id="williams80" n="80"/>
necessary previous to attempting to escape from
the plantation.  He was just stepping out of the
seer when he met the enraged overseer with his
gun in his hand.  Not a word was spoken by 
either.  Huckstep raised his gun and fired.  The 
man fell without a groan across the door-still.  He
rose up twice on his hands and knees, but died in
as few minutes.  He was dragged off and buried.
The overseer told me that there was no other way 
to deal with such a fellow.  It was Alabama law,
if a slave resisted, to shoot him at once.  He told
me of a case which occurred in 1834, on a plantation
about ten miles distant, and adjoining that
where Crop, the negro hunter, boarded with his 
hounds.  The overseer had bought some slaves at
Selma, from a drove or coffle passing through that
place.  They proved very refractory.  He whipped
three of them, and undertook to whip a fourth,
who was from Maryland.  The man raised his
hoe in a threatening manner, and the overseer fired
upon him.  The slave fell, but instantly rose up 
on his hands and knees, and was beaten down
again by the stock of the overseer's gun.  The
wounded wretch raised himself once more, drew
a knife from the waistband of his pantaloons, and,
catching hold of the overseer's coat, raised himself
<pb id="williams81" n="81"/>
high enough to inflict a fatal wound upon the latter.
Both fell together, and died immediately
after.</p>
      <p>Nothing more of special importance occurred
until July, of last year, when one of our men, 
named John, was whipped three times for not performing
his task.  On the last day of the month, 
after his third whipping, he ran away.  On the
following morning, I found that he was missing at
his row.  The overseer said we must hunt him
up; and he blew the “nigger horn,” as it is called,
for the dogs.  This horn was only used when we
went in pursuit of fugitives.  It is a cow's horn,
and makes a short, loud sound.  We crossed Flincher's
and Goldsby's plantations, as the dogs had
got upon John's track, and went off barking in that
direction, and the two overseers joined us in the
chase.  The dogs soon caught sight of the runaway,
and compelled him to climb a tree.  We 
came up; Huckstep ordered him down, and secured
him upon my horse by tying him to my back.
On reaching home he was stripped entirely naked
and lashed to a tree.  Flincher then volunteered
to whip him on one side of his legs and Goldsby
on the other.  I had, in the mean time, been ordered
<pb id="williams82" n="82"/>
to prepare a wash of salt and pepper, and wash 
his wounds with it.  The poor fellow groaned, 
and his flesh shrunk and quivered as the burning
solution was applied to it.  This wash, while it
adds to the immediate torment of the sufferer, facilitates the cure of the wounded parts.  Huckstep
then whipped him from his neck down to his 
thighs, making the cuts lengthwise of his back.
He was very expert with the whip, and could 
strike, at any time, within an inch of his mark.  
He then gave the whip to me and told me to strike
directly across his back.  When I had finished, the
miserable sufferer, from his neck to his heels, was
covered with blood and bruises.  Goldsby and
Flincher now turned to Huckstep, and told him
that I deserved a whipping as much as John did;
that they had known me frequently disobey his
orders, and that I was partial to the “Virginia ladies,”
and didn't whip them as I did the men.
They said that if I was a driver of theirs they would
know what to do with me.  Huckstep agreed with 
them; and after directing me to go to the house
and prepare more of the wash for John's back, he
called after me, with an oath, to see to it that I had
some for myself, for he meant to give me, at least,
<pb id="williams83" n="83"/>
two hundred and fifty lashes.  I returned to the
house, and, scarcely conscious of what I was doing,
filled an iron vessel with water, put in the salt
and pepper, and placed it over the embers.</p>
      <p>As I stood by the fire watching the boiling of
the mixture, and reflecting upon the dreadful torture
to which I was about to be subjected, the 
thought of <hi rend="italics">escape</hi> flashed upon my mind.  The
chance was a desperate one, but I resolved to attempt
it.  I ran up stairs, tied my shirt in a handkerchief,
and stepped out of the back door of the
house, telling aunt Polly to take care of the wash
at the fire until I returned.  The sun was about
one hour high, but, luckily for me, the hands, as
well as the three overseers, were on the other side
of the house.  I kept the house between them and
myself, and ran as fast as I could for the woods. 
On reaching them I found myself obliged to proceed
slowly, as there was a thick undergrowth of
cane and reeds.  Night came on; I straggled forward
by a dim starlight, amidst vines and reedbeds.
About midnight the horizon began to be
overcast, and the darkness increased, until, in the
thick forest, I could scarcely see a yard before me.
