I began taking interest in politics. I devoted my time to politics for several years. My friends wanted me to run for the Legislature, but I refused to accept the nomination for legislator. I gave the matter my undivided attention. I soon found that there was nothing in politics for colored people. Yet at that time the Republican party, that the colored people were so closely connected with, had control of the State.

I began to prophesy as to what would be the outcome of the whole matter; yet I was not a prophet, nor the son of a prophet. I discovered through the telescope of time that the Democratic party would predominate in the future.

I advised my race (that came to me for advice) not to take any interest in politics, and if they did, to divide their votes equally between the two parties.

I, for myself, would not vote against either of the parties. I saw at that time that race prejudice had begun to accumulate and multiply, prejudice had begun to stretch its fatal wings across all of the Southern boundaries, in the hearts of the two races, extending to the Mason-Dixon line.

This history is to those that are not satisfied and want to try another country. I for myself am satisfied here. When I get dissatisfied here, I will go to Africa.

Remember, there have been many changes since 1620, when we sailed across the great Atlantic and other waters. Some of us have become red, some very yellow, and some of us almost white. Should we return to our old mother home, the sun would parch us very dark, as we were when we landed at Yorktown and other seaport towns.

Should we return, we would leave a portion of our relatives and friends here that took a part in changing our complexion.

I want the race to remember one thing, that the sun is very hot and parching in Africa. Those that want to return can do so, but I don't think that they can better their condition. For my part, I am satisfied here. I find that the Anglo-Saxon race is very kind to the colored race, and seem that they desire to see them better their condition as a rule. I find that they are very kind to them indeed. As I have forestated, the colored people as a race are ignorant. I am satisfied that some of our white folks are too premature. Our race is ignorant, as a rule, with few exceptions. The white people say, as a race, “that they are more capable to make laws and control the country than the colored race.” I admit that to be true, because the colored man has not had time to develop himself; he has been kept in servitude about two hundred and forty-five years.

It is said by many that the colored race is so easy to be contented with a very little. The colored people, as a race, don't seem to have much ambition about them. I claim that it must be the way they were taught in modern times.

For an instance, if a colored man buys a house and lot, as a rule it is just as high as he desires to get. As a rule, those that have become lawyers, doctors and ministers don't seem to have ambition to want to accumulate anything more. And when one becomes a bishop, or a moderator, they fold their arms and say that they are just as high as they desire to get.

If Rockefeller's wealth were tendered to them, they would say “that they would not have it.”

It seems strange, but yet it is true, they inherited Easy Street by heredity. You can readily see that several centuries have to pass before the colored people can become a race. I will admit that we have some very bright talents among the race, but it is among the few and not the many.

My cousin and I promised each other several years ago that we would work hard and take care of our money, to enter college. We worked several years, and at the end of each year our condition was the same. We were not able to enter college. When I entered college I was not able to pay my matriculating fees. I entered college with ten cents in my pocket, after paying my railroad fare. The rule was to pay your matriculating fees and other expenses at the expiration of the mouth. During the first month I entered college, I saw Professor Inserly, one of the professors from Boston. I asked him to give me something to do to help pay for my schooling. He gave me his room to keep in order, to pay towards my schooling. Professor Perry also gave me some work to do to help pay towards my schooling. I had only one suit of clothes when I entered college, and some of the advanced students gave me some of their clothes that had been worn, and I was very proud of them. The rule in college was that all of the scholars had to dress neatly before they went to breakfast. I was unable to dress neatly like the rest. I had to remain in my room until all of the students had eaten breakfast. Then I went down to the dining hall and asked the cook in a sympathetic manner for something to eat. She responded to me by saying, “What are your reasons for not coming to breakfast when the others came?” I responded to her question by saying I was unable to dress neatly like the others did, for I went down in the dining hall one morning and all of the students laughed at me. I told her if she would save me something to eat every Sunday morning, I would bring her wood and water, and pick up some chips for her.

The rule was, at college, that there were fifteen minutes set apart for social hour, for the young men and young ladies. The young ladies would not allow me to walk with them; they said that I could not dress nice enough to walk on the lawn with them. I would go back to my room and get my books and study them. I asked the Lord if I would forever be in that condition.

I continued to study my books in season and out of season. While the rest would be playing on the campus and having a hallelujah time, I would confine myself to the study of my books.

I remained in that condition until the school session had expired. The scholars laughed and said I was an idiot; some said that I had a little more sense than an idiot.

It has been said by many that it was almost impossible for the negro race to do anything, and, as one member of the race, I determined, by God's help, to see if the alleged expression was really true. It is also said by the same accusers that God did not intend for the negro race to do as other nationalities. It has been so commonly spoken that God has no respect of persons. I prayed over the matter, considered it, and reconsidered it. Oh! how strange it seemed to me that a just God, that formed the heavens and the earth, and made every creeping thing—animals, man and beast! Oh! how strange it seemed to me to believe that a just God would make some races superior to others, and to stamp a seal of damnation upon a race eternally because their faces were black, and whatever they should undertake to do should fail! After studying carefully over the matter, I cried, because I knew we had a just God. It has been said that the race is prone to debauchery and detestable things in all of their actions; and yet when I read the Good Book I would see that God did not refer to a man because his face was black. I had heard it said to be a member of the negro race was a disgrace to human sight, because they were vicious and were not capable of doing anything that had any responsibility in it. My heart bled within me. Again I went to the Bible to see if the race that I was identified with was so condemned and had nothing to aspire for, by reason of their condition and complexion. I got down upon my knees and prayed to God, and said, “Oh, Father of Heaven and God of Love, if this calamity is true it would have been better for us if we had never been born” After I arose from my knees, praying to God in whom there is no varying to the right nor the left, and who knows no man by his condition, but measures out truth, justice and righteousness to all men alike, I found that I had great peace. I found that the burdens of these accusations would have to be made from a source of God-like power before I could accept them.

I then determined that I would take up the great responsibility to prove what had been said was not true. I made up my mind that I would begin nothing small because it had been said that a member of the negro race could not start anything requiring extraordinary ability and carry it to success—especially if ten thousand dollars or a hundred thousand dollars were involved.

I first thought that I would establish a university and connect it with some religious denomination. The second thought came to me, if I do that it will not begin to solve the negro problem, because the accusers would say, if it is connected with any particular denomination, that would not be evidence that a member of the colored race could do anything. They would say almost any denomination could form a combination and build an institution, because, if the colored denomination could not build the institution the white people of the same denomination would help them. The accusers would say it is easy to elect one of their members as president of the institution, and that is not sufficient evidence that the race can do anything of themselves.

The white people are not enemies to the colored people, when they find out that they are doing something to better their condition. When I started to erect this Latta University many of the colored people said it was too much for one man to do, and God did not intend for one man to do that much. They called meetings and held some indignation meetings, declaring that God would be angry if one man would attempt to do that much. They invited me to their meetings. I attended some of them, and they would elect one of their members chairman and one secretary, but they were all chairman and all secretary, for they all talked at the same time. They went so far as to say that the Governor of the State of North Carolina would not allow one man to do that much to solve the negro problem.

I started out with the purpose to erect an institution for educational purposes, non-sectarian as to its religious teaching. They said it was the biggest thing they ever heard of. I knew that they, as a race, were ignorant, but they were telling the truth in that particular. They asked the Governor his opinion about the matter. He told them it was a very good thing if I could come out in it; but he said it was a mighty big undertaking. They called meetings for two years, until they got ashamed, and the white peopled laughed at them and said what big fools they were. They went so far as to have my name printed and circulated all over the city, saying that I was a fraud, and I never would build an institution, because they had not authorized me to build it. They said to build a non-sectarian institution I would have to go to the President of the United States and get license to build a school of that character.

The leading white people of the city told me to have them prosecuted for circulating such a paper against me without any foundation. None of them had given a dollar for the institution.

I laughed when I chanced to hear what they would say, because I knew that they were very ignorant; I knew that God had chosen some one to lead the Israelites out of Egypt, and I had begun to think that He had chosen your humble servant to lead those ignorant people out of the second Egypt. One of the ablest lawyers in the city of Raleigh told me if I said so he would put the last one of them in the work house. I remember I repeated these words to Judge Strong, and told him I believed in what Davy Crockett said,

I desire to say a word concerning the lynchings in the Southern States, that our friends in the North, East and West hear so much of. I claim that it comes from ignorance among the colored people that such extreme depredations as assaulting white ladies of the South takes place. I am prepared to show you, in nine cases out of ten, it comes from ignorance. Education and sufficient moral training, with religion combined, are the only things that will stop it. I can say for this institution, as I have been the presiding officer ever since it has been founded, not a student that leaves the Latta University will ever be found guilty of such terrible conduct. I have talked with numbers of leaders that preside over various institutions, and they say not a single scholar that attended their schools have ever committed such crimes. We not only teach them intellectually, but we teach them how they must conduct themselves from a moral and social standpoint. We instill it so deeply in them until they never will forget it during life. In some instances I know several students that attended school who, when they came to school, were so uncouth they would almost make you blush to see how they acted. After they remained in school and received its thorough training, they would lead prayer meeting and tell others how to conduct themselves in life.

I do not believe in lynch law; but such crimes as I have mentioned above are very shocking, and sometimes a party of men take the law in their own hands. My advice in such a case is to educate such ignorant people, make the law compulsory, compel everybody to attend school, and also make it compulsory for teachers to lecture along such lines, as we do in our colleges; and if these rules that I have just mentioned are strictly enforced, we will have no trouble in these extreme depredations.

I have noticed very carefully that men of means, as a rule, are doing very little good with their money. For instance, you take men like Mr. Rockefeller and Mr. Carnegie. You will not find in a single instance that wealthy men like those give to any institution or any enterprise that is poor and needy and striving to come to the front. We must remember that we have to begin low to go high. I find those institutions that wealthy children attend are the ones wealthy men help. There is no argument that can be produced successfully to prove that such men as I have mentioned are helping the poor. It seems that they prefer to give to institutions that really do not need their assistance. I have been trying to help the poor. Jesus Christ said on one occasion, “The poor ye have always with you.”

We have had thousands of students to attend the Latta University. Some were able to pay their schooling and some were not able to pay their matriculation fees. There have been several thousand pupils to attend this institution since it has been founded, and we have had to carry almost one-third of them because they were unable to pay their school bills. They promised to pay their bills if we would let them stay in school, and I am satisfied that the majority tried to pay; but they were unable to do so. I had to go in debt with the merchants of the city and buy provisions to run the school. Sometimes I would go in debt so very heavy until I would have to leave school during the school term and work, rain or shine, never stopping for sleet or snow, wind or rain, raising money to pay the bills of those that were not able to pay their own bills. We charged young men only six dollars and seventy-five cents and young ladies five dollars and seventy-five cents per month. We board them and teach them, for these amounts.

You can readily see that these amounts are not half enough to run the school successfully. I would go up in town and see my grocerymen, and they would tell me that my bills were so very high they did not see how I ever would pay them. The bills would be so heavy, and I did not see any possible way to pay them, I could not sleep at night nor rest during the day. I many times knelt down upon my knees and shed tears, feeling that the responsibility was too heavy to carry. I remember saying several times that the responsibility was so heavy that I must decline to attempt to solve the negro problem any further. As a rule, I would remain at school during the session and go in debt several thousand dollars to run the school. As soon as school closed I would get the endorsement of the leading officers of the city and State as to the worthiness of my work, and I would take my little book in my hand, with tears in my eyes, and start out to get the necessary money. I did not know where I was going to get twenty-five cents from. I would tell the public what I was doing, and I tried to interest them to help me to meet the obligations necessary for me to meet, as to the expenses the students had incurred on the institution. I received amounts as small as twenty-five cents, and from that to a dollar. Some friends I interested enough to get five and ten dollars. Now and then some would give twenty and twenty-five dollars. Some would receive me very cordially and others would receive me as if I were a rattlesnake. Some would treat me very uncouth indeed, and I've had some to order me out of their places of business. I went out, but kept right on at my work, because I knew that life and death was involved in my object. I knew that they treated Christ worse than they treated me, and when I would study over the matter and knew how they treated Jesus Christ, and yet He said they knew not what they did, it inspired me to push forward. I can not explain to the public just what I have gone through during the time that I have attempted to solve the negro problem. It would worry your patience to read the oppositions and obstacles that was put in the way to stop my progress to accomplishing my purpose.

