© This work is the property of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text.
The electronic edition is a part of the UNC-CH
digitization project, Documenting the American South.
This electronic edition has been transcribed from a photocopy. Original illustrations are not available.
Any hyphens occurring in line breaks have been removed, and the trailing part of a word has been joined to the preceding line.
All quotation marks, em dashes and ampersand have been transcribed as entity references.
All double right and left quotation marks are encoded as ” and “ respectively.
All single right and left quotation marks are encoded as ’ and ‘ respectively.
All em dashes are encoded as —
Indentation in lines has not been preserved.
Spell-check and verification made against printed text using Author/Editor (SoftQuad) and Microsoft Word spell check programs.
The brief narrative I have introduced to the public, has been hastily thrown
together. In view of some of the events of the more earlier part of my life,
the thoughts of which has always given me a detested hatred to the system
of American Slavery. Having thus formed an early impression from what I
have suffered, that Slavery was wrong, against which I have felt it to be an
imperative duty, to make an expression of my feelings. This I have attempted
several times, but have become discouraged, for the want
of a liberal education, but of which I have been
robbed by the evil genius of American Slavery. In
reviewing my past life, I feel that I have been the child
of misfortune, being deprived of all early advantages.
I have been thrown upon my own resources, upon
which I have had to depend. Having quite a zest
for learning, and to acquire information, I have been
driven to burn the midnight lamp, until my health
has become much impaired. For this and the neglect
of my youthful training, I lay to the charge of the
American people; whose soil of the sunny South
my father and mother had to till and cultivate. This
has not been their condition alone, but it has been,
and still is, the condition of more than three millions
of Africa's sons and daughters, that now live upon the
soil of the American continent. There are two positions
which the colored people occupy in this country: First, as
slaves, and Second, as nominal freemen. We ask, what
is the condition of the slaves in a land
This is not true, for the slave is in every way deprived of
his God-given
rights, which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness.
While the nominally free colored man of the north has the right to speak,
think, and act for himself, in this respect his situation is widely different,
yet he is denied the right of suffrage in common with his white fellow citizens.
It is a fact that cannot be denied, that the children, to a greater or
lesser extent, inherit
the principles of their parents. We offer this as an
argument in the defence of the colored people of the
north, for they are the descendants of slave parents,
to a greater or lesser extent, and their condition
would be vastly different if the right of suffrage was
to them extended. The Hon. Henry Clay, the genius
and pride of the American people, said in a late
speech, that the condition of the blacks of the north
was infinitely worse than that of the slaves in the
south. He says when visiting the north, the blacks are excluded
from the workshops, and the free blacks content themselves in performing
menial labor, such
This narrative is written by one whose body and mind have felt the blighting and withering effects of Slavery, and who is anxious to do what he can for the liberation of those of his race, who are still suffering in bondage.
It may be asked, why do you attempt to write upon a subject upon which such floods of light are already poured? I answer—because I wish to express indelibly, my opposition and hatred to Slavery, and to reveal some facts which have not yet been presented to the public—and to reveal them in such a manner, that they may speak when I am dead.
Facts lie at the foundation of all true reasoning, and
The reader will not look for finished style, nor for strictly correct sentences, from one whose time for mental improvement was spent in Slavery.
The author thinks the above a sufficient apology for presenting his humble effort to the public, and hopes that it may, in some measure, subserve the cause of freedom.
I was born in the State of Maryland, Carolina Co., in the year 1807. As near as I can
recollect, my father and mother were both slaves. They had eight children, three boys
and five girls, who were all slaves. My mother and her four younger children were
manumitted and set free when we were quite small, (myself and three younger sisters.)
My two elder brothers and sisters were still held in bondage. My brother Charles died in
the year 1827. Though a slave, thank God, he died a Freeman in Christ Jesus. In his
dying moments he called his mistress to his bed-side, and told her that he was going
to Heaven. He then bid the world adieu, and expired with a fall assurance of a blessed
immortality. My father, elder brother, and two sisters, were left behind to endure the
ills of a cruel bondage. My two sisters, in connection with all other female slaves in the
South, were deprived of the protection of their virtue, which is disregarded and trampled
in the dust, by the amorous aspirant, who delights in seducing the character of the
helpless female. The elder of my two sisters became a mother by the son of her own
master. This as a matter of course created a very unpleasant state of feeling in her master's
family, for which plans were soon devised for her removal to the far South. Accordingly,
she was sent some distance from the house one evening, to milk, as is usually done in the
The next was my sister Violette, who was the favorite of my youth. My affections were more strongly drawn towards her than any one of the others of my brothers or sisters. A month had scarcely passed away before another nefarious scheme was plotted for the purpose of reducing her to a more cruel state of chattled slavery. I have never seen nor heard of either of them since. This was in the year 1823, as I have been informed since.
Shortly after this the judgments of God were brought to bear upon that man and his family. His farm of five hundred acres of land, and all that he had, were swept away, and that cruel son, who had caused a slave mother's heart to bleed, died a miserable death, and his father was driven by famine with his saddle bags to beg his bread from door to door, and at last died a vagrant. I now have a father and one brother, if living, who are still held in bondage.
At the age of eight years, my mother bound me out to learn the farming business, with a man by the name of D. D—n, who was the son of a Hicksite Quaker preacher. He married in a Quaker family, and settled in the upper part of the State of Delaware, near the place called Isborn and James' Limestone Quarries. I was to have six month's schooling, and at the age of twenty-one, two suits of clothing. With this understanding between him and my mother, I was removed from the state of Maryland to his place of residence, in the State of Delaware. After I had been there some time, (as is usual for a child,) the thoughts of my mother, my little brothers and sisters, my native land, and childhood scenes, rushed upon my mind. O! I shall never forget that day, when I stood as I thought with my face towards the land of my birth, my bosom heaved with sighs of sorrow, my heart throbbed with violent emotions, and the scalding tears coursed down my cheeks. My cry was, O! my mother! my mother!
My employment was to take care of the children, and to perform such other duties as I was capable of performing. As soon as I was large enough I was put to the team and on the farm.
And now a new era in the history of my life commenced. I was half fed, half clothed,
and worked late and early. And now I began to realize the bitterness and the cruel
workings of American slavery, in a land of strangers, with no kind mother to care for
my wants, or to relieve my woes. His wife was of the Quaker origin, she was a very
kind and tender hearted woman; but he was a demon in human shape. There were
three servants in the family, myself, and another colored boy by the name of Irvin
At the expiration of the year the farm underwent another change, and I was put to
live with a man by the name of James Covington, who lived a mile and a half distance
from my former place of residence. He and his wife were of poor origin, and lived
very disagreeably together. This as a matter of course, increased my sufferings, for
both of them were very unkind to me, and he was a man that drank very freely. He used
to follow the lime-burning business; and one day while at the lime-kiln, a colored man
was passing by, when he accosted him, and soon discovered that he was a fugitive.