Fearing that I might lose my way and wander
<pb id="williams84" n="84"/>
towards the plantation, instead of from it, I resolved
to wait until day.  I laid down upon a 
little hillock and fell asleep.</p>
      <p> When I awoke it was broad day.  The clouds 
had vanished, and the hot sunshine fell through
the trees upon my face.  I started up, realizing
my situation, and darted onward.  My object was
to reach the great road by which we travelled
when we came out from Virginia.  I had, however,
very little hope of escape.  I knew that a hot pursuit
would be made after me, and what I most
dreaded was that the overseer would procure
Crop's bloodhounds to follow my track.  If only 
the hounds of our plantation were sent after me,
I had hopes of being able to make friends of them,
as they were always good-natured and obedient to
me.  I travelled until, as near as I could judge,
about ten o'clock, when a distant sound startled
me.  I stopped and listened.  It was the deep bay
of the bloodhound, apparently at a great distance.
I hurried on until I came to a creek about fifteen
yards wide, skirted by an almost impenetrable
growth of reeds and cane.  Plunging into it, I
swam across and ran down by the side of it a
short distance, and, in order to baffle the dogs,
<pb id="williams85" n="85"/>
swam back to the other side again.  I stopped in
the reed-bed and listened.  The dogs seemed close
at hand, and by the loud barking I felt persuaded
that Crop's hounds were with them.  I thought of
the fate of Little John, who had been torn in pieces
by the hounds, and of the scarcely less dreadful
condition of those who had escaped the dogs only
to fall into the hands of the overseer.  The yell
of the dogs grew louder.  Escape seemed impossible.
I ran down the creek with a determination
to drown myself.  I plunged into the water
and went down to the bottom, but the dreadful
strangling sensation compelled me to struggle up
to the surface.  Again I heard the yell of the
bloodhounds, and again desperately plunged down
into the water.  As I went down I opened my
mouth, and, choked and gasping, found myself
once more struggling upward.  As I rose to the
top of the water and caught a glimpse of the sunshine
and the trees, the love of life revived in me.
I swam to the other side of the creek, and forced
my way through the reeds to a large bass-wood
tree, and stood under one of its lowest limbs, ready,
in case of necessity, to spring up into it.  Here,
panting and exhausted, I stood waiting for the dogs.
<pb id="williams86" n="86"/>
The woods seemed full of them.  I heard a bell 
tinkle, and, a moment after, our old hound Venus
came bounding through the cane, dripping wet
from the creek.  As the old hound came towards 
me, I called to her as I used to do when out hunting
with her.  She stopped suddenly, looked up at
me, and then came wagging her tail and fawning
around me.  A moment after the other dogs came
up hot in the chase, and with their noses to the 
ground.  I called to them, but they did not look 
up, just came yelling on.  I was just about to spring
into the tree to avoid them, when Venus, the old
hound, met them, and stopped them.  They then 
all came fawning and playing and jumping about
me.  The very creatures whom a moment before 
I had feared would tear me limb from limb, were
now leaping and licking my hands, and rolling on
the leaves around me.  I listened awhile in the
fear of hearing the voices of men following the
dogs, but there was no sound in the forest save the
gurgling of the sluggish waters of the creek, and 
the chirp of black squirrels in the trees.  I took 
courage and started onward once again, taking the
dogs with me.  The bell on the neck of the old 
dog I feared might betray me, and, unable to get
<pb id="williams87" n="87"/>
it off her neck, I twisted some of the long moss
of the trees around it, so as to prevent its ringing.
At night I halted once more with the dogs by my
side.  Harassed with fear, and tormented with
hunger, I laid down and tried to sleep.  But the
dogs were uneasy, and would start up and bark at
the cries or the footsteps of wild animals, and I
was obliged to use my utmost exertions to keep
them quiet, fearing that their barking would draw
my pursuers upon me.  I slept but little, and as
soon as daylight started forward again.  The next
day towards evening I reached a great road, which,
I rejoiced to find, was the same one my master
and myself had travelled on our way to Greene
County.  I now thought it best to get rid of the
dogs, and accordingly started them in pursuit of a
deer.  They went off, yelling on the track, and I
never saw them again.  I remembered that my
master told me, near this place, that we were in
the Creek country, and that there were some Indian
settlements not far distant.  In the course of
the evening I crossed the road, and, striking into a
path through the woods, soon came to a number
of Indian cabins.  I went into one of them and
begged for some food.  The Indian women received
me with a great deal of kindness, and gave
<pb id="williams88" n="88"/>
me a good supper of venison, corn-bread, and
stewed pumpkin.  I remained with them till the
evening of the next day, when I started afresh on
my journey.  I kept on the road leading to Georgia.