My ambition is that this institution must live when Christ shall call me to appear before His throne to give an account of my mission on earth.

I sincerely hope that the institution may do good through all ages to come. I desire that the institution may be a monument to the fact that a member of the negro race has solved a serious and an important problem—one that all nations doubted as to its consummation.

It will be seen that the contributions of the people amounted to very little, and you can readily see, if it meant anything, it meant work from the beginning and also ability to conduct and manage the affairs. I claim that the race problem is solved. I am satisfied that, after the general public reads the history of my life, they will say that it is the biggest undertaking of any one man in ancient or modern history.

Often my heart ached within me, and I shed tears time and again. I would walk along the road and weep. I would kneel down and pray, trying to find out if it was true that a just God would make a race and shut the doors of prosperity against them because their complexion was different from other nationalities. I said if I would manage the enterprise discreetly and be prudent in all of my actions, practice economy and be energetic, seeing that every dollar goes to its proper place—when I shall have exercised all of that care and discretion and attended to everything judiciously, and failed, then I would plainly see that God did not intend for the colored people to compete with other races.

But I can say, after undertaking such great responsibility, beyond all question, that we have a just God, and a man can accomplish just what he desires to accomplish and be second to none.

Now I can say, as Patrick Henry said, “I have but one lamp, by which my feet are guarded, and that is the lamp of experience.” I could not speak so determined on this matter as I do but for my experience, and, remember, experience is the thing after all.

In taking this task upon myself, it was not my purpose to assail any particular race; but after hearing so many accusations and criticisms that I had heard, I determined to see whether it was true or not. I am now satisfied that God works in mysterious ways His wonders to perform.

Read the history of the children of Israel when they were under the hard taskmasters of King Pharaoh in Egypt. It is said that the Israelites that were brought out of bondage, under the administration of King Pharaoh, are Hebrews. Some have said, it seems strange that God would allow the Israelites to suffer as long as they did, being persecuted and evil-treated, and also laboring under the influence of maltreatment, before Moses led them. from under the Egyptian's bondage. They say it is cruelty on the part of creation, and it is admitted by all of the Hebrews that the struggle for liberty away back in the Moses dispensation is what has made them the most successful nationalitythat is upon the globe to-day.

You might trace the Ethiopian race in the same way. A great many people have said that God was not just, allowing other nationalities to predominate over them and hold them as slaves. I simply mention these statements to show that God works things to suit Himself, and if God, in His own mysterious ways, in managing things, has promoted the Hebrews to prosperity, then it is prima facie evidence that the same God that promoted the Hebrews will promote the negro race, if we will faithfully discharge every duty that devolves upon us.

Latta University is located in West Raleigh, N. C., one mile west from the capitol building. The location is the very best that could be desired for this school, being outside the busy city, but within easy reach by means of the electric street cars, which run near the institution. It is one of the largest schools in the South in every respect, having capacity to accommodate more than fourteen hundred students. We have twenty-three buildings on the campus.

Latta University was incorporated by the laws of North Carolina, February 15, 1894. The property of the University was purchased in 1891, and the school was founded in 1892. The institution is wholly non-sectarian in its religious instruction and influence, yet earnest attention is given to Bible study, applying its truths to daily life and conduct, that a thoroughly Christian character may be attained. It is open to all students of either sex.

The Industrial Department gives special opportunities to young men. By working on the industrial farm they receive all the privileges of the boarding department. Rooms, bedsteads and mattresses are furnished free. Heat and light and washing also furnished free. The advantages of the Night School and the opportunity of earning from eight to ten dollars per month, to be placed to their credit account and applied to their board account, are open to all.

No student under sixteen years of age will have admission to the Industrial School. Students must be healthy and able to do farm work. Students who do not abide by the regulations, and who do not give satisfaction in their work, are not retained in school, and on being sent away forfeit their right to any part they may have earned.

All work, even that which is remunerative, is instructive and methodical and under experienced supervision. Those desiring to work enter the Industrial School, which runs ten months. Those who are not prepared go to the Night School and work out a part of their schooling. This is done so all persons can have an opportunity to get an education.

In some extreme cases, when we find that a worthy person desires to get an education and is deprived of necessary means, we make it convenient for them to work their way through school. Young men are taught to do all kinds of carpentry work and brick laying. Those who enter the Industrial School with the intention of working their way through school, only have permission to attend the Night School, and they are required to pay $4.00 for incidental fees.

The school runs day and night. It will be optional with the school as to which department these students attend—day or night school. Both are taught by experienced teachers.

Young ladies who enter the Industrial Department are taught to do laundry and all kinds of house work.

There is no school for the benefit of the race which has had so humble an origin as this, and yet (if signs mean anything) it is destined to be one of the foremost for the elevation of our people.

This institution is for the race, and the first which has been organized under like circumstances, with a representative of the race at the head.

I can not forget to thank the generous white people of the “Old North State” and elsewhere who have so kindly helped me in this work, and, while thanking them for the past, I earnestly plead for their aid in the future, and for the cooperation of my own race.

When I shall have completed the task on earth which God gave me to do, and when He shall require my presence in heaven, to remain with Him forever, this school must be carried on for the educational purposes for which it was founded. It must remain as Latta University, for educating and helping a weak race, and to remain as a monument to show the work that I have done for the race, and to show that I am not dead, but simply sleeping.

I am satisfied that my task will soon be ended on earth, and God will send an angel to summons me to appear before His throne. I hope to be able to look back over a well spent life and feel satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt that I have faithfully discharged my duty in lifting up a fallen race and in doing good for the public in general whenever it has fallen to my lot.

I am satisfied that man can not compensate me for my services on earth, and, therefore, I am looking to God for reward for what I have done in the past and what I shall do in the future.

We had twenty-six buildings and lost three by fire. The library of the school was also burned.

I have made it a rule of my life, whenever a good cause is presented to me, to help it along. I never fail to do something for it, if I can. I find, in my experience, which is the only lamp that my feet are guided by, whenever a person wants to help lift up fallen humanity, and has not the means to make a great display like those that have plenty of means, that there is a combination formed under the same head, like the great monster, which is called “Trust.”

I desire to say something concerning the Investigation Bureau in New York, as they call it, which I claim does not do any good, but pays men for nothing but to go around the country to find institutions that are just struggling for life, doing the best they can, with limited means. If they find an institution of that nature that can't sit alone, nor crawl, they report to a class of men who do not desire to help any such, but desire to give to enterprises that do not really need it. In other words, they do that to prevent giving to any cause, only a few dollars to the New York Investigation Bureau. If a person asks them to give to a cause, which is endorsed by the leading men of the town or city from which they come, or to institutions endorsed by men that are filled with patriotism, men whose integrity is so high that they could not afford to give their sanction to a fraudulent purpose, men who are chosen among the people in the community in which they live to represent the people; and yet these fellows of the New York Investigation Bureau turn down these prominent men, such as our Mayors, Clerks, Judges, and even the Governor of our State. Is it just that the statements of these good, patriotic men should be repudiated, when they are disinterested, having only a desire to see a good cause promoted?

I am satisfied that I have done more good along the lines of education for the advancement of my race than any of these. I have had hundreds of orphan children in our institution and hundreds and thousands of others that needed help. Some have finished their education and some have not.

I have noticed very carefully as to the proficiency of the students of the Latta University. Of course they do not fail before the Board whenever they desire to teach a public school. Not only the graduates, but the students that desire to teach. Several hundred of them have made application to teach in the public schools, and they did not make a failure, for I have made it a rule to keep in touch with the students that attend the institution and see that they are properly prepared.

I desire to call the reader's attention to these suggestions. Suppose, when we had two or three small school buildings, and the school was in its infancy, I should have stopped working then, simply because the Investigation Bureau said it was not worthy, for it helped students to pay their tuition?

I find that the majority of the people, as I present my cause and tell them, would say, whenever a cause is presented to me, endorsed by the leading people of the community, that is satisfactory, without receiving information from the Investigation Bureau. I claim that I have been the means of uplifting more ignorant people out of the gutter and promoting them to usefulness and a higher moral sentiment than all of the Investigation Bureaus in New York, or any other place. I am proud to say, by the help of the Creator of heaven and earth, by push and faith, by persistent efforts against all odds and attempts to demoralize me, I have succeeded. The institution has extended its wings with the intention to climb the topmost ladder. It has extended its breadth; it has closed the door of seclusion and is aspiring to the noble efforts that makes the nation useful and great.

Surely the Investigation Bureau have not read the Commandments of God. If you educate and thoroughly train the mind of ten persons, you have done a remarkable deed.

I desire to call the attention of the Investigation Bureau to one grave fact: God told Lot that he would save the great cities of Sodom and Gomorrah if he would find ten just persons in them. We claim that we have not only made ten persons upright and good, but we have had several thousand to attend the Latta University, and the greater portion have been made good and just by the influence of the institution.

As a leader among my race, I endeavored to impress upon them, as a race, to be trustworthy and have self reliance. I also teach them to practice punctuality. My heart bleeds within me to know that many of them are wanting in punctuality. I am sorry to say, if they set a time to preach at eleven o'clock, it is often twelve-thirty before they commence; and if they say that they are going to preach at nine o'clock, it is frequently ten-thiry. I have always made it a rule, if I am going to preach or lecture, I will be there ten or fifteen minutes before time.

I told the students that attended the Latta University, where I have presided as president for ten long years or more, if I failed to be on time one minute, or unless I notify them, or unless it is inconvenient, I would give them ten dollars, and no one has yet found me one minute late. This is the kind of teaching that I impart to my race, and especially those that are under my supervision.

Taking everything into consideration I have nothing to say against my white friends in the Southern State. They, as a race, do not want social equality. Neither do we.

It is needless to argue that a colored man cannot so conduct himself as to win recognition in the highest degree. One of the leading wholesale men in the city of Raleigh that furnishes supplies to the school that I preside over, said to my wife that “Dr. Latta can do what I can not do.” She said in reply, “What is it that he can do that you can not do?” “Dr. Latta can ride on the railroads and give checks at his convenience for any ticket he desires to pay for.”

It surprised me very much indeed to know that a member of the Anglo Saxon race had watched my actions and my dealings so closely. If the people would be trustworthy, as a rule, they could do the same.

I often wonder why it is that the railroads can not indulge people and depend on their honor in many instances; but the trustworthy are among the few.

It is inspiring to me to say that the railroads have indulged me for tickets, and I would rather my right hand was separated from my body before they, or any who indulge me, should lose a dollar.

I remember that we had a party of ten persons that we brought from the school to Philadelphia.

There is no mortgage on the school property; the school owes but a very little money. My purpose is to pay every dollar that the school owes during 1903, and by the help of God will do it. Those who read the history of my life and work will find that I believe in God indeed. I also believe in work; for no man can succeed unless he believes in God, and he must also believe in work, for one without the other is of little value.