He now set to work to devise a plan for his detection. He (the said Covington) said he
wanted to hire a man, and immediately entered into arrangements, for so much, per
month, to husk corn. I was absent, at the quarries with the team, for a load of stone,
and was not aware of what was going on. Poor fellow, it was but a trap set to ensnare
him. Upon my returning home in the evening, to my surprise, I saw a colored man in
the lot husking corn. I had no opportunity of learning from him the facts of the case,
but on my going to bed in the evening, the wife of said Covington told me not to sleep
in the same room with that man, for they intended to take him away that night. This
alarmed me very much. Accordingly, early in the
During my stay in that wretched family, my miseries and sufferings were augmented. Mrs. Covington sent me one day to the spring for water; and upon my return, for some trivial cause unknown to me, she seized the butt end of an old whip stock, and struck me over the head, which caused the blood to flow profusely. At this moment I threw off all restraint, and a serious altercation ensued. I then made up my mind to remain no longer, but to return home to my old master.
On my arrival at his place, my old master was absent; and upon his return in the evening, I related to him, what had occurred between Mrs. Covington and myself; and told him that I could not live with such people; but he made little or no reply, and that was just what I expected. This was on a Saturday night, and the next morning, to my surprise, who should I discover coming across the field, but Covington. He came up, and he and my old master had some private conversation together. He then said to me, come, you must go home with me! and I refused to go; he then laid hold of me, and we had quite a struggle; however, he succeeded in getting the better of me, and I was compelled to submit.
Shortly after, my old master married, and I was taken back again on the farm. He
married in a very respectable family by the name of H. M., (formerly residents of Bucks
Co., Pa.) who are residents of the State of Delaware, and were members of the Church
I arrived at Wilmington, Delaware, about eleven o'clock, a distance of some ten miles on my journey. In passing up the street towards the main street that led out to Brandywine, I spied the man that lived next neighbor to my old boss. He was there for the purpose of attending market: however he did not happen to see me; and I soon turned the corner and took another street, and went on. Just as I got to the bridge, leading over the Brandwine creek, I met a colored woman, and enquired of her, if that was the straight road to Philadelphia, and she asked me if I was going there, when I told her I was. She then asked me if I was not a runaway. I said no, I had a mother there and I was going to see her. She then told me that I had better not go on foot, that if I did, I would be taken up; and that I had better go by water, and that there was a man, by the name of Capt. Jackes, that was going to sail for Philadelphia that afternoon; and that he would take me, for he was a very fine man. I took her to be a friend; and with the advice she had given me, I started off in search of Capt. Jackes, and his vessel. I went into a mill to enquire, where there were two men loading a vessel. I asked them if that was Capt. Jackes' vessel; they stopped and looked at me. I soon began to think that I was in the wrong pew; and one of them asked me where I was from, and I told him I was from the country. He asked me where I was going. I told him I was going to Philadelphia, to see my mother. He then wanted to know with whom I had lived. I told him that I had lived with a man by the name of Dorsey, in the suburbs of Wilmington. He said that I was a runaway; I told him I was not.
He then said that he would see about it; and then commenced putting on his shoes, and told me to stay until he should return. I soon began to think that this state of things would not do for me, and as soon as he was gone, whipped out from the mill, and ran down the bank, and seeing a vessel which I supposed was Capt. Jackes', I made an attempt to jump on board, but losing my balance, I fell into the creek, and came near being drowned. I scrambled and succeeded in getting hold of the rigging of a vessel, and thus I saved myself from a watery grave. Reader, you may judge, what must have been my present state of feelings. Before me was the boon of Freedom, and behind me was the demon of American Slavery braying upon my track. I hastened into another mill, and inquired of a gentleman, for Capt. Jackes. He pointed him out to me, whom I approached, and asked him if he was going to Philadelphia that afternoon? He said he was. I told him I had a mother there, whom I wanted to see, and asked him, would he take me; he said he would. I then went over the creek with him to his place of residence, and spent the afternoon. In the evening I went aboard of the vessel, and went to bed, being weary and fatigued, soon fell asleep, and knew nothing more until the morning, when I found myself upon the broad waters of the Delaware. This was a source of gratification and astonishment to me. I now felt that I was beyond the reach of my pursuers. I was highly delighted in viewing the scenes, such as I had never seen before. The gallant vessel moved onward to her place of destination, bearing upon her decks a panting fugitive, sighing for liberty.
Just as the sun was setting, we hove in sight of the city of Philadelphia, but were detained
several hours, (owing to a calm.) I retired to bed, and in
I entered upon the duties of my new home with renewed vigor and cheerfulness, and was very active for the purpose of making money. One day while there, a gentleman gave me a twenty-five cent piece, and I thought that I was rich, but it did not seem bulky enough for me, so I went to the hostler, and asked him to change it for me, for which he gave twenty-five coppers. O! I thought that I was now rich, to be sure; and that I must now have something to carry my money in, so away I went and bought me a Buckskin money purse. By this time the family had become quite attached to me; and took quite an interest in my welfare. The week rolled away pleasantly, and the sabbath came on. The landlady told me to sweep up the yard &c.; and while I was sweeping, the bells began to ring. I dropped the broom, and away I went, to see if I could see them, and after spending some time in looking upon the church-going crowd, I returned again to my employment without seeing them.
Never shall I forget that morning. It will be a period in
the history of my life. I had returned but a short time,
when I was called by the landlady to do an errand at the
shop, to procure two eggs to make a pudding for
dinner. On doing my errand, just as I stepped out of
the shop door I spied the gang of boys, whose company I
had abandoned a few days previous. I hailed them, for
the purpose of relating my success &c. as boys usually
do. Just at that moment I heard a voice calling me by
my right name. This startled me. I turned around
suddenly and who should I see on the opposite side of
the street, but a man by the name of Joshua Wiser, a
brother to the man that had lived upon my old master's
farm. He was a carpenter by trade, and was then a
resident of the city of Philadelphia. He was sitting at the
window of a tavern, called Bulls' head. He got up and
came to the door, and called me to him. I went, and
upon my entering the bar-room, all eyes were upon me;
he asked me what I was doing there, and what caused me
to run away. I told him that I was not a run-away, and
neither was my name Lev., as they used to call me in the
country. Neither had I any master. I felt a disposition to
conceal the truth under all existing circumstances! He
told me I need not deny the truth, for he knew me; just at that moment
I heard the landlord say “we had better secure him.”