In the latter part of the night I entered into
a long low bottom, heavily timbered, sometimes
called Wolf Valley.  It was a dreary and frightful
place.  As I walked on, I heard on all sides the
howling of the wolves, and the quick patter of their
feet on the leaves and sticks, as they ran through
the woods.  At daylight I laid down, but had 
scarcely closed my eyes when I was roused up by
the wolves snarling and howling around me.  I
started on my feet and saw several of them running
by me.  I did not again close my eyes during
the whole day.  In the afternoon, a bear with her 
two cubs came to a large chestnut tree near where
I lay.  She crept up the tree, went out on one of 
the limbs, and broke off several twigs trying to 
shake down the nuts.  They were not ripe enough
to fall, and, after several vain attempts to procure
some of them, she crawled down the tree again
and went off with her young.</p>
      <p>The day was long and tedious.  As soon as it
was dark I once more resumed my journey; but
fatigue and the want of food and sleep rendered
<pb id="williams89" n="89"/>
me almost incapable of further effort.  It was not
long before I fell asleep, while walking, and wandered
out of the road.  I was wakened by a bunch
of moss which hung down from the limb of a tree
and met my face.  I looked up and saw, as I 
thought, a large man standing just before me.  My
first idea was that some one had struck me over
the face, and that I had been at last overtaken by
Huckstep.   Rubbing my eyes once more, I saw
the figure before me sink down upon its hands
and knees; another glance assured me that it was
a bear, and not a man.  He passed across the road
and disappeared.  This adventure kept me awake
for the remainder of the night.  Towards morning
I passed by a plantation, on which was a fine 
growth of peach-trees, full of ripe fruit.  I took as
many of them as I could conveniently carry in my
hands and pockets, and, retiring a little distance
into the woods, laid down and slept till evening,
when I again went forward.</p>
      <p> Sleeping thus by day and travelling by night, 
in a direction towards the North star, I entered
Georgia.  As I only travelled in the night-time, I
was unable to <sic>recognise</sic> rivers and places which I
had seen before, until I reached Columbus, where
I recollected I had been with my master.  From
<pb id="williams90" n="90"/>
this place I took the road leading to Washington,
and passed directly through that village.  On
leaving the village, I found myself, contrary to my
expectation, in an open country, with no woods in
view.  I walked on until day broke in the east.
At a considerable distance ahead, I saw a group
of trees, and hurried on towards it.  Large and
beautiful plantations were on each side of me, from
which I could hear dogs bark, and the driver's 
horn sounding.  On reaching the trees, I found
that they afforded but a poor place of concealment;
on either hand, through its openings, I could see
the men turning out to the cotton fields.  I found
a place to lie down between two oak stumps, 
around which the new shoots had sprung up thickly,
forming a comparatively close shelter.  After
eating some peaches, which since leaving the Indian
settlement had constituted my sole food, I
fell asleep.  I was waked by the barking of a dog.
Raising my head and looking through the bushes,
I found that the dog was barking at a black squirrel who was chattering on a limb almost directly
above me.  A moment after, I heard a voice speaking to the dog, and soon saw a man, with a gun 
in his hand, stealing through the wood.  He passed
close to the stumps, where I lay trembling with
<pb id="williams91" n="91"/>
terror lest he should discover me.  He kept his
eye, however, upon the tree, and, raising his gun,
fired.  The squirrel dropped dead close by my
side.  I saw that any further attempt at concealment would be in vain, and sprang upon my feet.
The man started forward on seeing me, struck at
me with his gun, and beat my hat off.  I leaped
into the road, and he followed after, swearing he
would shoot me if I didn't stop.  Knowing that
his gun was not loaded, I paid no attention to him,
but ran across the road into a cotton field where
there was a great gang of slaves working.  The 
man with the gun followed, and called to the two
colored drivers, who were on horseback, to ride
after me and stop me.  I saw a large piece of
woodland at some distance ahead, and directed
my course towards it.  Just as I reached it, I
looked back and saw my pursuer far behind me,
and found, to my great joy, that the two drivers
had not followed me.  I got behind a tree, and
soon heard the man enter the woods and pass me.