I am sorry to say that the Federal Government pays no attention to the negro's interest in the United States. There is one important thing that fills my heart with gratitude, and that is that President Roosevelt does not hold the negro responsible for his color or condition. He desires to see all men treated alike, so far as justice is concerned. If the Chief Executive of these United States was to talk and act as some I know, opposing the negro's interest and privilege, I would say to the negro, as a leader, before the sun goes down behind the western horizon, to bundle up and leave these United States; because prejudice would be so great that we could not remain here. But as long as the head of the Government seems to take an independent stand for justice, my advice to the race is to continue on until a change comes that will be calculated to force us away.

We have had an excellent corps of teachers. Mrs. Mary K. Smith was one of the brightest female teachers that has ever occupied a position in any school. It was very interesting to me to see her instruct her scholars how to solve hard problems. She was a graduate from St. Augustine College, Raleigh, N. C.

I claim that the history of my life and work is sufficient to solve the negro problem; that is, to prove that the negro can do something, even in the midst of opposition. God alone knows what I have experienced in establishing this institution. In the midst of so many obstacles I have worked hard, night and day, and trusted in God. He has been with me and will be until the end of my life.

Labor and capital seems to be at war all the time. Labor is the father of capital, and instead of conflicting interests, they should form a combination; they can not succeed and be antagonistic to each other.

I am satisfied that the time is near at hand when the two will meet and settle all grievances satisfactorily. It will cause distress among all nations as long as the two forces are antagonizing each other. It causes the country to suffer on account of the division between the two. There is no question about it, they must unite in one common cause. We can not go back on labor nor wealth. If labor and wealth would unite it would be much better for the country. A wealthy man's money perishes in his hand if he can not get labor.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. Let me illustrate: We have several hundred acres of land connected with the institution, and if we can not get labor, the land is worthless to us, for we could not think of paying one-tenth of its taxes.

I desire to speak a word concerning our white people in the city of Raleigh, as to their attitude towards the colored people. I must say it is of the very kindest nature. In reality, there has not been a conflict between the two races in the city of Raleigh for twenty-five or thirty years. We have had no lynching in the city of Raleigh. Neither race would submit to it. We feel proud of the white people in the city of Raleigh, and the white people feel proud of us as a race.

I have heard the white people say on several occasions, when colored people come from other towns and act unbecoming, that “They are not our colored people, for they are well behaved, as a rule. We think well of the colored people who live here.”

The trouble that they have with each other is very little; it does not amount to anything worth speaking of. In a few days you would never know that they ever had any trouble between themselves.

The city of Raleigh is a city that I feel proud of. I have been here almost twenty years. I have visited every town and city in the United States. During my visits to the various cities and towns, I noticed carefully the relationship between the white and colored people. I scrutinized very closely, and I found the relationship in the city of Raleigh superior to any in the United States. Raleigh sets a good example for all of the Southern cities to follow.

I often get down on my knees and pray that such a spirit that has prevailed over the city of Raleigh will continue for centuries to come.

The ministers in the city of Raleigh, white and colored, and the Christian people, have had a great deal to do with the true spirit that has prevailed over Raleigh for over a quarter of a century.

Raleigh contains about fifteen thousand inhabitants within the corporate limits; the city in reality contains about thirty thousand inhabitants. The two races are just about equal in population.

Raleigh is an inland city. It is quite beautifully located. It is also a very healthy city. It is six miles from Neuse River. Railroad system is very good; you can leave the city about six times every day and night for all points north, west and east.

In former years there was not very much manufacturing done here, but lately it has become quite a manufacturing city. It is also quite an enterprising city. It is increasing its number of enterprises every year. The people in the city of Raleigh, as a rule, have become very wealthy, especially the white people. It has not been as enterprising as some other cities in the State, but the people have seen the great necessity of having enterprises in the community, and they have determined to make the city of Raleigh second to none.

We have six banks in our city—the Raleigh National Bank, the Citizens National Bank, the Raleigh Savings Bank, the Dime Savings Bank, the Farmers' and Commercial Bank, and the North Carolina Trust Company. This is evidence that we have a plenty of money in our city, but it is hard to get.

Walter Raleigh, for whom the city was named, was a great man, according to history.

The city is improving very rapidly. It has many beautiful mansions, and fine, wide streets,

We have a Governor that we all feel proud of—a high-toned Christian gentleman. He is in favor of educating both races alike; he believes in the money being divided equally between the two races for educational purposes. He is a Governor for the people, regardless of races or sex. Gov. Aycock has given us a wise and excellent administration. When he made his inaugural speech, he said: “I am a Governor for the people. I intend to see that the law is administered to every man alike.” He showed in one of the greatest speeches that ever was delivered on such an occasion that he was in favor of protecting the weak man and the ignorant man, as well as those who were well up in life. No man in the State of North Carolina can justly find fault with his administration, for he has been wise and liberal in all of his acts. His intention has been, from beginning to end, to animate the State during his administration.

His people feel proud of him as a Governor of North Carolina. The colored race feels proud of him as their Governor. He is a man of patriotism.

I have been acquainted with the Governor whom I speak of over ten years. I found him to be a gentleman in the highest degree. I regret and sincerely believe that the State of North Carolina regrets, that his time is almost expired as the Chief Executive of the State.

We have six colleges in the city of Raleigh. Four white colleges—the Baptist Female University, St. Mary's, Peace Institute, and A. and M. College. We also have three colored colleges—Shaw University, St. Augustine's, and Latta University. This is sufficient to show that we believe in educating our people. Yet I believe in compulsory education; I believe that we should make our State compulsory, as the Northern and New England States are. It will decrease crime and extend virtue in our beloved State. I truly hope that the men who are engaged in making laws for the State will force this measure sufficiently to make it a law, and place it upon our statute books, as a living monument through all ages to come. I admit without any hesitation that the other Southern States, like North Carolina, are becoming deeply interestted in education. I mean the leading educators for the people at large have not been interested in education. I am glad to know that the people are calling meetings all over the State of North Carolina to show that the proper interest is being taken along educational lines. I believe that the General Assembly of North Carolina will be asked next session to make education compulsory. If the measure falls to be presented to the General Assembly this session, I am positive it will be presented the ensuing session.

When I first left the city of Raleigh to establish the Latta University, I only had enough money to carry me to Norfolk. In riding in the car from Raleigh to Norfolk, my mind was overtaxed with grief. I wept bitterly, thinking why I ever thought of such a big undertaking, with no money to start with. I had a brother who was living in Norfolk. I went out to his house and staid all night, with not a dollar in my pocket. I learned that there was a church in the city that had no pastor. A deacon lived not very far from my brother; he was the chairman of the board of deacons, and he gave me an appointment to preach at eleven o'clock. It was a very stormy morning, and also very rainy. I don't think I have ever seen it rain so much in all of the days of my life as it rained that day. But I told the deacon that I would be there at eleven o'clock. I went as I had promised. There were about a hundred people present, or more. They seemed to be very much pleased with my sermon. After I got through preaching, I lectured to them about five minutes. I told them that I was going to Boston with the intention of establishing an institution in Raleigh to be known as Latta University. They seemed to be very much interested. They gave me enough to carry me to the city of Boston. I went on Monday. I got on a boat that went by the way of Providence, R. I. I never had been on a boat before. After I got sixty or seventy miles from Norfolk, Va., I became very sick. I made up my mind that I could not live. There was a lady on the boat going from Norfolk to Boston; in order to stay with her folks, I got acquainted with her. I wrote my will, disposing of what little I had. I gave her my address, and told her where my family lived, and asked her to convey the sad news to my family, if I should die. She said she would. I told her that I did not expect to live to get to Boston. I told her that I was satisfied that my mission on earth was ended. I was very ill for two days, and was unable to eat anything during the whole time. I became perfectly willing to die, but the good Lord spared me to reach Boston. When I reached that city I was a stranger; I never had been to Boston before. This lady had some people in Boston, and she told me that I could stop with them. She carried me to their house. I found that they had a very humble home. I spent two or three nights with them. I got acquainted with some of the colored people in the city, and lectured at some of the Sabbath schools, and I talked for them at one of their religious meetings. I heard of a place by the name of Tremont Temple, in Boston. Meetings were held there every Sunday. I inquired, to learn who was in charge of the meetings held there. I found that a druggist on Washington street, named Braggs, had charge of the meetings on Sunday. He was a very religious man, a quiet, high-toned gentleman. I got acquainted with him, and had quite a lengthy conversation with him, and I told him my intentions. He said we will have prayer before our lecture comes off. I was present at the prayer meeting. He called upon me to lead in prayer. The prayer meeting was over in about fifteen minutes. After the prayer meeting was over, the lecture came off. We had a very large audience.

Dr. Bradley, from New York, the pastor of the second church in New York, was undoubtedly one of the most eloquent men I ever heard utter a sentence. He spoke at length upon great questions. After Dr. McCarther got through speaking, Mr. Bradley, who had charge of the meeting, introduced me as the next speaker. I spoke about forty minutes, and told them I must stop, because I had spoken longer than I intended to speak. They told me to proceed. I told them I must stop; I did not want to make them glad twice. I found that I could not give satisfaction unless I spoke longer than I had. I spoke twenty-five minutes longer, and they still wanted me to speak twenty-five minutes more. I declined to speak any longer.

After I got through speaking, Mr. Bradley asked. for a collection for me. I was well pleased with the collection. I was the only person in the hall that represented the colored race.

During my stay in Boston, I visited the hall on several occasions, and led prayer meetings for the pastor.

I had a very lengthy interview with Hon. Fred Douglas. I told him what I was trying to do, and I asked him to give me all of the information as to the generosity of the people north of the Mason and Dixon line. He said that he did not find them to be so very liberal. He said that he had traveled on several occasions with nothing to eat but what he could get here and there. He said it was true some would help him in case of emergency. He said sometimes he could not get a place to rest his head; that he would walk sometimes until one and two o'clock trying to get a place to rest his head. He said they would close the door in his face on account of the colored blood that was in his veins. I said to Mr. Douglas, “The colored people in the Southern States are laboring under misapprehensions, because the people in the North, as they understand, are very liberal to you.” He said to me, “My son, they are laboring under a mistake. I got what I have by hard work, and not by gifts. Of course I lectured, and they paid me for lecturing. I also did manual labor. I would speak for them, and not a single person would ask me home to take a meal of victuals.” He told me that he had established a newspaper in Rochester, N. Y., and was very successful in the enterprise. He said he printed the Slavery News, and everyone was anxious to read the news of the Southern States. He said that he sold his papers faster than he could print them. That was the place he began to make his money. He said he began to realize that he was making something in the city of Rochester. In other places he just made about enough to pay traveling expenses. He said that he bought some government bonds and made from forty to fifty cents on the dollar. He said that he practised economy, and was very careful how he conducted his business, and made every dollar count. He said, “Son, you can see from my statement that I have made every dollar by hard work. I was surprised when I came North, because I had heard so much about the Northern people, that they were very willing to help the colored people because they had been oppressed. I soon found out that if a man expected to get a dollar in the North, he had to work for it. In many instances the people looked at me as if I was a rattle snake. I have had them to shut their doors in my face time and again; I would be riding in the car, and some of them could not get a seat, and three of them would try to sit on a seat, before they would sit beside me. They said that they delighted in hearing me speak and tell about the condition of the people in the South, but after I got through speaking it seemed that they had no more use for me until they wanted to hear me speak again.”