And at that suggestion, I gave a hawk, as though I
wanted to spit, and stepped towards the door. I made
one leap, and a dead foot race ensued, with eggs in
hand. I made down towards Chestnut street intending
to make for my home. His, (Wiser's) hat fell off; he not
stopping to pick it up, pursued close after me, and the
cry was “stop thief; stop thief.” Having missed my
longitude, I partly halted to bethink my way, and as I
wheeled, I shot him in the
About two o'clock, the said Wiser, in company with
another very large man, entered my room, each of them
about six feet high. My agony increased. Not yet
understanding where my destiny would be, though my
thoughts were, that it would be nothing short of
Georgia. He told me that I must now come, and go with
them. I immediately went down stairs, and upon
reaching the door, I saw a horse and gig in readiness for
me. I was seated, one upon each side of me, (with
pistols in hand,) and we started off, I not knowing
where they were going to carry me. However as they
proceeded out of the city, I looked ahead and saw a
woods, and thought when I got there, I would make
another attempt for my freedom; but to my surprise
before they got there, they drove up to a large building,
and alighted. The big iron bolts and locks, were thrown
back for my reception, and I
was conducted to a cell, and the iron locks and bolts
were turned upon me. In the centre of the floor of my
cell, was a large iron ring bolt, and one small window,
grated with iron bars, in which lay an old copy of the
New Testament. In one comer lay one or two old
woolen blankets out of which
At times when I would hear the roll called for
dismission, O! how I would wish that it was my case:
however on the following Friday I was called for; for a
moment joy and gladness sprung up, and the next
moment my mind was changed to sadness, not knowing
what the result would be: however, upon leaving my cell,
I spied a crowd of gentlemen in the hall, one of whom
was the man (by the name of John Shipley,) who lived
on the farm with my old boss. He asked me if I would
go home with him without putting him to any trouble,
as he had been sent for me, to which I readily replied, I
would. I was then taken before a magistrate, where I
had a summary hearing; he had brought my indentures
with him which the magistrate examined, and pronounced
incorrect, but said nevertheless I would have to go home. If I
had had then a counsellor my case would have been
righted. We then started off, to return to the land of whips
and chains, where we arrived about seven o'clock in
the evening. Upon my arrival, I was sent for
to make my appearance in the room of my
old master who was still confined to his bed; when I
Mrs. Pierce being fully apprised of the danger to which I
was exposed, persuaded me not to return home, but to hasten
my escape. I told her no, that the animal I had was blind and
could not find its way back. Upon my return home I went to
the stable, and while there, the moon shone with magnificent
splendor; I looked and saw him on his
This gave me to believe that she was fully apprised of
the circumstances surrounding my case, and upon my
arrival at Stanton, where I had been the previous evening, I called
upon Mrs. Pierce, and she told me that I had better hasten on, (with a letter of
They made another appointment, and sent an officer for him summoning him to appear before the civil authorities. He made his appearance, and was then compelled to relinquish all further claims to my services. The above named gentlemen interfered in my behalf and restored to me my rights according to the laws of the State of Delaware. It was then agreed upon that I should have the right of choosing a master for myself, with whom I was to serve the remainder of my term, which was four years.
I next went to live with a man by the name of Mr. H.
Mitchell, in whose family my old master had married his
second wife. Mrs. Mitchell was a very fine, kind-hearted
woman. They fed and clothed well, and were
very strict and precise in their manners, but very striving
and industrious in their habits. To them I am indebted
for my religious training: for it
This is the only advantage that I have ever had of an early education. About this time I had a great zest for learning. On the afternoon of the last day of my going to school, while gathering up my books, the Teacher manifested a degree of sorrow, and said that he was very loth to part with me, (I being the only colored boy in the school.) I made rapid progress, and took great delight in reading and writing. Mr. Mitchell, was very strict with my youthful training, and used to make me read to him one or more chapters in the Bible every Sabbath evening. He also used to have prayers in the family, morning and evening. Thus the four years passed away far more agreeably and pleasantly than the previous nine years. At the expiration of which, I demanded my free papers, feeling that I was now a FREEMAN.
And now a new era commenced in the history of my life. I soon, subsequently left that section of country, and went to live in the city of Wilmington, Delaware, with Mr. Bringas, a Druggist; he was one of the gentlemen who had previously taken an active part in my liberation. With him I lived some eight months or more; during which time my religious impressions increased, and I availed myself of every opportunity of going to Church.
The many promises that I had made in the earlier
part of my life, often occurred to my mind—one of
which was, that if I ever lived to be a man, I would
cannot serve
two masters,” I so understood it, that it meant earthly
and divine, and on going to Church one Sunday
afternoon, the weather being very pleasant, I stood
without the door, listening to the discourse of the
Minister, who in the course of his remarks upon the
General Judgment, quoted the language of Dr. Watts,
which was as follows:
At that moment, my soul became enraptured, and I
exclaimed, O! I won't be left behind! and became
insensible; on my recovery, I found myself in the
sanctuary, amidst the congregation, who were shouting
the high praises of God. From that hour I resolved
never to stop until I had found the Saviour to be
precious to my soul. Shortly after this, I left Wilmington
for Philadelphia, where I arrived upon the
first Sabbath in August, 1829. Being a stranger, I
stopped with a family by the name of Jones, for a few
days. After which, I boarded with a family by the name
of Herrington, who at that time belonged to the Brick
Wesley Church, located in Lombard Street , where I
statedly attended religious service;
not having as yet experienced pardon of my sins, I left
the city and went to Princeton to reside in a Boarding
School. There I was taken sick, and soon left. I then
journeyed to Trenton, N. J., where I staid the remainder
of the winter and engaged in teaching a night school.
While there, I joined the church in 1830, under the
pastoral charge of the Rev. John Boggs, that sainted
father, who has long since laid aside his trumpet in Zion,
and has gone home to
pray for its prosperity; because in it I have a great many friends,
both Ministers and Laymen, and perhaps a few in
whose salvation I have been the humble instrument
in the hands of Jesus, of winning over to the kingdom of
Grace and Glory.
In the spring of 1831, I left Trenton, New Jersey, for the city of Philadelphia, where for the first time I heard of my mother, whom I had thought was dead. Eighteen years having elapsed since I had either seen or heard of her: this as a matter of course, afforded me unspeakable joy. I immediately sat down and addressed her with a letter. The following is a copy of her letter in reply:
CAROLINA CO. Feb. 3d, 1832. My Dear Son,I received your letter on the first day of February, and am very glad to find that you have not forgotten me, and that you think enough of me to write, my dearly beloved son, and I hope that you will continue to do so. I feel very thankful to you, for paying the postage of the letter for me.
My dear Son, I want you to send me something to remember you by. And if you do, send it by Perry Downs, when he comes down, if you please. You
say that you are afraid to come—I dont think there will be any danger in your coming now, yet I would be very glad to see you, if you would come down this spring with Perry Downs.However you can act your pleasure. I sometimes think that I never shall see you again. I feel in hope that I shall; but if I never do, I hope I shall meet you in heaven. There is not a day that I bow before my Maker, but what I bear you up in my petition, that you may hold faithful, till you reach heaven. You wrote me that brother William Richardson is dead; (who was one of the Fathers, who first entered the field, cut down the forest, to lay the foundation of the A. M. E. Church, in the State of Maryland.) I am very sorry for him but the Lord's will be done. I saw your brother about three weeks ago; he was well—I think if he holds out faithful, he will get to heaven. For every time he comes to see me, he sings and prays with me, and for me.
The following is a verse or two of the hymn he usually sang:
And must I be to judgment brought, And answer in that day, For every vain and idle thought, And every word I say. Yes every secret of my heart, Shall shortly be made known, And I receive my just deserts For all that I have done. We are all well—I want you to write to me soon.
Dont let this be the last. Whenever you write pay the postage, as it is difficult for me to get money to pay it. You must write me, if you are married. Adieu, my dear son, and God bless you, are the prayers ofYour affectionate Mother, SIDNEY ROTTER.