After all had been still for more than an hour, I
crept into a low place in the depth of the woods,
and laid down amidst a bed of reeds, where I again
fell asleep.  Towards evening, on awaking, I
<pb id="williams92" n="92"/>
found the sky beginning to be cloudy, and before
night set in it was completely overcast.  Having 
lost my hat, I tied an old handkerchief over my
head, and prepared to resume my journey.  It
was foggy and very dark, and, involved as I was 
in the mazes of the forest, I did not know in what
direction I was going.  I wandered on until I
reached a road, which I supposed to be the same
one which I had left.  The next day the weather
was still dark and rainy, and continued so for
several days.  During this time I slept only by 
leaning against the body of a tree, as the ground
was soaked with rain.  On the fifth night after
my adventure near Washington, the clouds broke
away, and the clear moonlight and the stars shone
down upon me.</p>
      <p>I looked up to see the North star, which I supposed
still before me.  But I sought it in vain in
all that quarter of the heavens.  A dreadful 
thought came over me that I had been travelling
out of my way.  I turned round and saw the
North star, which had been shining directly upon
my back.  I then knew that I had been travelling
away from freedom, and towards the place of my
captivity, ever since I left the woods into which I
<pb id="williams93" n="93"/>
had been pursued on the 21st, five day before.
Oh, the keen and bitter agony of that moment! I
sat down on the decaying trunk of a fallen tree,
and wept like a child.  Exhausted in mind and 
body, nature came at last to my relief, and I fell
asleep upon the log.  When I awoke it was still
dark.  I rose and nerved myself for another effort
at freedom.  Taking the North star for my guide,
I tuned upon my track, and left once more the
dreaded frontiers of Alabama behind me.  The
next night, after crossing a considerable river, I
came to a large road crossing the one on which I
travelled, and which seemed to lead more directly
towards the North.  I took this road, and the next
night after I came to a large village.   Passing 
through the main street, I saw a large hotel which
I at once recollected.  I was in Augusta, and this
was the hotel at which my master had spent several
days when I was with him on one of his
southern visits.  I heard the guards patrolling the
town cry the hour of twelve; and, fearful of being
taken up, I turned out of the main street, and got
upon the road leading to Petersburg.  On reaching
the latter place, I swam over the Savannah
river into South Carolina, and from thence passed
into North Carolina.</p>
      <pb id="williams94" n="94"/>
      <p>Hitherto I had lived mainly upon peaches, which
were plenty on almost all the plantations in Alabama
and Georgia; but the season was now too
far advanced for them, and I was obliged to resort
to apples.  These I obtained without much difficulty
until within two or three days' journey of the
Virginia line.  At this time I had had nothing to
eat but two or three small and sour apples for
twenty-four hours, and I waited impatiently for
night, in the hope of obtaining fruit from the orchards
along the road.  I passed by several plantations,
but found no apples.  After midnight, I 
passed near a large house, with fruit-trees around
it.  I searched under and climbed up and shook 
several of them to no purpose.  At last I found a
tree on which there were a few apples.  On shaking
it, half a dozen fell.  I got down, and went 
groping and feeling about for them in the grass, 
but could find only two; the rest were devoured by
several hogs, who were there on the same errand
with myself.  I pursued my way until day was
about breaking, when I passed another house.
The feeling of extreme hunger was here so intense,
that it required all the resolution I was master of
to keep myself from going up to the house and 
breaking into it in search of food.  But the thought
<pb id="williams95" n="95"/>
of being again made a slave, and of suffering the 
horrible punishment of a runaway, restrained me.
I lay in the woods all that day without food.  The
next evening, I soon found a large pile of excellent
apples, from which I supplied myself.</p>
      <p>The next evening I reached Halifax Court 
House, and I then knew that I was near Virginia.
On the 7th of October, I came to the Roanoke,
and crossed it in the midst of a violent storm of
rain and thunder.  The current ran so furiously
that I was carried down with it, and with great
difficulty, and in a state of complete exhaustion,
reached the opposite shore.</p>
      <p>At about 2 o'clock, on the night of the 15th, I
approached Richmond; but not daring to go into
the city at that hour, on account of the patrols, I
lay in the woods near Manchester, until the next 
evening, when I started in the twilight, in order to
enter before the setting of the watch.  I passed
over the bridge unmolested, although in great fear,
as my tattered clothes and naked head were well
calculated to excite suspicion; and, being well acquainted
with the localities of the city, made my 
way to the house of a friend.  I was received with
the utmost kindness, and welcomed as one risen
from the dead.  Oh, how inexpressibly sweet were
<pb id="williams96" n="96"/>
the tones of human sympathy, after the dreadful
trials to which I had been subjected, the wrongs 
and outrages which I witnessed and suffered!
For between two and three months I had not
spoken with a human being, and the sound even
of my own voice now seemed strange to my ears.
During this time, save in two or three instances,
I had tasted of no food except peaches and apples.
I was supplied with some dried meat and coffee,
but the first mouthful occasioned nausea and faintness.