I am satisfied that Mr. Douglas' statement is true in every particular, because a gentleman told me in Salem, Mass., that his mother told him that she saw the conductor when he drug Mr. Douglas down the aisle of the car to prevent him from riding in there with the white people. I cheerfully testify to Mr. Douglas' statement by experience, because I was going from New York to Philadelphia on one occasion, on an express train. The train was about forty minutes late. A friend promised to meet me at the depot—a man of high rank—on some very important business. Two minutes before the train got to its destination, several white gentlemen went out on the platform, in other words, about a dozen. I got up then and went out on the platform to see if I could see my distinguished friend. The conductor came down the aisle of the car and never spoke to the white gentlemen, but, because my complexion was not as fair as the others, he told me I must go back in the car. Now if the people in the North will do such a thing as that in this enlightened age, you can just imagine how my friend Douglas was treated among those that he claimed to be his friends; before he went among them. I have been so badly treated along the same lines that language is not sufficient to express it; but I paid no attention in some instances, but it continued so very long until it made me shed tears, before I had completed my object, for I had determined to finish my work in spite of opposition. I knew that I had a just God that stands at the end of the law for justice. The more opposition that I met with, the harder I worked. No man upon the face of God's green earth knows what I have gone through. God Himself only knows. I have been to quite a number of restaurants in the North, and asked the proprietors for admission to the dinner table, and at other meal times. The price, as a rule, was twenty-five or thirty-five cents, and they would charge me from seventy-five cents to a dollar for a meal of victuals to prevent me from taking one with them, because my complexion was of a dark shade. At the same time, others came in and took their meals at the regular price— twenty-five cents.

The treatment that I have mentioned was in the North, East and West, where people declare that all men are equal, regardless of color or previous condition. It was not my purpose to enter into social equality. All I asked was reasonable accommodation.

I am sorry to say that the colored man has a great deal to do with his success, to overcome the prejudice that exists between the two races. Even in the North it is too grievous to endure, but I believe in the midst of opposition that the

The days of 1861, '62 and '63 have passed away. I remember, when I was a slave, I lived on a plantation where there were several thousand colored people. They all lived in log houses. It was not necessary to go to the door to tell when day broke—we could see between the logs. I remember when the moon was shining bright at night, I would get up out of my bed and make up a fire; the moon would be shining so bright through the cracks, I thought the sun was rising. We can excuse the colored people for the condition they were living in at that time, because they could not read nor write; they were so ignorant that they did not know one letter from another. My father and one or two others were the only ones that could read and write among several thousand people. Some of them were so uncivilized that they did not know that God made them. Each family was brought up in a log house; the houses were not cut off in rooms, so the public can readily see they were all ignorant, and we can not expect much from ignorant people. But it is time for us as a race to improve our condition, and forget the past and look forward to the future. It has become a very common thing for our white friends to pass along the roads and see log cabins or small houses; if they look towards the east or west, or in any direction, and see a log cabin, they will say nobody lives there but colored people.

My advice to my race, if they want to live long, is to be decent, and take baths as often as possible. I never fail to take my bath if I have to go to the pond and break ice to take it. I have made up my mind that I can appear in the presence of an audience as pleasant as any one else. The colored people deserve credit for one thing—if they steal as a race, they do not steal anything larger than a chicken, or a ham of meat, or a thirty-five cent sack of flour, and now and then a dollar or two.

If they will follow the examples that I have set out for them, I am satisfied that the colored people will be a successful race. There is one great mistake that our race makes, and that is they talk too much; they injure themselves as a race by talking so much. They know everybody's business by their own, but they are not to blame. You can not expect much of ignorant people. They are beginning to learn better. The colored people as a race are very quick to be excited, but they can not be blamed for that, because it does not take much to excite illiterate people.

I am sorry to say that the colored people, with a few exceptions, are not careful as to how they bring up their children. I remember on one occasion that the president of one of the leading banks in the city of Raleigh took his family out to ride one afternoon, not far from the Latta University. The children were so unruly that they threw stones at his carriage, and I think he told me that his daughter was struck with a stone. He said to me, “Don't you teach those people around your school better than that?” I told him that I tried to set the very best examples for them to follow. I told him I even talked to them, and told them to bring their children up as God would have them. I told them to take an example as to how I brought up my children. I told them if it was necessary to chastise their children and not permit them to interfere with the people going along the public road. I told them that they were responsible for the conduct of their children, and the damage the children did. I told them that people might pass the road ten thousand times, and my children would never interfere with them, for I did not allow them to interfere with white nor colored. My heart almost bleeds within me to live in a community where people are not interested in raising their children. I almost wept when the gentleman told me that the people that lived near me acted so uncouthly towards him and his daughter. If those children's parents had whipped them and brought them up right, they would have suffered their right hands to be separated from their bodies before they would have acted that way.

I often ask God, Will our people ever be a race? They are so unreliable in their dealings. We who are trying to teach them have quite a responsibility upon ourselves. A people that have not experienced it, do not know what it is to teach an ignorant class of people. God will bring the race to the required standard, that they as a race may be respected among all nationalities. It may be several centuries, but I feel sure that the time will come.

The colored people as a race need to be thoroughly educated, not intellectually, but morally and socially. They need to educate themselves to be virtuous, and they should practice economy. The white people in the East, North and West so often meet me with the question about the colored race having no society. They say we don't care what a person does. If he gets in the penitentiary, or commits murder and accidentally gets clear, the race respects him just the same as if he had not committed a crime. They say we don't care what accident may happen to our race, we respect them as if they were kings and queens. We can not be a race and tolerate things of that kind. When our race looses their reputation, we must decline to visit them, or respect them; we must act as our white friends do. It is our duty to teach our race to be virtuous as soon as we can. To be successful, our race will have to observe their teachings, and respect themselves, as the opposite race respect themselves along the lines that I have just mentioned; then we will be considered a successful race.

We must overcome these accusations before we can boast of our womanhood and manhood.

I claim that the colored people have been brought up like cattle, with nothing before them but ignorance to inspire them. That is the reason they are so slothful and careless along these lines. I have experienced these things myself to a great extent. I have learned that we must forget the past and look forward to the future. This is why I plead so hard for the race to be educated, and for compulsion, if necessary, if we are ever to have a prosperous country; no country can succeed in ignorance.

Our white friends are in debt to us for taking care of their homes, for tending their lands, for making things pleasant for their families during the days of rebellion. Our white friends homes were looked after with proper care. Not a single member of their families were hurt or molested. They went away and stayed four years. When they returned home, they found their families as they left them; they found their cribs full of corn; they found chickens in the yeard, meat in their smoke houses. They found wheat in their graineries; they found the well of water in extra condition. They found Uncle John and Uncle Harry currying their horses; they found Uncle Sam making the fire; they found Uncle Henry drawing water. And every one was in his place only those that God had called to their eternal home were missing. They found that their families had not suffered for raiment nor food. They found that their buggies were in a splendid condition, and their horses curried nicely, for their families to ride to church. So you can see that the colored race have been beneficial to the white race. This is an evidence that we should live here together in peace. It shows that we, as a race, have been trustworthy, because we have been trusted to look after the interests of several hundred thousand families. We never betrayed our trust in those lonely hours of distress. We would have lost the last drop of blood that was in our veins for our masters. I don't think our white friends will ever forget those days. I candidly believe that we can get along together here in the South. Yet we are two different and distinct races. I will never forget the dark days of slavery when several thousands of the servants would run to the carriage to see their master and shake hands with him first. We loved our master, and he loved us, because we were interested in his welfare. It is useless to tell me that our white friends have forgotten those days, when their families were left in the care of the negroes. We did not take anything that they left in our care, but proved ourselves honest to the end.

I am satisfied that those days will never be forgotten. I remember the history of slavery yet. I was but a small boy, and did not wear but one garment, and that was a shirt. I had to remain at home, while my mother would go to the field, until it was time for her to come home and nurse the baby. I remember when she returned, about ten or eleven o'clock, to get dinner, she would find us all crying for bread; she would come in and nurse the baby and give us all a piece of dry corn bread. I would enjoy it as if it were a piece of cake. I remember when the women did most of the plowing on the plantation. I remember when the overseer told them to go up to the lot and shell corn while they were resting. I remember when they were tied to the stake and whipped, and were washed with salt and water. I remember when they were put on the block and sold like cattle. I remember when it was a crime for a book to be caught in their hands. I remember when we would have colored overseers, and the colored overseers would whip more than the white ones. I remember when the men were put upon the block, and sold from their wives, and numbers of them say that they have never seen them from that day until now. I remember when infants would be taken from their mothers' breasts and sold; the mother would be burdened down with tears. I remember when my adopted sister was sold. I never expected to see her again, unless I should be fortunate enough to see her in heaven. I also remember when it was a crime for the slaves to be caught out of their houses after half past seven o'clock at night; if they were caught out of their houses after that time, the patrollers would call them in and give them one hundred and fifty lashes. I remember when the young women worked until night, and had to spin two ounces of cotton when they went home. I remember when the patrollers would come around and examine the little children, and make them tell if there was any flour or sugar or spirits in the house, and if they found any in the house, they would take the head man of the house out and whip him. I remember when it was a crime for a colored man to eat a biscuit. I remember when the women had to shuck corn at midnight, the same as the men. I remember when they were preparing for war. I remember when General Lee surrendered. I can remember all of this, and it seems strange that our white friends have forgotten how we took care of their families during the days of the rebellion. I remember when I had to boil peas for my master's cows, and when I did not get enough to eat I ate about as many peas as the cows ate, and instead of the cows getting fat, I got fat. I remembered when we had secret prayer meetings, and prayed to be delivered from slavery. I would hear my mother and father say the more they prayed, the worse they felt, until they made up their minds to pray without ceasing; that as soon as they got to the right point, they felt that they would be delivered. I remember I asked father and mother what they were hollering so loud about, and they said that they were praying to God to deliver them from slavery. My mother set up all night and cried because her adopted daughter was sold from her, and she would never see her again. I saw her crying, and I cried, too; when all of the children came in and saw mother and father crying, they would cry too. She was the oldest sister we had. I often find myself shedding tears about it now. My father tried to quiet us as much as he could, but he would soon find himself shedding tears, too. No one knows any thing about slavery but those who have experienced it. The only thing that made me oppose slavery so much was in seeing human beings upon the block and then sold. But some of us had very good masters. When my sister came to the house to get her clothes to leave, we cried until we broke down. When she told my mother good-bye, it seemed as if she would faint. We children were equally as bad. My mother told her to pray, and if she never saw her any more in this world, she expected to meet her in heaven, where parting is no more. I remember the history of my father's illness. He was sowing grain in the month of November, got wet and came home, and was taken down with pneumonia, and he never went out of the house again, until he was carried out. He left twelve children for mother to look after. Our loving father was so very dear to us. He only lived a week after he was taken down; he died a month and four days to Christmas, which I will never forget. He taught us to say our prayers at night. He always would have a family prayer every Sunday morning, and every Sunday night. When he died my mother said she did not know how she would bring up her children. She was alone in the world, and all of her children were small, and no one to help her. She said she would do the best she could, because she knew the Lord would open the way for her. She said she would do her duty, and she was satisfied that God would do the rest.

This institution was founded by your humble servant. My wife deserves some of the credit for establishing it. She has been very much interested in doing what she could to foster the institution. She has worked very hard indeed to help me accomplish my purpose. She said it was too big an undertaking at first, but after she saw that I intended to establish the institution in spite of men and devils, she made up her mind that she would do what she could. It has been quite a responsibility to carry, but we have carried it this far. It is estimated to be one of the foremost institutions in the country. I feel satisfied that what we have done has been done in an humble way. God has been good to us, and we intend to trust in Him until our mission here on earth ends.

We asked the Lord to strengthen us when we were in distress. He would not let our enemies swallow us up. We prayed to God that we would be successful in accomplishing the work that we were so devoted to, and I think about how much the Lord has done for us. He gave us strength and vigor and enabled us to do what He intended for us to do, and sometimes I feel that we have been so highly favored in doing what we are engaged in. I asked the Lord to make us fit subjects to serve Him as we ought. When I look back over what we have done, it seems almost impossible for me to have done so much with what help my wife gave me. I feel satisfied that God is in the work, and if we only trust in Him, we will accomplish our object.