My religious impressions had not left me, but had greatly increased. About this time I tied the nuptial knot with Miss Isabella Lee; she was of a very respectable family. She lived but five weeks and one day, after our celebrating the nuptial feast. She was the object of my earthly regard. The ruthless hand of Death, disregarding my affections, soon snatched her from my embraces—severing the tender chord of our affections. I now felt that I was bereaved of all that I held sacred and dear to me upon earth. She had previously made no profession to religion, but it pleased the Lord to impart unto her the pardon of her sins, in view of which she sank in the arms of death, with peaceful smiles upon her brow, bidding the world adieu. Some few weeks after her death, I broke up housekeeping, and went to board. With the loss of my dear companion, and the conviction of sin, I was weighed down with sorrow like a cart beneath its shafts. On my way to class, on a Monday evening, I called to see the family who still resided where I removed from, in Elizabeth street, Philadelphia. That family was very pious; the old lady and her daughter were devoted Christians; they were members of the same church and class with myself. While sitting with them conversing upon the subject of religion, I for the first time in my life, secured the evidence of my acceptance with the Saviour. O! that was the happiest hour that I have ever experienced in all the days of my life; from that day until this, I have been striving for the kingdom. I felt I was a sinner saved by Grace.
Dear Sir—In looking over the tenth number of your
valuable Magazine, I there find communications of our
beloved brethren, from various parts of our wide
spreading connection, touching various subjects, with
which I am highly gratified, under page 256 of the last
number; also under page 241, that brother D. A. Payne
in giving his views in relation to the subject of inspiration,
has met with a warm, candid, and scriptural opposition
by the Rev. William Moore and Charles Burch. Though
I believe brother Payne's motives are for the general
good of the present ministry, his post of labor in this city
has been of deep interest to some, while it has been
opposed by others. Some for the truth of his assertions
are searching the Scriptures to know whether the remarks
made by him in proof of his doctrines advanced, are
scriptural, and also enquiring what did our Lord mean
when he told his disciples that it was expedient for them
that he should go away, and if he went not away the
comforter would not come. Also in John 14: 26, “But
the comforter, which is the Holy Ghost, whom the Father
will send in my name, he shall teach you all things,
and bring all things to
If this is not the spirit by which men are influenced, I am somewhat at a stand to know. I would ask, is it revelation, or by what spirit is it? We find that revelation is a communication of sacred truths, by a teacher from heaven; and this was given to John on the island of Patmos. Now I wish that some good brother would reconcile those two great points, and let the Church know, so that she maybe able to steer a correct course. Romans 8: 1, 26, 27; Gal. 4: 6, “And because ye are sons, God has sent forth the spirit of his Son into your hearts, crying Abba Father.” Ephesians 1: 9, 10, and 14. “Which is the earnest of our inheritance until the redemption of the purchased possession, unto the praise of his glory.” Mark 16: 20, “And they went forth and preached everywhere, the Lord working with them, and confirming the word with signs following. Amen.” Thus it becomes us who are laborers in the vineyard of the Lord, unto whom precious souls are looking for instructions to thoroughly understand such important points of doctrine. And, in conclusion, I would say that it is by the influence and light of the Holy Comforter, who was promised to the apostles, that the present ministry is assisted in carrying the sacred truths of the Gospel, to the hearts of poor, guilty offending sinners.
II. Corinth. iv. 17.—For our light affliction, which is but for a moment worketh for us a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory. * * *, For we know that if our earthly house of this tabernacle were dissolved, we have a building of God, a house not made with hands, eternal in the heavens; * * * * * and for me to live is Christ; and to die is gain.
If there were neither punishment nor torment after this life
to be feared, the wicked and unbelievers who prosper in
the world might esteem themselves the happiest of men;
and if there were neither glory nor rewards to be expected
after death, the righteous and the faithful, who drink cups
full of bitterness and sorrow here below, would be
miserable. But if we search and examine the sacred
records we shall find more difference between heaven and
earth, between light and darkness; and if we look at the
ultimate fate of the wicked and unbelievers, we shall find
that death deprives them not only of their honors, riches,
treasures and carnal enjoyments in this life, but are become
forever lost in a vast sea of bitterness and sorrow. If
death relieves their bodies from temporary afflictions,
under which all the children of Adam are more or less
circumstanced, yet it casts their souls into eternal torments
of spiritual wretchedness. To the virtuous and believing
Christian, death is a great friend, it delivers them from
many evils and miseries in this life, and opens to them the
gate that leads to endless glory and happiness. Our
Saviour endeavored to persuade us of this truth in that
remarkable parable of the 15th chapter of St. Luke. On
one hand he shows a rich miser clothed in purple and fine
linen, feeding upon dainties and living in splendor, and on
the other hand he discovers to us a poor man covered
with sores, lying at the rich man's gate,
—Dear Sir; I now forward this communication to you, hoping you will give it a notice in your valuable Magazine.
Since I have been in this section of the country, so
far as my mission is concerned, I find the colored
population very scattering and very much uncultivated
for the want of the light of the Gospel and its
influence. Though scattering, I find they manifest a
great desire to have the Bible and its declarations
made manifest unto them by their colored brethren.
There are some who belong among the white Methodists
and Presbyterians, but they would rather unite
with their own people. It becomes our duty to cast
our lot with them, that we may be the better able to
prove a blessing to them. A few days ago, I received
an invitation to preach for my white brethren, at
a place called Stony Brook, and on my way thither,
I was invited to call at the cottage of a lonely Indian
squaw, with one little female child. The cottage
stands amid a lonesome wilderness, and while the
dreary winds howl through the forest, the aspect
throws a deep solemnity on the mind of a weary
traveller. And when I entered, I introduced the subject
of religion, and strove to impress upon her mind
the shortness of time and the great need there was of
moral reform. I was informed, that from the early
period of her life, she had dragged out a miserable existence,
but from the exhortation and prayer, and the
small pittance that I was able to leave with her, she
manifested a great desire to cast her lot with the people of
God. I bade her adieu, and left her, hoping
that she, with all connected with her, would meet me
in the kingdom of God. Having as I trust, been of
some blessing to my fellow-men in those remote parts
of L. I., I then left for lands more distant, as I felt it
For the accomplishing of this noble enterprise, I ask
the prayers of all them that love Zion, that the great
cause of the Redeemer's kingdom may go forward,
through my feeble efforts, in distant places where our
church has not yet been established, until all those
places where our people are enveloped in darkness,
may shine forth as a lamp that burneth, and that the
time may come when divisions among us may be done
away, and the Gospel of the Son of God may rest on
the shoulder of his ministers in purity, and they
preach it in spirit, might and power. Since I have left
my home, I have through the providence of God,
travelled more than three hundred miles in less than one
month, and labored more than twelve times. On the 23d
inst., I left my lodging at one o'clock in the morning, in
company with brother J—, Abraham Tobias and others,
and went more than forty miles; the most part
of our journey was through the wilderness.
Just as we got to a place called the Station, we made a kind of a
halt, to think on our way, and while standing, we
discovered a man running toward us, having on neither
hat or coat; we hailed him, and soon found his motives
were to put us out of our way that we might fall a prey to
himself and his band; but, finding there were six of us in
number, he was disappointed in his design. I called to
the driver to go forward, he did so, and I am happy to
say that we were enabled to escape the device of
the villain who might have had a trap laid to ensnare us.