I was compelled to take my bed, and lay 
sick for several days.  By the assiduous attention
and kindness of my friends, I was supplied with
every thing which was necessary during my sickness.
I was detained in Richmond nearly a month.
As soon as I had sufficiently recovered to be able
to proceed on my journey, I bade my kind host
and his wife an affectionate farewell, and set forward
once more towards a land of freedom.  I 
longed to visit my wife and children in Powhatan
County, but the dread of being discovered prevented
me from attempting it.  I had learned from
my friends in Richmond that they were living
and in good health, but greatly distressed on my
account.</p>
      <pb id="williams97" n="97"/>
      <p>My friends had provided me with a fur cap, and 
with as much lean ham, cake, and biscuit as I
could conveniently carry.  I proceeded in the same
way as before, travelling by night and lying close
and sleeping by day.  About the last of November
I reached the Shenandoah river.  It was very cold;
ice had already formed along the margin, and in
swimming the river I was chilled through; and
my clothes froze about me soon after I reached 
the opposite side.  I passed into Maryland, and
on the 5th of December stepped across the line
which divided the free state of Pennsylvania from
the land of slavery.</p>
      <p>I had a few shillings in money, which were given
me at Richmond, and after travelling nearly twenty-four
hours from the time I crossed the line, I
ventured to call at a tavern and buy a dinner.
On reaching Carlisle, I inquired of the <sic>ostler</sic> in a
stable if he knew of any one who wished to hire
a house-servant or coachman.  He said he did 
not.  Some more colored people came in, and, 
taking me aside, told me that they knew that I was
from Virginia, by my pronunciation of certain
words  -  that I was probably a runaway slave  -  but
that I need not be alarmed, as they were friends,
<pb id="williams98" n="98"/>
and would do all in their power to protect me.  I
was taken home by one of them, and treated with
the utmost kindness; and at night he took me in
a wagon, and carried me some distance on my way 
to Harrisburg, where he said I should meet with
friends.</p>
      <p>He told me that I had better go directly to Philadelphia,
as there would be less danger of my being
discovered and retaken there than in the country,
and there were a great many persons there
who would exert themselves to secure me from the
slave-holders.  In parting he cautioned me against
conversing or stopping with any man on the road,
unless he wore a plain, straight collar on a round 
coat, and said “thee” and “thou.”  By following 
his directions I arrived safely in Philadelphia,
having been kindly entertained and assisted on my
journey by several benevolent gentlemen and ladies,
whose compassion for the <sic>wayworn</sic> and hunted
stranger I shall never forget, and whose names
will always be dear to me.  On reaching Philadelphia,
I was visited by a large number of the
Abolitionists, and friends of the colored people,
who, after hearing my story, thought it would not
be safe for me to remain in any part of the United
<pb id="williams99" n="99"/>
States.  I remained in Philadelphia a few days,
and then a gentleman came on to New York with
me, I being considered on board the steam-boat,
and in the cars, as his servant.  I arrived at New
York on the 1st of January.  The sympathy and
kindness which I have every where met with
since leaving the slave states, has been the more
grateful to me because it was in a great measure
unexpected.  The slaves are always told that if
they escape into a free state they will be seized
and put in prison until their masters send for
them.  I had heard Huckstep and the other overseers
occasionally speak of the Abolitionists, but I
did not know or dream that they were the friends
of the slave.  Oh, if the miserable men and women,
now toiling on the plantations of Alabama, could
know that thousands in the free states are praying
and striving for their deliverance, how would the
glad tidings be whispered from cabin to cabin, and
how would the slave-mother, as she watches over
her infant, bless God, on her knees, for the hope
that this child of her day of sorrow might never
realize, in stripes, and toil, and grief unspeakable,
what it is to be a slave!</p>
    </body>
    <back>
      <pb id="williams100" n="100"/>
      <div1>
        <head>NOTE BY THE EDITOR.</head>
        <p>THE reader may perhaps feel a curiosity to
know something further of James Williams, and
whether he has found a place of security from the
hunters of human chattels at the South. He came
to New York on the 1st of the 1st mo., 1838.
He was taken to the house of a true friend of the
oppressed, where he was received and entertained
with much sympathy and kindness. While in
this city he Divas visited lay a large number of gentlemen, who were deeply interested in his narrative. An accurate and striking sketch of his face
vas made by an eminent artist, the engraving of
which, by PATRICK REASON, a colored young gentleman of this city, is prefixed to this volume.