Before I was married, I purchased four small houses and lots—one in the city of Durham and two in Braggtown, and one in the city of Raleigh. I had to look after my mother and my brother and his family. The house I bought in Raleigh I had not paid for. I let my people live in all the houses I had, because it seemed that they did not have the ability to earn a dollar.

I taught school soon after I was married; my wife was one of my pupils. I remember one time when I came down on the car from Burlington, N. C., and several white people were in the car and a white man said, “What is that Negro sitting beside that white lady for.” I said “That it was not my fault that I was sitting beside a lady that he called a white lady, and that I would not marry anyone but a member of my own race.”

In a few months after that I came to the city of Raleigh; I arrived at the depot with sixty cents in my pocket. We were not able to ride out in East Raleigh, where I had purchased a house. My wife and I had to walk there, about a mile and a quarter.

A man is not judged in every instance by his color alone when a grave measure is pending before the country. I remember in the State of North Carolina, in the city of Durham, my white friends wanted to build a road, known as the Lynchburg and Durham Railroad, and according to the act of the Legislature it required two-thirds of the qualified voters to cast their votes before they could claim right of way, and the colored people in that part of the county declared that they would not support any measure that the Southern white people voted for, especially when all voted together. They declared that all such measures were Democratic measures, and if they voted for this one it would be injurious to their interests. They said as a race that any measure that the Democratic party might formulate was antagonistic to the colored race. The friends of the road claimed that the road would open up the country which was far from any other road, and prove beneficial to all the people.

The colored people called indignation meetings against the measure. They said they would not support any such measure, especially when white people, who had been their political enemies, wanted them to vote for it. I was teaching school at that time, and the white people were very anxious to get a favorable vote on the proposition.

One of the leading white men of Durham sent me a letter, and asked me to canvass that county, and tell the colored people that they would not be hurt. And a white gentleman sent for me to come to Durham. Several of the distinguished gentlemen and I had a private interview. After they discussed the matter carefully, the chairman asked me to give my opinion concerning the question involved. I told them that I had carefully considered the matter with deep interest, and I had come to the conclusion that it could not injure the colored race, nor any other race, to build a railroad through that section of the country; that the people were deprived of railroad facilities, and the benefits that railroads rendered to all communities. I further told them that the people of that section should have had a railroad through that section twenty-five years ago. The distance from any town or city was about a hundred and some odd miles, through the valleys and hills. Thousands of the people in that section of the country had not even seen a railroad. The chairman of the meeting asked me if he could secure my services to lecture through the section the railroad was to pass. I told them that the school I was teaching would be out in two weeks from that date, and as soon as the school closed I would accept the proposition tendered me.

Severy persons were chosen to speak in that part of the country concerning the railroad. I presume that the object of the speaking was to convince the colored people of the error of their opposition. But I spoke to the white people also. We canvassed the various counties together, and spoke from the same platform.

I remember I was speaking in the State of Virginia, not very far from Halifax Court House on one occasion, when I saw two log houses very near the place. I went to one of the cabins, and asked the gentleman of the house for some water, and he gave me some, and while I was there, we drifted into a conversation. He was a colored man. He asked, “What are you men doing up dar? I heard my wife say dat you men was just spoken to-day. She said you ones was spoken on getting a railroad.” I asked him didn't they need a railroad through that part of the country. He said, “I never heard of a railroad.” I said, “You never heard of a railroad before?” “No, son, I never heard o' dat before.” He asked me would not everybody get killed if they put them railroad cars there. I told him no, if they didn't get in the way of them. I asked him had he never been in a city. He said, “No, sir.” I then asked him where did he get his supplies from to eat, and his clothing. He said, “Boss” had a store out there.

I went on about thirty miles from that place, and I saw a white man, and he asked me about the same thing the colored man did. He said that he was about sixty-eight years of age, and had never heard of a railroad. The greatest opposition we had in that section of the country was that the people were afraid that the railroad cars would run over them.

I was very sympathetic in my expressions towards them. I was very sorry to know that they were so ignorant and prejudiced.

The place that I have mentioned above reminded me of a howling wilderness in a far off land, before that railroad was built.

I remember on one occasion I was very hungry, and there was a log cabin down in the valley, and I went to that cabin to get a lunch, and as I approached the cabin, there was an old lady standing in the door; she was between fifty and sixty years of age. She said she heard that I had sold all of the negroes in Durham County, and had come to sell the negroes here. She said: “Brother, don't you know if you build a railroad through this section of the country that we will get killed, for we have never heard of a railroad. I heard that you was a school teacher, and a preacher, too, and you should know better than to build a railroad. If you cut a railroad through this country, half of the people will get killed.”

I went about twenty miles from the log cabin, where they had prayer meeeting, and it was largely attended. I made it convenient to attend the meeting. Some of them heard that I was there, and it went like a flash of lightning, and an immense crowd gathered, and instead of having a prayer meeting, as they gathered there for, they had an advisory meeting, and asked me to preside over it, which I declined to do. They elected one of their members as chairman, and one as secretary, and asked me to speak for them, and I accepted and explained to them all of the points that they desired to know. They asked in the outset some very severe questions, but said that they were willing to be goverened by anything that I would say concerning the railroad. Before I commenced my speech, the chairman of the committee, who was spokesman of the audience, asked me, if they built a railroad in that section of the country, if it would not be the means of destroying the lives of hundreds of people; and I asked him why he thought so. He said, “The people here have never heard of a train or a railroad.” I asked him how did he go from place to place, or from town to town; and he said that they did not go to town, as the boss always kept everything that they needed. I asked him if the boss sold them chickens, and he said that they raised their chickens; and I asked him how they got the chickens when they got out, and he said that they would get them from those that had them. I asked him if they paid money for the chickens to each other, and he said they did when they had the money, and when they did not have it, they would go between night and day.

Everywhere I spoke the people told me, after I got through speaking, that they would favor the railroad. I interested the audience so much that the chairman of the meeeting called a rising vote, and they voted almost unanimously in favor of the railroad. I stopped that night with the chairman of the meeting. I showed him that if we were successful in building the railroad in that part of the country, it would inspire the people; that it would be beneficial to that section of the country. Not only did I interest him, but I interested the people of that entire section. I pictured the different advantages that it would be to them. I showed them that they could build towns along the railroad, and sell their land at town prices. I also told them that it had been taking them a day and a half to go to town and return, whereas they could go the same distance in an hour, and return. I also told them that they would be employed to cut the railroad through that section of the country, and they would reap the benefit from the results. I also told them, if they heard the train coming not to run up and down the railroad track—that I would be responsible for everyone that got hurt. I told them that they were laboring under a misapprehension; they thought that the train would leave the track and run people down. But I told them that was not the custom of the train at all. I told them if they would keep away from the railroad track when they heard the train coming, they would never be hurt. I told them I would give any one of them two hundred dollars if any one got hurt. They told me that was the kind of talk they liked to hear. They said that the matter was explained to them plainly and satisfactorily.

There was a large hall that I spoke at, on the railroad question. White and colored gathered there to hear me speak, and a great many of the white people thought to build a railroad through that section of the country would be damaging to their interests. Some of the people in that section of the country said they had never seen a railroad, and some went so far as to say they had never heard of one. Some of the white people of that section went so far as to say they had never visited a town. That was my last speech on the railroad issue.

These meetings that I spoke at were mostly at night, but I also spoke during the day, with the other regular speakers. I told them at the hall not very far from Halifax Court House, that that was my last speech. But, surprising to me, the young people and old people prepared a reception and invited me. I went, and the house was packed. There were also some white people present. After I had enjoyed the reception, with delicious things before me, a thought came to me that my tour through that section of the country was just grand. Nearly every voter present promised to vote for the railroad measure.

The distinguished gentlemen and myself returned to the town of Durham after we completed our tour in that section of the country that it was proposed to build a railroad through. We discussed the subject, and I told them that I had satisfied both races that heard me speak in the mountains and the valleys that they should support the railroad measure. I also told the gentlemen that I was satisfied by a lesson of experience that any part of the country where railroads were not established, the people were in danger of heathenism, and a lesson of experience had taught me that any section of the country

I remember, in the city of Raleigh, when the anti-prohibition movement started, an anti-prohibition agent waited upon me, and asked me how did I stand on the whiskey question. I told him that I was in favor of total abstinence, as far as the liquor question was concerned. I told him unless I had an opportunity to vote for a total abstinence, I would vote for whiskey to remain in the city and State. I told him my opinion was, if we simply remove whiskey out of the cities, it would do more injury than it would if it remained in the city, because we had officers in the city to see that the law was enforced, which they could not do if the liquor traffic was conducted outside of the city. After the committee heard my opinion, they solicited my time to canvas the city and State in the interest of anti-prohibition. I must say in the outset that I had a very little trouble with the colored people to get them to vote for anti-prohibition. They said to take whiskey out of the State was infringing upon their material rights that were granted to them in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments of the Constitution of the United States; they said as a race that the wealthy people would have their whiskey by the barrel in their cellars, while they, as a race, would be unable to buy whiskey that way; that it would inflict an injury upon them, and therefore could not support a measure of that nature. A number of white men and colored men were chosen to make anti-prohibition speeches. I remember on several occasions, which was very much surprising to me, I was speaking in the city and out of the city, and in various places in the State. A great many women would tell me if we took whiskey out of the State, we would take their rights from them. I told them I could not agree with them, and my voice would ever be heard in the behalf of prohibition movements. I remember I spoke in a hall in the city of Raleigh, and a large audience came out to hear me speak in behalf of the liquor traffic. Most of the audience consisted of women. They said it was nothing but a Democratic clique. They said that the colored people were getting along too well for the white people, and the anti-prohibition movement was brought about to keep the colored people from getting along so well, because their husbands could go and buy whiskey the same as the white ladies' husbands, and that it was for nothing in the world but to stop them.

The speakers were divided equally—half colored and half white. We spoke together from the same platform. We made various speeches, night and day. The people seemed to be very much interested in the measure. We advised them to support it; and the women seemed to be very much interested as well as the men.

The colored people held a meeting in one of the western towns in the State of North Carolina in the interest of anti-prohibition. I heard of the meeting, and I also visited it. Another speaker accompanied me, and we took seats in the rear. It seemed that no one knew who we were until the meeting was almost over. The men prayed, and the women prayed, that God would not take their rights from them. They said if whiskey be carried out of the State, it would deprive them of what God intended for them to have. They discussed the matter and rediscussed it; the chairman of the meeting discussed the matter, and called on others to discuss it. At length the chairman of the meeting would call on brother Isaac and brother John to lead in prayer, and after he had called on brother Isaac and brother John, he would call on Aunt Sally and Uncle Billy and Sister Milly to pray, and they prayed to God sincerely for justice and that they might maintain their rights. They also prayed that anti-prohibition would predominate all over the State.