We made the place of our destiny a little after sunrise,
and there we met with friends and brethren who
received us with open arms; among whom, was
Dear Brother,—This is
to inform you that I am well at present, and I hope
yourself and family enjoy the same blessing. The
work of the Lord is going on with us in Stonington and
Greenport. There are nearly thirty members here, and
nearly twenty in Greenport, and we are now making great
preparation to build a church. We have something like
three hundred and thirty dollars subscribed, and the white
citizens say that they will stand by us: and I can truly say
that the Lord is with us.
Remember me to brother Robinson and brother E. N. Hall.
Dear Sir,—I now write to inform you of the present
state of our society. We have been getting
along very prosperously, and the people are
becoming considerably united. We held our Bush-meeting
on the first Sabbath in August, and had a very peaceable time,
and sinners wept bitterly. As it regards
Dear Brother: I avail myself of
this opportunity to inform you that my health is reasonable
at this time, and I hope that this favor may find
you safe and sound, enjoying the same blessing of God. I
have had quite a vacation since I left conference, owing
to the church here undergoing an enlargement
Agreeably to the usages of the African M. E. Church, the ceremony of laying the corner stone of the new Church for the colored people of this place, is to take place on Tuesday, the 9th inst., at 2 o'clock, P. M.
One design of this ceremony is to interest the
citizens of this village in this attempt to promote the good
of our colored population, by affording them a proof
that the new enterprise is in progress, and likely to
succeed.
The writer of this notice feels that it is but an act of
justice to our neglected colored population, that a proper
sympathy with them in this attempt should be manifested by
the citizens at large. The Rev. Mr. Tilmon, their pastor, is a
man of decided energy of
character, whose motto is, “never to fail” in anything he
undertakes. He has already succeeded beyond the
expectation of all his friends, and if life and health is
Too great value cannot be attached to the efforts he is making among us in behalf of his own people, not only by his labors in preaching the Gospel, but by affording them the example of one of their own number, who by earnest industry, and steady perseverance, has risen to a highly respectable standing as a man of intelligence; to the accumulation of a pecuniary competence and to a useful position as a Minister of Christ.
Let the people of this place be willing to encourage him in his self-denying and arduous efforts, and rest assured he will not disappoint the trust reposed in him.
This hasty notice is written, it may be proper to state, without the solicitation of Mr. Tilmon.
Dear Brother,—I have just received the first,
second and third numbers of the “Christian Herald,”
which I hail with pleasure, as a welcome messenger to the
shores of New England, bearing as it does, good news to all;
the dead are alive, and the lost are found. And may we not
say as one of old, “Rejoice not O mine enemy, though I
fall, yet will I arise.” I had almost despaired of your
success, but I feel that the clouds are breaking, it is
passing over: the light is appearing, and the day begins to dawn.
I have made some efforts to obtain subscribers, but
The undersigned, who has, since the 14th of January last, acted as Agent in collecting funds for the purpose of erecting a house for Religious Worship, for the colored people of this place, takes this method of returning his sincere thanks to the benevolent citizens for their timely assistance and encouragement in the undertaking. The edifice is now up, and nearly finished, and will be a neat and comfortable house when completed. The progress of the enterprise, thus far, seems to have given general satisfaction, and its completion will doubtless prove a great benefit to the colored people of Rome. We feel much indebted to the clergymen of this place for their kindness in aiding us by their liberal subscriptions and influence. We feel no less grateful to the Hon. S. B. Roberts, E. Huntington, Dr. J. V. Cobb, L. Abell, Hon. H. A. Foster, and many others, who have been friends to us in time of need.
In justice to our feelings, we cannot close these remarks without noticing the untiring efforts that some of the ladies are making in visiting from house to house, distributing their charities among the poor children and preparing them for the Sabbath School room—the nursery of the Christian Churches.
The amount that has been received from the citizens of Rome and the Ridge, in cash and materials, is $187. Leaving a balance on subscription, unpaid, of $38.
The total amount received from citizens residing in other
places, was $118
At a Meeting of the Colored Emigrants held upon the Smith lands in Florence, Oneida Co., N. Y., at the Emigrant House, on Saturday, October 20th, 1849, Rev. D. Peterson, General Agent, was present, and made a statement of the amount of money received by him as donations for the Association, and of the following named articles:—
First, a box of very useful Books, suitable for a
Sabbath School Library, together with other useful
articles, presented by C. Whipple, Esq., of Newburyport,
Mass. Second, a Plow and Pitchfork, presented by E.
Bartlet, Esq., of the same place. Third, one Shovel and
Pitchfork, presented by Mr. Brown, of Gardiner, Maine.—
Fourth, a bag of very useful articles, presented by Mr. P
Wadsworth, of Bath, Maine, (a gift in part from the
Ladies.) After receiving the above named donations, it
was on motion
Resolved, That we, the Emigrants of the Florence Settlement, tender our sincere thanks to the above named gentlemen, and citizens, generally, and also to the General Agent, for his efforts to render assistance to the Settlement, until we shall have passed the first winter in our newly acquired homes, having arrived so late at the settlement, that we could not realize a sufficient crop to sustain us during the approaching winter.
We also take pleasure in saying that we found the white citizens of Florence to be a kind and generous hearted people, who bid us welcome upon our arrival in their midst, and extended to us the hand of brotherly love: and we can enjoy our individual rights in the midst of such a people, which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. We take pleasure in saying that the anti-slavery spirit is developing in the bosoms of many of the citizens of Florence and its vicinity, and we give with pleasure the names of some with whom we have become acquainted. Rev. Mr. Garland, Rev. Benj. Fuller, Mr. Trimbal, Mr. Richards, Mr. Smith, Mr. Sparrow and family, and many others.
Florence village is 22 miles from the village of Rome, by
way of Taberg, and we have always found it very
pleasant and agreeable in travelling that road,
and we take pleasure in recommending the respectable
portion of the travelling public, irrespective of color, to favor
Mr. Hyde, of Taberg, with their patronage. They will find his
accommodations good, the House large, neat, and well
regulated, and himself and lady very agreeable. And as
they proceed on to Florence village they will find Mr.
Fairbanks, also very much of a gentleman, who keeps a
good House, and pays every attention to the travelling
public. We cannot close without making mention of
the citizens of
The Settlement is also particularly indebted to D. G. Dorrance, Esq., of Florence, for his kindness to the settlers, and his exertions to promote the interests of the Association.
We would say that the prospects of the Settlement are favorable, and that we intend to give a general statement of its affairs through the columns of the public Newspapers as soon as practicable.
—I became a subscriber to the North Star when it was first established. I was induced to do so, because its prospectus met my views. I shall continue to take it as long as it continues to attack slavery in all its forms, and aims to hasten the day of emancipation.
I believe there are various means by which the
bondman's liberation may be brought about, and the
condition of the nominally free colored people
materially bettered. It becomes you and me, and all
others who feel for the oppressed, with whom we are
identified, to use all moral energies to wipe out the foul
stain of American slavery. Though our means are
various, let our aims be the same. Let us not fall out by
the way, as did the Israelites in the deserts,
In looking over the North Star of Dec. 22d, I saw a communication, headed “New Settlement.” I read it with deep interest, and at once entered into the spirit of the communication. I was glad to see such an enterprise as the Florence Association started as announced in the communication. I was also glad to see your name, with the names of many other leading colored men of this country, associated with the enterprise, as approvers of it. I was not acquainted with several of these gentlemen, except by reputation. Their names were sufficient to secure for the Florence enterprise my confidence.