He had, however, been in his asylum but a few
days, when information was received that two
white men were in pursuit of him, accompanied
by a colored man, who knew James, and would be
able at once to <sic>recognise</sic> him. The informant
stated that they had been as far as Boston, and
<pb id="williams101" n="101"/>
had just returned to this city. After consultation,
his friends came to the conclusion that he would
not be safe in any part of the United States, and
that, in the present unsettled state of the Canadas,
it would be best to send him to England. He
accordingly sailed for Liverpool, with the best
wishes and sympathies of all who had an opportunity of hearing his story.</p>
        <p>It is with deep humiliation and sorrow that eve
are thus compelled to proclaim to the world, that
even the nominally free states of America afford
no protection to the man of color, escaping from a
land of slavery. Even the soil which is yet
greener for the blood of the revolutionary sacrifice
  -  the plains of Lexington and Saratoga  -  may not
be trodden in safety by the scarred and toil-worn
fugitive from Southern Slavery. Rome had her
temples where the slave could flee and be secure,
for the master dared not violate his sanctuary.
But America has no place too sacred for the profaning presence of slavery. It pervades the whole
land,  -  an active and almost omnipresent despotism. The weary stranger may be plucked away
from the domestic fireside, or dragged from the
very horns of the altars of religion. The whole
<pb id="williams102" n="102"/>
constabulary and municipal force of the country,
the entire civil and military authority, are pledged,
by the constitution itself, to aid the master in recovering his runaway slaves. Judges, sheriffs,
constables, and citizens of the free states, are
bound by the constitutional law of the land to
hunt men like wild beasts, for no other crime than
that of preferring freedom to bondage. Better
would it be to forego, at once, this mockery of
freedom, and wear the acknowledged chains of
slavery ourselves, than thus to stand ready at the
beck of our masters to howl in the track of the
fugitive, in concert with the trained bloodhounds
of the South.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="williams103" n="103"/>
      <div1 type="appendix">
        <head>APPENDIX.</head>
        <div2>
          <p>IN our prefatory remarks we adduced only the testimony of inveterate and determined advocates of slavery.
In corroboration of the facts stated by James Williams,
we offer now the testimony of several gentlemen, who
are natives of the South, or have been residents in that
section of the country.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <head>DISCUSSION IN LANE SEMINARY, 2D Mo., 1834.</head>
          <p>A member from Alabama, speaking of the cruelties
practiced upon the slaves, said  -  “At our house it is so
common to hear their screams from a neighboring plantation, that we think nothing of it. The overseer of this
plantation told me one day he laid a young woman over
a log, and beat her so severely that she was soon after
delivered of a dead cold. A bricklayer, a neighbor of
ours, owned a very smart young negro man, who ran
away, but was caught. When his master got him home,
he stripped him naked, tied him up by his hands, in plain
sight and hearing of the academy and the public green,
so high that his feet could not touch the ground; then
tied them together, and put a long board between his
legs to keep him steady. After preparing him in this
way, he took a paddle, bored it full of holes, and commenced beating him with it. He continued it leisurely all day. At night his flesh was literally pounded to
a jelly. It was two weeks before he was able to walk.
No one took any notice of it; no one thought any wrong
was done.”</p>
        </div2>
        <pb id="williams104" n="104"/>
        <div2>
          <head> TESTIMONY OF JOHN RANKIN,</head>
          <argument>
            <p>
              <hi rend="italics">A native of Tennessee, educated there, and for a number of
  years a preacher in slave states  -  now pastor of a church
  in Ripley, Ohio.</hi>
            </p>
          </argument>
          <p>“In some parts of Alabama, you may see slaves in tile
Cotton fields without so much as even a <hi rend="italics">single rag</hi> upon
them, shivering before the chilling blasts of mid-winter.