I will never forget the days of slavery. I remember that I saw the overseer when he tied my uncle to the whipping post, and every stroke the overseer would give him, the blood would come trickling down, and he would say in a very pitiful voice, “Oh! pray, master! Oh! pray, master!” And the master would tell him to hush his mouth. My father would be standing by shedding tears. If the overseer caught them crying, he would whip them also. You could see the little children standing by crying to see their fathers and mothers treated so. We had a white overseer that whipped a great deal, and when he died they appointed a colored one, and we thought that we would be treated better, but he was worse than the white one. You could hear him curse almost a mile, and he would whip some one every day of his life. I could see the children as they stood around, and see their mothers and fathers whipped, and I would cry myself. I remember my father and mother would get upon their knees and pray to have slavery abolished; they prayed constantly for freedom, and I heard them say that it seemed as if their prayers were not answered, but they said that they would continue to pray until slavery was abolished. I remember when the women would get up before day and go to the barn and feed the horses, rain or shine, and if they would fail to be on time, the overseer would whip them. As a rule they did most of the plowing; they had all mules to plow. I remember that they would all hold prayer meetings every morning before the overseer would get up, some singing and some shouting, and if the overseer would hear them he would make them stop, and if they did not give a strict account of them selves he would whip the last one. If any of them would shout very loud and make a noise, he would have them sent for and whipped. He claimed that if they did not know any better, he would teach them better with a cowhide. I remember on several occasions I saw them put upon a block, and a man cried them off as if they were cattle, and as many as twenty-five or thirty would be sold at a time. I saw the speculators as they carried them away in their wagons; several wagons were filled to the utmost capacity. I saw the husbands as they shed tears, and said that they never expected to see their wives again in this world; and the wives would say the same thing, and the children would say the same thing about their mothers and fathers being sold from them, and would cry for a number of days. Some of the children would grieve themselves to death when they were put upon the block and sold from their fathers and mothers, and would drop upon the floor as if they had been shot. I would hear the parents say, “Oh! my children, my children! I never expect to see them in this world again!” I would see the overseer standing there, and when they would cry out, he would lash them with his cowhide, but they would continue to cry out in agony, and he would continue to whip them. I was a lad, but I could not help from crying myself as the speculators started away with their children in the wagons, for you could hear them crying. I heard them as they would hollow out, “Goodby, mother, and goodby, father,” and they would cry and wave their hands as far as they could be seen; and I have known of the parents to grieve themselves to death in their sorrow. You could see the old grandfathers and grandmothers down on their knees praying for the abolition of slavery.

They held secret meetings, and they knew if the overseer heard of it they would get a hundred lashes. Our master had a saying that if they did not suit him, he would put them in his pocket. He was fairly good himself, but he lived about twenty-five miles from his slaves. He lived in the city of Raleigh. He delighted in speculating; he would sell them for large sums of money whenever he could. He did not sell because he needed the money, but because he loved to trade. He was very wealthy, and had several thousand slaves, but he would not allow any others to visit his slaves. He employed a minister to preach for them once a month, but they would hold their secret meetings between midnight and day. I remember that I would see my mother and father praying, asking the Lord to deliver them from slavery. Very seldom any Bibles could be found, for books were not allowed in the houses. We had to go to the overseer every week for our rations for the next week; it was four pounds of fat meat, a peck of meal, and now and then a bucket of black or red peas.

If they were caught out of their houses after half past seven, the patroller would whip them unless they gave a very satisfactory answer as to their business. They would go to the houses once a week, and if they found anything in them, they would whip the father, and if they thought the others were not telling the truth, they would whip them also. I remember when all the men and boys would wear wooden bottom shoes, as the master said that he was not able to buy leather ones.

When the colored people found that General Lee had surrendered, they woke up at midnight praying out that their prayers might be answered. Husbands prayed that they might see their wives again, and the wives prayed that they might see their husbands again, and the children prayed that they might see their parents again, and also their sisters and brothers. They prayed several days and nights because they had been delivered. I would see the overseer go near them, but they would not say anything to them. The Yankees came through the plantations singing “Dixie.” I heard the shouts all over the plantations, “We are free!” “Free from slavery!” “God has heard our prayers. We have been praying for twenty-five or thirty years that we should be free, and God has answered our prayers at His own appointed time; He has bursted the bonds of slavery and set us all free.”

Some of the slaves would shout at the top of their voices, and some of them fasted three or four days, they were so glad that they were free from slavery. They went several days without eating or drinking, praising God for their freedom.

Five years ago I was in the city of New York. Professor King, one of the teachers of the Latta University, said that he thought that I ought to leave a record of what I had done for the race; he insisted on me writing the history of my life. I told him that I did not think that I had yet done enough to do so. He said to me, “If I had done what you have done, I would have wrote a history of my life several years ago.” He wrote to all of the teachers of the Latta University to impress the importance upon me to write the history of my life and work. When I returned to the institution, several of the teachers prevailed with me to write the history of my life. After hearing their statements, I yet thought that I had not done enough to interest the public, or that the public would be especially benefitted. I refused on several occasions to write anything concerning myself. Professor King sent the second communication to the teachers, to see if he could possibly induce me to write the history. I told them to write the history of anyone's life meant something. I refused six long years before I would comply with the request that was presented to me so many times by my teachers.

The members of the Board of Directors also insisted that I should write the history of my life. I refused them five years, and continued to refuse the request pressed by the faculty and teachers. I told them that I was not satisfied in my heart that I had done enough to leave such a record upon the pages of history for unborn generations to read.

I told them that during my life I had considered nothing so carefully as the request presented to me by the faculty and teachers, and also my family. I told them I did not posses the ability to undertake such a work. I told them that I considered such a task one of serious importance. I told them if I should every comply with the request made of me by my friends I must be satisfied beyound all question that the history of my life would be of importance to those who could spare the time to read it. I told them when I read the history of any individual's life, I wanted it to be calculated to inspire me to do something more than I had done in the past—that would be calculated to better the condition of my fellowmen. I told them that it was a great responsibility for anyone to take upon himself. I told them that I judged the public as I judged myself, as to reading the history of anyone's life. I told them that I would not be interested in reading the history of anyone's life unless they had done enough to inspire my thoughts for usefulness and greatfulness.

Five years from the first meeting that they called to induce me to write the history of my life, four years and a half after the first meeting was called, I considered the matter with great interest. After considering it carefully, I told them if nothing would satisfy them but to write the history of my life's work, I would do so.

I hope that after the public shall have read this work they will get a few inspiring thoughts to en courage them to a higher aim in life. It has always been my purpose to live not only for self, but to live for the good of the people in general.

I had no State behind me to give me $2,000 and $3,000 a year. I remember saying when I first started the institution, if I could only get $5,000 or even $1,000, to start with, I would be safe. I have tried in my humble way to solve the negro problem, as I have said in others chapters of this work, not by gifts, but by work, energy and ability. People may say what they please, but the only true definition concerning the negro problem that I can find, is to do just what other nationalities have done, and are still doing— that is, to start from nothing if you have nothing, and do something. I speak plainly and emphatically. The only way to solve the Negro problem pure and simple is to start out in life with one dollar in your pocket. The question has been agitated all over America: Can the Negro start from nowhere and go somewhere? Has the Negro ability to amount to anything? Can the Negro conduct anything where $10,000 or $100,000 is involved?

I will admit that any one that is identified with the Negro race has a hard time, and a hard road to travel; one that is filled with thistles and all kinds of obstacles to prevent him from competing with other nationalities. It is true that I had no wealthy relatives or friends to borrow money from to help me to start this institution. Yet several persons who attended the Latta University and graduated have never paid a dollar. I hope even this very thought is calculated to inspire the public. I often wish, even in the midst of opposition, if I only could be fortunate enough to borrow a few thousand dollars. It would not have worked me go hard; but I am sorry to say that it was impossible for me to borrow even $10 in the beginning of the institution. I will leave the question with the public to consider with grave interest whether they think that the course I have pursued is any evidence that the Negro race is worthy of public recognition.

If I had been educated at one of the principal schools in my State, with several thousands of dollars to start with, it would not have been such a grave responsibility for me to shoulder. I have no State behind me, no friend to look to but God himself. He on one hand, and obstacles on the other. I never will forget the passage of Scripture that I preached from, recorded by St. Paul. He used language like this: “If God be for you, the world can not be against you.” These expressions, and many others, have encouraged me, even in the midst of opposition.

Some persons have asked me if this is not an individual institution. I have told them in reply that I built the institution by hard labor, for educational purposes; not only for my family and friends, but for all who wish to attend. They said it was a big undertaking. I told them my purpose in undertaking such a great responsibility was to show that the Negro race had some among them who could master the difficulties that confronted them, and that the institution was non-sectarian.

I told them my reason for selecting that plan was to start in a broad way; that I was satisfied that a very few of the American people would take such grave responsibility upon themselves. I told them, those who asked me, that the institution must remain “LATTA UNIVERSITY” for all ages to come, for educational purposes, and to prove that the Negro problem had been solved.

I went to the city of San Francisco. I found that the time was two hours and a half slower than our time here. I promised to preach at one of the largest churches on Sunday, at the usual hour. I was not accustomed to the slow time in San Francisco; and I got up and dressed and got ready for service before I found that the majority of the people had not got up for breakfast. I had the Eastern time, and I did not change my watch. I remember I went to the church, governed by my Eastern time, and found nobody there. I met a brother coming, and I asked him what was the matter. I told him that the minister promised to be at the church at ten o'clock, and I had been here waiting for a long while, and it is past ten o'clock, and he has not appeared yet. The brother said to me that it was not ten o'clock yet. He asked where was I from, and I told him from one of the Southern States. He asked me from what State; I told him the State of North Carolina. He asked me what time did I have; I told him that I had Washington time. He said, “The time here is two hours and a half later than Washington time.” I preached at 10:30 o'clock by their time, and by my time it was past twelve o'clock.

A gentleman said to me in the city of Chicago that he learned by some of his friends that I was in the city, in the interest of education, and that my intention was to establish an institution by the name of Latta University, in West Raleigh, N. C. He asked me how many thousand dollars I had to start with. I told him that I did not even have a thousand dollars. He was one of the leading Baptist ministers in the city. He said to me: “My brother, do you know how much money it takes to establish an institution of learning? You will find before you get through that you will need several thousand dollars. If you had $5,000,000 it would come in very handy for the endowment of the institution. My dear brother, I am a member of the Baptist Association, and when we want to establish an institution of learning like you speak of, we have aid from the entire denomination; then we have a hard time raising the money. I see that you are trying to establish an institution yourself. My dear brother, you will find before you get through that it is the hardest task you ever tried in your life. It is a greater responsibility than I would think about undertaking. I can not see to save my life what you were thinking about. You are undertaking too much.”

A gentleman asked me what did I think was the cause of the war; if I did not think that slavery was the cause. And I told him that I thought it was part of it, but the starting point was the Union. The Union had threatened to divide itself into two sections; the Northern people were opposed to it from start to finish, but the Southern people were in favor of the division.

The North said we will not have any divisions in the Union; the South said we will have divisions. The North and South continued to agitate the question of division. In the North, slavery was not involved until a late period. Of course the slavery question was before the country, and one grievance brought on another, until they got the slavery question involved in the grievances. Slavery was not so interesting with most people until the Union question became the issue. Because, North and South both speculated on slaves. We will admit that some of the Western States would not tolerate slavery, because they said it was not profitable. Some of the people in the East told me that they owned slaves, and sold them to the planters in the Southern States.

The Southern man is not solely responsible for slavery, for the North tried it, too, at one time. The State of Pennsylvania did not give up her slaves until 1757, if memory serves me right. New York gave up her slaves in 1753. So we can readily see that slavery was not the real cause of the war.

Most of our friends in the North thought, and still think, that it is not best for the two races to work together, especially in the cotton mills, or in any kind of manufacturing industry. The North became an industrial, manufacturing section long before the South was educated to that point. Those that had slaves sold them to the Southern planters. So we can readily see that one is almost as much responsible for slavery as the other.

The Southern man has got so used to the colored people that they just as soon work with them as not. I do not hold the North nor the South responsible for the mistakes that have been made in the past. I believe in forgetting much of the past and looking forward to the future.