In the North Star of March 16th, I was surprised and sorry to see a letter of yours, in which you request your name to be erased as one of the inspectors of public works, as desiring to have nothing more to do with the enterprise, and this in consequence of reports that have been put in circulation. I wish you had told us what those reports were.
Now, friend Douglass, I believe the Florence enterprise
to be sound, inside and out—thoroughly anti-slavery
in its spirit and tendency. And so I believe the gift of
three thousand deeds to the colored inhabitants of the
State of New York, is a great anti-slavery act, characteristic
of that noble man, Gerrit Smith. It will be long cherished in
the hearts of the colored people of this country, and
particularly by those living in the State of New York. You
will see that persons living in other States could not
participate in that rich gift, though they rejoiced at it. When
the Florence enterprise was started by our friend, Stephen
Myers, and others, put before the public under such
favorable auspices, many very respectable colored people,
living in the surrounding
I do not pretend to be well acquainted with the geography of the State of New York: but in looking over the map of that State, I see that Florence and Oneida county are situated in the central part of the State, while Franklin and Essex are in the North-eastern part—Franklin extending to Canada on the North. Franklin and Essex counties appear to be comparatively isolated, thinly populated, and out of the great highways and facilities for transporting products or persons to and from the State difficult. According to the map before me of the State of New York in 1840, Franklin county contained 16,580 inhabitants, and Essex county contained 23,634. Since 1840, the number has no doubt increased; nor is there any doubt that the same is true of Oneida county.
According to the same map, Oneida county is near the centre of the State. Both the Erie Canal and Railroad pass through this county. Facilities for the transportation of produce or persons are superior. It is a populous county. In 1840, it contained a population of 85,310, more than double the number contained both in Franklin and Essex counties. Then look at its large and flourishing towns, such as Utica, Rome, Clinton, Whitesboro, &c. Florence, the proposed settlement, is in this county. In view of the considerations presented, it seems to me that the lands in Florence, Oneida county, are the most valuable—that they are preferable to those who wish to purchase.
Our friend Stephen Myers informed us that Gerrit
Smith had given to several colored people lands in
Florence; that he was one of those persons. He felt
If Mr
It is said that the country is a wilderness; that its settlement will be attended with difficulties; that colored people are not accustomed to hardships, &c., &c. Our forefathers, have made this country, once a wilderness, a delightful home for their oppressors, the Anglo-Saxon race. We, their offspring, to this day are “hewers of wood and drawers of water,” degraded, crushed beneath public sentiment and popular religion.
Henry Clay and his coadjutors, who are looked up to
as the giants in this nation, are still using their power to
keep us down, still determined to drive us out of
DEAR SIR:—I propose to celebrate this, the 11th anniversary of my escape from your dominion, by addressing to you a friendly epistle on the subject of slavery.
I do this partly with a view to the
Ungrateful and unjust as you, perhaps, deem me, I should
despise myself if I could
This, sir, is indeed good news; and is all the more
gratifying to me, since it deprives the pro-slavery public of
the North of what they deem a powerful argument against me, and the
abolitionists generally. It proves that the agitation
of the subject of slavery does not hinder, if it
does not help, the emancipation
of slaves at the South. I have been frequently told
that my course would have an unfavorable influence
upon the condition of my friends and relatives in your
possession; and the common argument against abolitionists
may be stated as follows: Let slaveholders
alone, and they will emancipate their slaves; and that
agitation only retards the progress of the slave's liberation.
It is alleged that the slaveholder is induced
to clutch more firmly what is attempted to be wrested
from him. To this argument your case is a plain contradiction.
If the effect of anti-slavery agitation
were such as is thus alleged, you would have been
among the first to have experienced it: for few slaveholders
in this land have had a larger share of public exposure and
denunciation than yourself; and this, too, from a quarter
most calculated to annoy, and to provoke resentment. All
this, however, has not prevented
latent virtue even of slaveholders. I say latent virtue,
not because I think slaveholders are worse than all
other men, but because, such are the power and influence
of education and habit upon even the best
constituted minds, that they
Born and brought up in the presence and under the influence of a system which at once strikes at the very foundation of morals by denying—if not the existence of God—the equal brotherhood of mankind, by degrading one part of the human family to the condition of brutes, and by reversing all right ideas of justice and of brotherly kindness, it is almost impossible that one so environed can greatly grow in virtuous rectitude.
You, however, sir, have risen superior to these unhallowed influences, and have added another striking proof to those already existing, that the heart of the slaveholder is still within the reach of the truth, and that to preach to him the duty of letting “the oppressed go free,” is not in vain.
I shall no longer regard you as an enemy to freedom,
nor to myself—but shall hail you as a friend to both.
Before doing so, however, I have one reasonable request
to make of you, with which you will, I
master and slave, hand in hand, laboring together for
the overthrow of American slavery. I am sure that such an
example would tell with thrilling effect upon the public
mind of this section. We have already had the example of
slaves and slaveholders, side by side, battling for
freedom; but we yet lack a master working by the side of
his former slave on the anti-slavery platform. You have it
in your power to supply this deficiency; and if you can bring yourself
to do so, you will attain a larger degree of happiness for
yourself, and will confer a greater blessing on the cause
of freedom than that you have already done by the
generous act of emancipating your own slaves. With the
example before me, I shall not despair of yet having
the pleasure of giving you the right
hand of fellowship on the anti-slavery platform.
Before closing the present letter, I wish to set you
In your letter, written three years ago, to Mr. A. C. C. Thompson, of Wilmington, respecting the validity of my narrative, you complained that I failed to mention your intention to emancipate me at the age of twenty-five. The reason of this failure is as follows: You will remember that your promise to emancipate me preceded my first attempt to escape; and that you then told me that you would have emancipated me, had I not made the attempt in question. If you ask me why I distrusted your promise in the first instance, I could give you many reasons; but the one that weighed most with me was the passage of a law in Maryland, throwing obstructions in the way of emancipation; and I had heard you refer to that law as an excuse for continuing your slaves in bondage: and, supposing the obstructions alluded to might prove insuperable barriers to my freedom, I resolved upon flight, as the only alternative left me short of a life of slavery. I hope that this explanation will be satisfactory. I do not regret what I have done—but rather rejoice in it, as well for your sake as mine. Nevertheless, I wish to be fairly understood, and have, therefore, made the explanation.
I shall here conclude this letter by again expressing my sincere gratitude at the magnanimous deed with which your name is now associated—and by repeating the ardent hope that you will publicly identify yourself with the holy cause of freedom, to which, since I left your service, I have been most unremittingly devoting myself.