Indeed, in every slave-holding State <hi rend="italics">many slaves suffer
extremely,</hi> both while they labor and while they sleep,
<hi rend="italics">for want of clothing</hi> to keep them warm.  Often they are
driven through frost and snow without either stocking or
shoe, until the path they tread is dyed with the blood that
issues from their frost-worn limbs!  And when they return to their miserable huts at night, they find not there
the means of comfortable rest; but <hi rend="italics">on the cold ground
they must lie without covering, and shiver while they slumber.</hi></p>
          <p>“In connection with their extreme sufferings, occasioned by want of clothing, I shall notice those which 
arise from want of food.  As the making of grain is 
the main object of their <sic>mancipation</sic>, masters will sacrifice as little as possible in giving them food.  It <hi rend="italics"/>
happens that what will <hi rend="italics">barely keep them alive</hi> is all that
a cruel avarice will allow them.  Hence, in some instances, their allowance has been reduced to a <hi rend="italics">single
pint of corn each</hi> during the day and night; and some
have no better allowance than a small portion of cotton
seed!!  And in some places the best allowance is a peck
of corn each during the week, while perhaps they are not
permitted to taste meat so much as once in the course
of seven years, except what little they may be able to
steal!  <hi rend="italics">Thousands of them are pressed with the gnawings
of cruel hunger during their whole lives.</hi></p>
          <p>“Many poor slaves are stripped naked, stretched and 
tied across barrels or large bags, and <hi rend="italics">tortured with the
lash during hours, and even whole days, until their flesh is
mangled to the very bones.</hi>  Others are stripped and hung
up by their arms, their feet are tied together, and the end
of a heavy piece of timber is put between their legs in
order to stretch their bodies, and so prepare them for the
torturing lash  -  and in this situation they are often
whipped until their bodies are covered <hi rend="italics">with blood and
mangled flesh, </hi>and in order to add the greatest keenness
<pb id="williams105" n="105"/>to their sufferings, their wounds are washed with <hi rend="italics">liquid
salt!</hi>  And some of the miserable creatures are permitted to hand in that position until they actually <hi rend="italics">expire</hi>;
some die under the lash, others linger about for a time, 
and at length die of their wounds, and many survive, 
and endure again similar torture.  These bloody scenes
are <hi rend="italics">constantly exhibiting in every slave-holding country  -  
thousands of whips are every day stained with African blood!</hi>
Even the poor <hi rend="italics">females</hi> are not permitted to escape these
shocking cruelties.”  -  <hi rend="italics">Rankin's Letters, pages</hi> 57, 58.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <head>TESTIMONY OF ASA A. STONE,</head>
          <argument>
            <p>
              <hi rend="italics">A Theological Student, who resided near Natchez, Mississippi, 
when he published the following statement, dated
  24th 5th mo., 1835.</hi>
            </p>
          </argument>
          <p>“No one here thinks that the slaves are seldom over-
driven and under-fed.  Every body knows it to be one
of the most <hi rend="italics">common occurrences.</hi>  No planter of intelligence
and candor denies that slaves are very generally badly
treated in this country.  <hi rend="italics">I wish to be understood now at
the commencement, that, intending to do that my statements shall be relied on, and knowing that, should you see
fit to publish this communication, they will come to this country, where their correctness may be tested by comparison with
real life, I make them with the utmost care and precaution.</hi>
But those which I do make are made without the least
apprehension of their being controverted.... In the 
first place, with respect to labor.  The <hi rend="italics">time</hi> of labor is
first to be noticed.  It is a general rule on all regular 
plantations that the slaves rise in season in the morning
to <hi rend="italics">be in the field as soon as it is light enough for them to see
to work,</hi> and remain there until it is <hi rend="italics">so dark that they cannot see.</hi>   This is the case at all seasons of the year; so
that during the summer they are in the field at least
<hi rend="italics">fifteen hours.</hi>  This does not include the time spent in
going and returning; that must be done while it is too
dark to suffer them to work, even if the field, as is frequently the case, is a mile distant.  It is literally true,
what one of them remarked to me the other day, that
“they never know what it is to sleep till daylight.”</p>
          <p>.... Their suppers they have to prepare and eat after 
they return home, which, at this season of the year,
takes them until nine o'clock: so that, without leaving a
<pb id="williams106" n="106"/>
<hi rend="italics">moment</hi> of time for any other purpose, they can have but
seven hours' sleep before four in the morning, when they
are called.... On almost every plantation, the hands 
suffer more or less from hunger at some seasons of almost every year.  On the majority of plantations, the
feeding supplies the demands of nature tolerably well,
except in the winter, and at some other occasional times.
There is always a <hi rend="italics">good deal of suffering</hi> on them from
hunger in the course of the year.  On many plantations,
and particularly in Louisiana and among the French
planters, the slaves are in a condition of <hi rend="italics">almost utter
famishment</hi> during a great portion of the year.  Let a 
man pass through the plantations where they <hi rend="italics">fare the
best,</hi> and see fifty or sixty hands, men and women, sitting down on the furrows where their food-cart happens
to overtake them, and making their meal of a bit of corn-
bread and water, and he will think it is rather hard fare.
This is not <sic>unfrequently</sic> the case on plantations where 
they are considered well fed.....</p>
          <p>“I will now say a few words about treatment and
condition in general.  That floggings are very common
and severe, appears from what has already been said.