I have worked hard in season and out of season, so as to set an example for the race that I am identified with. The only way that we can be independent as a race is to work hard and make good use of what we earn, and not depend on any one. We, as a race, have got to work harder, and do more, than any other people, so as to be recognized. We are not responsible for our color, but we are held responsible. My reason for working so hard is to see if any member among our race could do enough to be recognized as other races. If what I have done is calculated to prove anything, it must show work. No one has given the institution anything save what I got in London and Paris, and yet with all the work that I have done, and all of the energy and ability I have manifested, and yet in the teeth of all that, I am held responsible, not only I, but all of the men that have tried to do something are held likewise, for their color. It is true that my white friends in my State, and in all other States where I am known, respect me just as highly as I desire to be, but still I am held responsible because my face is of a dark shade. I do not mind that. If I was as black as the hinges of midnight, I would aspire for the highest degree of civilization.

Another grand thought inspires me when I read the Good Book and find that King Solomon was a colored man. It seems to me the thoughts that I have just mentioned in the above sentence ought to be enough to inspire any race, even if they were in the jaws of seclusion. I teach the race that I am identified with, the more obstacles that are in our way, we should be more determined to do something to overcome them, to prove to the world that we do not expect to remain in the rear all the days of our lives. We expect to be a successful race if it takes a century or two to prove it; that we expect to be a successful people, and be felt among other nations. We should trust in God and work, and we will be sure to come to the front. I feel satisfied that God will be with us if we faithfully discharge every duty that He has put before us. We must strive to be an enterprising race. We can accomplish whatever we desire. I don't care how low a man is in life, he can better his condition.

If we, as a race, want to be highly respected, we must be industrious, we must be able to possess property, and handle the mighty dollar. And if our race will be interested in what I have said, and put it in practice and strive to do and have as much as other nationalities, they will succeed. Prejudice and color will soon be cast into the sea of forgetfulness, from the very fact people will not have time to consider such things, but be thinking of the mighty dollar, and how to get it. Our race has the muscle and the brain, and they can make themselves intelligent, and have property and wealth as other races; and when they do, they will be respected as other races are respected and honored.

There is a great deal of talk about the lynchings in the South. The colored people North have often asked me to give them some information as to lynching colored people here. I told them, and I tell them now, if a colored man attends to his business in the South he never entertains a fear as to lynching. I am satisfied with the colored people as a race. I live in the Southern States. I feel that my life is much safer than the life of the President of the United States. The lynch law will soon be a thing of the past; no one gets lynched but bad people in the South. I hope that the public will understand that I am not in favor of lynching, but the crimes that those detestable people commit are very aggravating. In many instances those that do the lynching takes the law in their own hands. The crimes that the parties are accused of who are lynched are very aggravating. I wish to God that the matter could be adjusted without lynching; but since it can not, my advice to those that violate the law is not to commit such crimes, to stop and consider that they have done wrong. The same may be measured to them without having the opportunity of going before a tribunal of justice and have the matter thoroughly investigated. My advice to them is not to run that risk, for they may not get the opportunity to have the matter investigated. My advice along that line is to educate the Negro thoroughly, make the superintendents see that the teachers lecture along those lines and warn them from committing crimes; not only heinous crimes, but any kind of crime, and as soon as they put this teaching into practice all crimes will diminish, and those capital offences will be buried in oblivion. Then civilization will stretch its wings all over the North and South, and peace, prosperity and happiness will prevail among the white and colored people North and South. Then we will have no North, no South—all of the people will come together and work for the interest of one common country; sectional lines will be obliterated forever and we will enjoy the highest degree of civilization and prosperity, but not until then.

I hope that the day will soon come when a man will not be held responsible for his color or nationality, but will be held responsible for the name that the public give him. I plead for justice to all and special privilege to none. We can be as far as the East is from the West so far as social gathering is concerned, and yet we can respect each other as human beings, because we say that we love God and what He has made. If you go back on your fellowman because he is not made as you are, and not colored as you are, it is evidence that you do not appreciate what God has done. I ask, how can you love God and hate His subjects, without a cause? It is a matter that we should consider with great care, to see what a great responsibility rests upon any individual because God made them different from other races. So far as life companionship is concerned all men have a right to choose whom they want, and get those that they can get; but I think that the white race should choose among their race and the colored race choose among their race.

God put us all here together, and He put us here for a purpose. The interest of one race is the interest of the other. In one great sense the two races are embodied in one. The colored man says it is very unfortunate for him to be black. He says that he is deprived of the highest degree of civilization. We admit that it appears so, but God will adjust the matter at the proper time. God knows best.

I have been asked time and again while our country was being shocked because of the lynching of Negro citizens, to say something upon the subject through the press, and have been tempted to do so. At the time of these lynchings, I kept silent, because I did not believe the public mind was in a condition to listen to a discussion of the subject in the calm judicial manner that it would be later, when there should be no undue feeling or excitement. In the discussion of this or any other matter, little good is accomplished unless we are perfectly frank. There is no white man of the South who has more sincere love for it than I have, and nothing could tempt me to write or speak that which I did not think was for the permanent good of all the people of the South.

Whenever adverse criticism is made upon the South, I feel it as keenly as any member of the white race can feel it. It is, therefore, my interest in everything which pertains to the South that prompts me to write as I do now.

While it is true that there are cases of lynchings and outrage in the Northern and Western States, candor compels us to admit that by far the most of the cases of lynchings take place in our Southern States, and that most of the persons lynched are Negroes.

With all the earnestness of my heart I want to appeal, not to the President of the United States, Mr. Roosevelt, not to the people of New York, nor of the New England States, but to the citizens of our Southern Statees, to assist in creating a public sentiment such as will make human life just as safe and sacred here as it is, anywhere else in the world.

For a number of years the South has appealed to the North and to Federal authorities, through the public press, from the public platform, and most eloquently through the late Henry W. Grady to leave the whole matter of the rights and protection of the Negro to the South, declaring that it would see to it that the Negro would be made secure in his citizenship. During the last half dozen years the whole country, from the President down, has been inclined more than ever to pursue this policy, leaving the whole matter of the destiny of the Negro to the Negro himself, and to the Southern white people among whom the great bulk of the Negroes live. By the present policy of non-interference on the part of the North and the Federal Government, the South is given a sacred trust. How will she execute this trust? The world is waiting and watching to see. The question must be answered largely by the protection the South gives to the Negro, and the provisions that are made for the development of the Negro in the organic laws of the State. I fear that few people in the South realize to what extent the habit of lynching, or the taking of life without due process of law, has taken hold of us, and to what extent it is hurting us, not only in the eyes of the world, but in our own moral and material growth.

I had a very lengthy conversation with a United States Senator in St. Louis, concerning the Negro problem. I introduced myself to him, and told him that I was from North Carolina, the city of Raleigh. He received me very cordially. During our conversation, he asked me if I was a missionary. I told him not solely so, but in part. At that time I had just commenced to establish the institution. I told him what I was doing, and my purpose was to establish a non-sectarian institution in the city of Raleigh.

“My friend, do you know it means something to establish an institution? I presume that you are a lunatic along that line.”

I told him perhaps I was, but nevertheless that was my intention. He continued: “My friend, I am satisfied that you will never get the institution large enough to accommodate forty students. How much money have you got? It is just as impossible for you to start an institution with the limited means you have (if you have any) as it is for me to fly from here to Washington. But, my friend, I admire your pluck. I am glad to know that you are so ambitious, and so determined. If it was possible, I would ask the U. S. Congress to give you $10,000 to aid you. Do you know it takes hundreds of thousands and millions of dollars to carry on an institution of the kind you mention? At least it should take that much to carry it on as it should be. Don't you think that it is unwise to assume such a responsibility? If you are, successful, I will rejoice at your achievements; but, my friend, you have undertaken something that I would not undertake, and yet I could put my hand on a hundred thousand dollars.”

I told him that my purpose was to solve the Negro problem, if it cost me my life, because I had rather “wear out than rust out.” He said: “I think you will wear out or rust out before you build that institution, because I never heard of anyone undertaking such a great work as that with no money to start with. Who do you expect to get the money from to build that institution?”

I told him I expected to get it by hard work, and I expected the benevolent people to give me enough to pay for that work.

He said: “You will have to value your work very high if you succeed. I am in sympathy with all such progressive movements. I know that your race has been oppressed; I know that they have not had justice, and they have been badly treated. I have always had sympathy for the colored man, because I know he is not responsible for his condition. As a member of the United States Congress I have studied the colored question, but have been unable to suggest any solution to the problem. I will give you twenty dollars, but I think my twenty dollars will be lost. But for your zeal and earnest efforts in the cause you seem to be enthused over to such an extent, my conscience tells me that it is my duty to encourage you in this laudable cause. I bid you God-speed. I wish you all the success that could be wished an individual; but remember, your responsibility is too heavy for you; but if you can consummate your object, you deserve all the honor that has ever been conferred upon any human being. And I go further: you deserve more, because no one would undertake to do what you are doing. Take this twenty dollars, and let me know when you get the school in operation.”

I worked in season and out of season for about eighteen months, then I sent him word that the school was in operation, and we opened with a good number of students. He asked how many students I could accommodate. I told him as many as a hundred. In the communication he sent me he said that he was greatly surpirsed, because he did not think I would ever accommodate twenty-five. He sent a check for three times as much as he gave, me the first time. He encouraged me in his communication very much.

I have also paid strict attention to the presidents of the United States, particularly from the administration of President Grant. I admired the administrations of several Presidents. I will explain from President Grant's administration to the present time. I admired President Grant for the independent stand he took; not because he was a Republican, but because he was a President. When he found that a man or woman was fit for a position, he appointed them to that position, regardless of color or previous condition, and he did not allow bosses to dictate to him about appointing such and such a man to a position because his face was black. He was very discreet in all of his appointments. As a rule, both parties admired his administration. I advise my race now, and I also advised them in the past, that no race can accumulate anything that amounts to anything simply by holding a position in an office. As a rule, they simply get a living out of an office. A very few have become wealthy by holding public positions. That is one thing that our race has aspired to too much. They thought in the early days of freedom, and as a great many of them are thinking now, that public offices were to be had for the asking. But I am glad to know that they have begun to find out that a very few men can get office and that none get rich by them. The public will have to make some allowance for the colored people, because they were all ignorant as a race; they thought the one that could talk the most and make the floweriest speech would be the one that would stand at the head of the race. But things have changed since that time; they have begun to find out that a man must have the mighty dollar to be recognized. They must also remember, as a race, that education and wealth must go hand in hand.

President Grant's administration was considered by all a very successful administration; both races admired him. He was loyal to his country; he was filled with patriotism. He was governed entirely by his convictions.

President Hayes was it very good president, but his administration was not admired as much as President Grant's. He had his own way of doing business; his administration was considered very successful. He was faithful to his duties.

I also noticed the administration of president Arthur. He was very quiet in his way and manner. He was loyal to his country. He did not hate the people because they were of different color; he believed in exact justice to all and special privileges to none. He was really a better President than the people thought; he was governed by his convictions.

I also noticed the administration of Garfield, for the short term he served. President Garfield was an excellent President, one that the country would have been proud of if he had lived until the expiration of his term. He was a learned President, discreet in all of his dealings. He was a President for the people. If he had lived, the people claimed that he would have been one of the best Presidents that they have ever known. He was beloved by both parties. All nations mourned his death. He determined to do what was right. He was always on the alert for his country. His ruling was wise and discreet; he closed his eyes upon men as individuals, and seemed to put no man between him and justice. He was a self-made man, and he knew what the country needed. He strived in his short administration to please the people at large.