We are in the revolutionary times. Blood has already
been shed in the streets of Philadelphia, growing out of
the conflict between the African and Anglo-Saxon races
on this continent; and God only knows when the streets
of all our other cities, from the Potomac to the borders of
Canada, will be crimsoned from the same cause. It is
about twenty years since the agitation and conflict
between those races commenced in the city of Boston,
and it has now reached a point that affects our churches,
our parties, our politicians, our statesmen, and the great
and vital interests of the republic. The whole country—
North and South, East and West—is now about to enter
upon a re-agitation of this subject—an agitation of a most
fearful revolutionary and blood-thirsty character, in reference to
the African race of the South, and the Anglo Saxons of
the whole Union. Previous to the meeting of the last
Congress, the agitation of this sentiment was felt to
such an extent as to
When the original Abolitionists commenced the agitation of the slavery question, twenty years ago, at the North, churches of every denomination were connected, and joined in the bonds of brotherhood—political parties were organized on general principles, and on a broad platform, throughout the United States—the democrats were united on certain general principles, and so were the whigs. In the course of time, however, and through the instrumentality of the Abolitionists, that agitation operated to such an extent as to break up the union which previously existed between Northern and Southern churches, of every denomination except the Catholics. It has also broken up political parties, and severed the social and friendly ties which existed between the Northern and Southern States. The same cause is, we fear, about to destroy the commercial relations which exist between those sections of the republic; and the final consummation will, we fear, be the disruption of the Constitution and the Union, which have made this country what it is, and our people feared and respected throughout the whole civilized world. The compromise measures recently passed by both houses of Congress, have been seized upon by the Garrisons, Sewards, Weeds, Greeleys, and other Abolition fanatics of the North, and they are making them the subject of fresh agitation and excitement in New England and in New York, and particularly on the Fugitive Slave bill. That measure is to form the principal plank of the new platform of the Abolitionists, of every character.
What is the fugitive slave law, and its character? Under
the Constitution there can be no doubt of the perfect right
of the masters of slaves to reclaim those who run
away, and seek refuge in the Northern and
habeas corpus being suspended, and
the fugitives being denied the right of a
trial by jury. Let us examine this point a little. If,
for instance, a person in New York is robbed of property
to the amount of five hundred dollars, or any
other sum, and the thief escapes to some Southern
State, all we have to do is to send an officer after him,
and bring him back to New York for trial and punishment.
This is of common occurrence. Well,
slaves, according to the laws of the Southern States
as well as the Constitution of the United States, are
property, and the fugitive slave bill operates precisely
in the same way, by authorizing and demanding the
reclamation of such property. If the Southern States
choose to look upon slaves as property, it is a question
with which the Northern States have nothing to
do. At one time, we in New York, regarded them
as property ourselves; and it was not until we found
them unprofitable property, that we consented to the
abolition of slavery.
Apart from the Fugitive Slave bill, the Southern people
have, under the Constitution, a perfect right to demand
reclamation of their fugitives; and yet, in the face of that
contract between the States of this confederacy—in violation
of that Constitution which was solemnly entered into by the
thirteen original States, and which was signed by the
immortal Washington and his compatriots, and which never
would have been agreed to without the provision relative to
Fugitive Slaves—we see the Abolitionists of the North, and a
portion of the Whig party, opposing that law and
What, then, is the prospect before us? According to all
appearances, the Slavery excitement is increasing every
day, in every possible form and shape. Even some of the
organs of the democratic party—the Evening Post in New
York, and the Atlas in Albany—are favoring the destructive
movement, and playing into the hands of the Seward
Abolitionists, and may possibly draw into their ranks
Democratic Free Soilers enough to secure the success of
the Syracuse ticket at the ensuing election. This renewed
agitation is not confined to New York. Meetings are held
in opposition to the Fugitive Slave bill in New England, also.
The excitement is spreading and increasing, and out of
the large cities there seems to be but one ground assumed
on the question, and that is, opposition to the measures of
compromise recently passed by Congress, without which
this Union is not worth a straw, and would be shattered
into a thousand fragments within five years. And
according to all appearances, we would not be surprised
to see the Seward abolition nominations put forward by
the Syracuse convention, carried triumphantly at the next
election, in consequence of the new Abolition
effervescence, and the new movement undertaken by
Seward and his associates,
The prospect is indeed gloomy. The people of this
city, and the friends of the Union, are sleeping on a mine
of gunpowder that may explode at any moment, without
the slightest warning. Apathy, inexcusable
apathy, prevails amongst our merchants, our bankers,
mechanics and business men of all kinds, whose interests
depend upon the perpetuity of the Union. No one seems
to perceive the importance of the terrible crisis, more
terrible than any that we have yet experienced. We may as
well prepare now, as at any time, and endeavor to ward
off the dangers that assail us. If this abolition agitation go
on, and the next elections shall be carried under the cry of
abolition, we may make up our minds that a dissolution
of the Union will take place in less than five years. This
result is positive—certain—
What will be the condition of the slave holding States at
the end of the present century, should they maintain
In Maryland the total population is as follows: 412,803 whites; 89,178 slaves; and 73,158 free negroes. The total increase in the State since 1840 is 107,573. The free negro population is now 73,1058, in 1840 it was 61,937, showing an increase of 11,221. The total slave population in 1840 was 89,719; it is now only 89,178! being an actual decrease of 541 in ten years!
On the other hand, in South Carolina and Mississippi
the slaves have far outstripped the freemen. In
the former in 1840 the free population was 266,305;
in 1850, 283,737, showing an increase of 17,232;
In view of these facts, it is not to be supposed that Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri will be slaveholding States much longer than twenty-five years to come; and it is probable that States which now contain one half the slave population will be free before the year 1900. The whole of the Slave population at that time, unless Slavery be sooner abolished, will be concentrated to the amount of ten or eleven millions within States which now contain a free population of only three millions; the increase of which is destined to proceed in a diminished ratio, while the ratio of the slave increase cannot be expected to fall off in any considerable degree. Indeed, we may fairly presume from the facts above stated, and from the tendency of slave labor to drive out the free laborer, that by the close of the present century, if Slavery continue, a slave population of ten millions will be collected within a section of country containing a numerically inferior free population.
Within the last century, slaves have steadily improved in intelligence. Have the causes of this improvement exhausted themselves, or are they not working with increased power and through additional channels?
The next fifty years will witness changes in their
character which, considered in connection with their great
numerical force, must awaken our gloomiest apprehensions,
And what then will be the condition of the slaveholding section in other respects? Recollect, Virginia, Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, will not be embraced within it. Cursed with a redundant slave population, its soil exhausted by thriftless culture, its staple rivalled in the markets of the world by a production now coming into notice, and which can be grown every where by free labor, with diminished returns from its crops, to be preyed upon by an increasing surplus of laborers, who must eat or be decimated, with no more slave territory to bring temporary reprieve, the slaveholders would be compelled to emancipate their slaves, or expatriate themselves. Let the alarmist paint the gloomiest pictures of the consequences of Emancipation his fancy can draw, a far deeper gloom hangs about the tremendous realities of the slavery that shall exist in the year 1900; if it be continued so long.