I must now say that flogging for all offences, including
deficiencies in work, are <hi rend="italics">frightfully common</hi>, and <hi rend="italics">most
terribly severe</hi>.</p>
          <p>“<hi rend="italics">Rubbing with salt and red pepper is very common after
a severe whipping.</hi>  The object, they say, is primarily to
<hi rend="italics">make it smart;</hi> but add, that it is the best thing that can
be done to prevent mortification and make the <hi rend="italics">gashes</hi>
heal.”</p>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <head>TESTIMONY OF THE PRESBYTERIAN SYNOD OF KENTUCKY,</head>
          <argument>
            <p>
              <hi rend="italics">A large majority of whom are or have been slave-holders.</hi>
            </p>
          </argument>
          <p>“This system licenses and produces <hi rend="italics">great cruelty.</hi></p>
          <p>“Mangling, imprisonment, starvation, every species
of torture, may be inflicted upon him, (the slave,) and 
he has no redress.</p>
          <p>“There are now in our whole land two millions of 
human beings, exposed, defenceless, to every insult, and
every injury short of maiming or death, which their
fellow-men may choose to inflict.  <hi rend="italics">They suffer</hi> all that
can be inflicted by wanton caprice, by grasping avarice,
by brutal lust, by malignant spite, and by insane anger.
Their happiness is the sport of every whim and the prey
<pb id="williams107" n="107"/>
of every passion that may occasionally or habitually
infest the master's bosom.  If we could calculate the
amount of <sic>wo</sic> endured by the ill-treated slaves, it would
overwhelm every compassionate heart  -  it would move
even the obdurate to sympathy.  There is also a vast
sum of suffering inflicted upon the slave by humane 
masters, as a punishment for that idleness and misconduct which slavery naturally produces.     *   *   *</p>
          <p>“<hi rend="italics">Brutal stripes,</hi> and all the varied kinds of personal 
indignities, are not the only species of cruelty which
slavery licenses.   *   *   *   Brothers and sisters,
parents and children, husbands and wives, are torn
asunder, and permitted to see each other no more.
These acts are daily occurring in the midst of us.  The
shrieks and agony often witnessed on such occasions proclaim with a trumpet tongue the iniquity and
cruelty of our system.   *   *   *   <hi rend="italics">There is not a 
neighborhood</hi> where these hear-rending scenes are not
displayed.  <hi rend="italics">There is not a village or road</hi> that does not
behold the sad procession of manacled outcasts, whose
chains and mournful countenances tell that they are
exiled by force from all that their hearts hold dear.”  -  </p>
          <trailer><hi rend="italics">See Address of Synod to Churches, in</hi> 1835, <hi rend="italics">page</hi> 12.</trailer>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <head>TESTIMONY OF THE MARYVILLE (TENNESSEE) INTELLIGENCER, 
OF THE 4TH OF 10TH MO., 1835.</head>
          <p>The Editor, in speaking of the sufferings of the slaves
which are taken by the internal trade to the Southwest,
says:</p>
          <p>“Place yourself in imagination, for a moment, in
their condition : with <hi rend="italics">heavy galling chains</hi> riveted upon
your person; <hi rend="italics">half-naked, half-starved;</hi> your back <hi rend="italics">lacerated</hi> with the ‘knotted whip;’  travelling to a region 
where your <hi rend="italics">condition through time will be second only to
the wretched creatures in Hell.</hi></p>
          <p>“This depiction is not visionary.  Would to God that 
it was.”</p>
        </div2>
        <div2>
          <head>TESTIMONY OF COLONEL WILLIAM KEYES,</head>
          <argument>
            <p>
              <hi rend="italics">A native of Rockbridge County, Virginia, where he resided
  about thirty years  -  now well known and greatly respected
  in southern Ohio.</hi>
            </p>
          </argument>
          <p>“In that part of Virginia where I resided, (the valley,) so far as relates to food, clothing, and labor, slaves
<pb id="williams108" n="108"/>
may be said to be well used, when compares with the
<hi rend="italics">barbarity</hi> of their treatment farther south, or wherever
they are held in large numbers; yet, even where I lived,
though few slaves comparatively were held, <hi rend="italics">many</hi> acts
of <hi rend="italics">atrocious cruelty</hi> were perpetrated.  I have seen <hi rend="italics">aged,
gray-headed slaves stripped, tied up, and whipped with a
cowhide,</hi> forty or fifty lashes, for no fault but absence for
a few minutes too long when wanted.  Such thins I call
cruelty, but they pass among slave-holders <hi rend="italics">for nothing.</hi>”</p>
          <trailer><hi rend="italics">Dated Hillsborough, Ohio, 1st of 1st mo.,</hi> 1835.</trailer>
        </div2>
      </div1>
    </back>
  </text>
</TEI.2>