I admired President Cleveland, not because he was a Democrat, but because he possessed independent qualities that I admired very much indeed. When he made up his mind to do a thing, he did not allow any bosses around. It is true that the people said his administration was not so fruitful as those of other Presidents, because the country said he believed in free trade, and the people at large said that was against the money power. But President Cleveland knew no man on account of his wealth or his color; he was a President for the people. He always took an independent stand for justice, and he did not allow any bosses to interfere. The colored people admit that he was a friend to them. If he thought that a colored man was capable of holding a position, he would appoint him in the midst of opposition. I have also been informed that when he and Mrs. Cleveland left the White House the colored people wept; they said their best friends had left them. President Cleveland believed in exact justice to all and special privileges to none. The people admired him very much for the independent stand he took. He knew no man by his color, but only by his conduct. He believed in giving honor to whom honor was due. As far as the races are concerned, he made very little difference, if any; he desired to treat all alike. His independence along that line will never be forgotten. President Cleveland was President two terms. He was President at one time, and was defeated afterwards; he became President again.

I knew President Harrison. I had a private interview with him on several occasions. He was a very good President. He was a learned President, beloved by all save a few politicians who could not rule him, and made him do what they wanted him to do. During his administration the country was very prosperous. He was a very entertaining President. I saw him on one occasion shake the hands of several thousand people. I had the pleasure of speaking to an audience that Mrs. Harrison was president of. Mrs. Harrison received me very cordially. All of the servants at the White House dearly loved the President and Mrs. Harrison. He served as President four years, and ran the second time, but was defeated by President Cleveland. Mrs. Harrison was ill during his last campaign, and that was very unfortunate for him. He could not give his campaign the proper attention. President Harrison proved to the public in general that he was their President, regardless of parties. He was loyal to his country; he strove hard to give satisfaction to the public at large.

I also noticed the administration of President McKinley. Mr. McKinley was a learned President, beloved by all. The country claimed that he made one of the best Presidents that has ever been known in history. He was a Christian gentleman in the highest degree; he was a devoted husband; he was a successful President in almost every particular. There was one thing that I did not admire about President McKinley—he was too easy about some things. Several people told me he did not take an independent stand, as President Cleveland did. I am satisfied that he desired equal justice to all and special privileges to none.

I am satisfied that the Presidents of the United States knew before they took their seats that they had one great problem to deal with, and that was and will be the Negro problem. It takes a President like Cleveland or Grant to deal with it, because it is a perplexing question, and is presented to every President.

President McKinley's intentions were good, but he was so conservative that the Negroes claimed that he handled their question almost too delicately. He was thoroughly competent to act in every time of need. He was President five years and a little longer. He was elected President of the United States by an overwhelming majority. He was very much devoted to his family. He was also loyal to his country. His servants spoke well of him as a high-toned Christian gentleman. I met him when he was Governor of the State of Ohio, and had a very lengthy interview with him, telling him what I was trying to do. He said it was a good cause, and he bade me God-speed, and substantially encouraged me. He said I was engaged in a laudable cause, and he sincerely hoped that I would be successful. He received me very cordially. He was assassinated in the city of Buffalo, N. Y., where he made some of the most distinguished speeches that was ever known; he was an excellent orator. His death was mourned by the entire people of the United States.

I have also noticed the career of President Roosevelt. He has made an excellent President, so far as his administration has gone. A gentleman told me soon after Roosevelt had become President of the United States the people were afraid of him—afraid that he would put the country in war in less time than eighteen months; but he has proven himself to be one of the ablest Presidents that the country has ever known. He is a President in the time of need. I admire him for the independent stand he takes. When he makes up his mind about anything, it is settled; he don't allow bosses to come around and dictate to him. He seems to regard no man for his color or previous condition. He is a President for the people. He and President Cleveland lead in taking independent stands. Such Presidents are the safest to be at the head of a nation. If his term continues on is it has in the past, no President that has ever sat in the President's chair will excel him. He is a President with a broad conservatism. His servants speak of him and Mrs. Roosevelt in the highest terms. He has proven to the country that if the people are in trouble, he is in trouble also. He is a patriotic President; has proved to be loyal to his country. A friend of mine told me that he was afraid that the President would run away with the government, and not make a successful President. He has told me since, if any thing, the country seemed to grow more prosperous every day.

I do not believe in colored people, as a race, seeking offices so much, but our President, who stands at the head of the race, should be careful, and very careful, how he deals with the Negro problem. As I have said in other paragraphs, the Negro Problem is an important one. I will admit that the colored man, as a rule, is not qualified to hold positions, as other races, but when you find one that is capable of holding an office, let the colored man have it. Nothing will suit him better than holding an office, so let him have it, regardless of color.

Dr. A. M. Barrett deserves much credit for what he has done. He labored hard to establish an institution near Pee Dee. The institution is worth several thousand dollars. The people said he was almost an idiot, but Dr. Barrett continued to work. He is doing a great deal of good. The institution is incorporated by the laws of North Carolina. When I heard of his attempt to establish an institution in that section of the country, I thought it was a very unwise undertaking. I was passing through that section of the country, and I saw the Industrial Collegiate Institute. I was so interested that I stopped over, and I found that Dr. Barrett's commencement was in session. I was requested to deliver an address on that occasion. I accepted the ininvitation, and spoke about an hour. I spent the night with Dr. Barrett. Next morning I looked around to see what he had done. I was surprised at the buildings that he had erected in such a short time.

Dr. Barrett is one of the ablest men we have in our country. He deserves great credit for what he has done. I have been informed that several young men, and also young ladies, have completed their education at Dr. Barrett's collegiate institute. I was informed that he went over to Europe and raised a large amount of money for his school. The former Clerk of the Court at Rockingham told me that Dr. Barrett was one of the smartest men in that section of the country. What we need is many more such men as Dr. Barrett to aid in the training of our people.

He went to a place and established an institution where almost every one said it was impossible for a school to ever run one session successfully, but it seems that Dr. Barrett is up there to stay.

I admire Dr. Barrett for his ambition. He will leave a record that his children will be proud of. The white people in that section of the country speak of Dr. Barrett in the highest terms. I had interviews with quite a number of the business men, and they spoke words of praise of him. I tell my race if a person goes up in that section of the country and did not know that Dr. Barrett was a colored man, they would think that he was a white man, judging form the kind manner he was spoken of by the people. A man who has started from nothing and accomplished what Dr. Barrett has accomplished, deserves the support and confidence of his race. I wish to God that we had several hundred such men as Dr. Barrett. If we did, we would soon get the recognition that is due us as a race. My heart leaped with joy when those white men spoke of Dr. Barrett in such high terms, because I am a member of the Negro race; and when one does something that is worth speaking of, it is an evidence that another member of the race can do something, too.

Dr. Barrett's school has been in operation about fifteen years. The school is incorporated by the laws of the State of North Carolina. He is a man of excellent ability, is very much interested in educating his race, and few men have worked harder than he has worked. I admire him for his pluck. I was at one of Dr. Barrett's business meetings, and it was conducted in a thoroughly business like manner. His officers were well trained, and transacted business in a very intelligent way. As soon as they got through I had to speak a word to encourage them, for the excellent manner in which they conducted their business affairs. I told Dr. Barrett if that was the way he had been conducting his affairs, I was not surprised at his building an institution in that desert land.

A gentleman told me in that country that he thought Dr. Barrett was out of his head. He said that no man with rational sense would attempt to build an institution that near Pee Dee, and be successful; but he said he watched Dr. Barret's actions and movements, and soon found out that Dr. Barrett was determined to do something. He told me he said Dr. Barrett would make a failure, but Dr. Barrett did not pay any attention to what anyone said. He continued to build, and inside of two years he had the institution completed. He said the first year he had a large number of students, and the second year he had a still larger number. He told his friend that Dr. Barrett was the greatest worker in that section of the country, and he deserved. great honor for what he had done.

I had quite an interview with a distinguished lawyer in St. Paul, Minn., concerning the establishment of the Latta University, West Raleigh, N. C. I introduced myself to him, and he received me kindly. I told him my mission and my plans, but he said the responsibility was too great for any one man to carry out successfully. He said, though, he was willing to do anything for me while I was in the city of St. Paul. I found that he was a member of the Presbyterian church, and one of the elders. I arrived in the city on Saturday evening. He told me if I would return to his office the next day, he would go with me to the minister's residence, and introduce me to him. He said he was satisfied that the minister would be glad to have me preach for him on Sunday night. When we called on the minister, he received me very cordially, and invited me in the parlor. We interested each other in talking on various subjects. He invited me to preach for him Sunday at ten-thirty o'clock; but I told him I would preach for him Sunday night at seven-thirty o'clock. On Sunday morning he notified his audience that he had a stranger from North Carolina to preach for him. He told them he wanted a large audience for me to speak to. I arrived at church at seven-fifteen. Nearly all the seats in the church were occupied. The choir rendered several pieces of music which were very interesting indeed. The minister prayed, and I read a passage of Scripture. After I read, the choir rendered another excellent piece, which I enjoyed. The minister then introduced me to the audience. My text was, “Oh! wretched man that I am.” I preached about sixty minutes. My friend seemed to enjoy the sermon very much. It seemed as if the whole audience was deeply interested, after I fully explained the text. I had begun to get used to white audiences, because I had preached to so many. I had told the minister my mission before I left his residence, and refreshed his memory while the choir was rendering another excellent piece of music. He then called upon me to make a short address concerning my work. I spoke to the audience about twenty minutes; they seemed very much interested in the work that I was engaged in. The minister called upon them to respond to my cause. He told them that he wanted the church to give the beloved visitor a hearty collection. They responded very liberally. I was highly pleased with the collection. The minister invited me to stay with him all night. I told him that I had promised the clerk that I would return to the hotel. I told him I would return the next day and have a talk with him. The minister told me anything that he could do to encourage me while I was in the city, he was at my service. He said: “The cause that you are engaged in is a worthy cause. It is worthy of any amount of money any one can give. Your race needs to be uplifted. If any race has been oppressed, it is the colored race. I am in full sympathy with you. I believe, in the midst of obstacles and oppressions, the Negro race will some day come to the front. There is no race that has suffered so much as your race has; your race is held responsible because their face is black. The Chinese, Turks, Cubans, and all the other races, seem to be preferred to the Negro race. The condition that the colored people have been placed in has been deplorable, and is until this day. You people are not responsible for your color, nor for your condition. The government

I was asked several times while I was in the city of London to reproduce a copy of my speech in one of the largest halls in that city. I will endeavor to repeat my speech as near as possible. I said in substance:

“Ladies and Gentlemen:—It is with no small degree of pleasure that I appear before you on such an occasion as this, to present for your consideration the needs of a race that have been oppressed for almost three centuries.

“I may appear to you as a stranger, but in one sense I am not a stranger. The same God that created you for usefulness and greatfulness, made me for the same purpose. I am your relation—but far off, in one sense; but in the main I am not far off: because God made all human beings. I am talking to a people who are well acquainted with the requirements that are necessary to make a race successful. It is true that you are not well acquainted with the condition of the race that I represent. I say now, as I have said in several of my speeches, the interest of one nation is the interest of the entire people of the world. I am here to present to you the cause of the Negro race for your careful consideration. No race on God's green earth has suffered as the Negro race has suffered and is still suffering. The magnificent race whom I greet with pleasure and pride will agree with me on this occasion. I ask the enlightened people of this country to produce history, if necessary, to prove to me that a race can be found that has suffered like the Negro race. It is true that the Negro race was in bondage over two hundred years, deprived of education, deprived of civilization, not only the first, the second and third degrees, but deprived wherever there was Negro blood. They were kept in ignorance and gross darkness, until some of them did not know one year from another. They were deprived of all rights and privileges that belong to civilization.

“Our people as a whole have not appreciated the great force of the word LIBERTY! Henry Clay said on one occasion, in making one of his most eloquent speeches, ‘Give me liberty or give me death.’ Cicero and Virgil, in all of their learning, probably never considered the value of that magnetic word.

“I want to say right here that the Southern white people, as a race, are not solely responsible for the condition of the race that I am identified with, because the speculating feature existed in nearly all of the States on the other side of the Atlantic.