Our general Election comes off the 5th of next
month, and will be an important one. By an
amendment in our Constitution, the following State officers
right to govern comes from the consent
of the governed,’ to allowing a man to vote because his skin
happens to be a few shades darker and his hair to
possess more and shorter kinks than another man's, is
entirely beyond the comprehension of your
correspondent. What man of common sense, who values
his logical reputation is prepared to say that it would not
be as just and reasonable to deny a man the common
rights of citizenship because he may be red-haired,
squint-eyed or wry-necked?—Yet much I fear that the people of
this State will deny to the colored population the poor
privilege of a voice in saying who shall tax, imprison or
hang them—beg pardon, I was forgetting that we don't
break necks judicially in this State now. I predict that the
great mass of that party which labels itself
‘Democratic’—which claims to be
the exclusive friend of the poor man,
the protector of the oppressed and lowly, and flaunts in
every body's face, its banners inscribed with ‘Equal
Rights,’ and all that sort of thing—will oppose this measure
of justice. No, Sir, the patent Democracy of this State
The Fugitive Slave Law is beginning to create some excitement, and will doubtless have some effect upon the Election, but the Locos will undoubtedly succeed in their State Ticket. We have nominated a strong Free Soil Whig (JOSEPH R. WILLIAMS) for Congress in this (2d) District. The opposition candidate is Hon. Charles E. Stewart, who was effectually and handsomely ‘laid out’ by Elder Sprague in 1848. I think that Williams will flog him as surely as did the Elder, but perhaps by a decreased majority.
In this County (Van Buren) the rival candidates for the Legislature are LYMAN A. FITCH, Whig, and MORGAN L. FITCH, Loco, brothers. As there is a Loco majority of about 100 in the County, it will be hard pulling for us; but, go as it will, “it's all in the family.”
In the latter part of the last Chapter of the first edition of my Narrative, I omitted a very interesting fact, in relation to my obtaining the evidence of my acceptance with the Saviour.
On the Saturday (previous to the Monday spoken of), I
left the city of Philadelphia, for the purpose of attending a
Quarterly Meeting, some eighteen miles distance at a place
called Dutch Town, in the State of New Jersey, under the
supervision of the Rev. John Cornish, who was at that
time Elder in charge of the New Jersey Circuit. My mind,
as I have previously stated, was powerfully exercised. I
felt that there was a work for me to do, and I went to the
meeting, hoping that I might meet with an opportunity of
saying something by way of exhortation, and to warn
poor sinners to flee the wrath to come. I arrived there in
the evening in time for meeting, which I attended. But
there was no opportunity afforded me. I went home with a
friend, with whom I spent the night. The next morning,
being the Sabbath, I was taken with a very strange
feeling—my mind became filled with
doubts and despair. A state
of tremor and horror seized my frame, and the heavens
seemed as brass to me. I felt as though I was undone for
ever, and that God was angry with me. I spent the day in
deep distress of mind, walking with my arms folded, for it
seemed that I could find no rest or ease. I tried to pray, but
it seemed that my prayers went no higher than my head. I
at one time thought that I would be damned before the
sun set, and when setting, it looked to me like a ball of
fire.
They exhorted me to believe on the Lord Jesus Christ,
as did Paul, the jailer. Acts xvi. 31, and all at once faith
sprang up and laid hold on the rich promises of the
Saviour, and as quick as thought I felt the change, and
was enabled to cry out in the language of the Psalmist,
David, “The Lord is my Shepherd, I shall not want. He
maketh me to lie down in green pastures; he leadeth me beside the still
waters.” That was the happiest hour that I had ever
experienced in all the days of my life. I resided in the city
of Philadelphia some fifteen years—during that
time, I continued my membership in the A. M. E. Bethel
Church, which is located on the corner of Sixth and
Lombard streets. During my residence there, I followed
various kinds of employment, such as keeping a Clothing-cellar,
Waiting, and public Portering, attending Store, &c.
During that time I married again, and soon became
surrounded with domestic cares, which gave me the
impulse of mind that it was a duty enjoined upon me to
engage in procuring property for the comfort of myself
and family. Accordingly I purchased in 1834, a small
estate in the city of Camden, New Jersey, where I resided for
Early in the month of July, 1836, I entered upon the discharge of my duties as a subordinate, where I traveled the remainder of the year. While upon that Circuit, we experienced a degree of suffering. The Circuit was quite extensive, and the people generally poor, and unable in very many instances to afford us a comfortable living. We found it extremely unpleasant in the winter season, the traveling being bad, &c.; yet, in the midst of this, myself and senior had the pleasure of seeing the work of the Lord prospering in our hands, and many souls I trust were happily converted to God.
There were some incidents which occurred during the
year, which were somewhat trying in their nature. The
state of New Jersey was much infested with
“Kidnappers,” who were prowling about in several of the
communities through which we had to pass. On one
occasion they made an arrest of a young colored man at a
place called Sand-town. The nature of the case is as
follows: they secured the services
This as a matter of course created a great excitement, nevertheless, all was kept perfectly quiet until the following Tuesday, when they had mustered up their volunteers, and started for the colored settlement, to route and capture their opposing party. Their presence in the settlement was like the “Black plague” in Europe, or the seven headed hydra. Men, women and children, absconding and leaving their domicils unoccupied, fleeing before their pursuers in various directions. Upon the night of the outbreak I was at an appointment at a place called Hagerstown, near Salem, a distance of some ten or fifteen miles. My colleague, Rev. W. Moore, was in the settlement at the time the occurrence took place. He had for some days previous complained of not being well, and was on his way returning to Philadelphia.
I was upon my upward tour, and had to pass through
the blighting and
withering curse of American Slavery which regards not the
situations, circumstances or condition of the
poor colored people or the descendants of Africa, but
spreads devastation and destruction more or less
throughout the American continent.
Having travelled the year out under adverse circumstances in the spring of 1837, I met the Annual Conference in the city of Philadelphia, as I was a candidate upon trial for the Itinerant service, according to the usage of the A. M. E. Church. During the year, I became much reduced in pecuniary circumstances. My little property that I had purchased previous to my going upon the Circuit, was neither finished or paid for. In view of the above, I deemed it proper and expedient to resume a located capacity until such times as I could redeem myself from the many responsibilities resting upon me.
Late in the summer of 1837, I engaged in the beer business; finding it to be a lucrative pursuit, I made it a business during the spring and summer seasons, and in the winter I followed teaming, together with other pursuits, and it was not long before I had accumulated a considerable stock in the way of horses, wagons, carts, &c., and was compelled to keep several hands in my employ. During the seven years, I was enabled to redeem myself from many of my personal responsibilities, also to realize a comfortable living, and to procure some additional property, but not without much perseverance and industry, working late and early; being surrounded with peculiar circumstances, I had my troubles in common as other men, and yet during that time I often felt that God had a more noble work for me, and that a city business life was not the sphere of action for me. Accordingly in the autumn of 1844, I wound up my business at a sacrifice, and on the 28th day of October, I left the busy scenes of a crowded metropolis and started for New York.
Nothing worthy of note occurred on my passage. I
arrived at New York in the Empire City, where I spent
some two or three days in visiting my friends, during
which time I associated myself with the Rev. E. N. Hall,
who at that time had the supervision of the A. M. E.
Church, in High street, Brooklyn, Long Island. Late on a
Saturday afternoon, I took my leave of him and started
on my mission, taking the cars at South ferry, and
proceeded down the Island, and soon found myself
among strangers. The night fall was fast approaching,
when my mind began
No person is allowed to settle among them unless one of
the party, he or she, be wedded to a member of the tribe.
In that case they are allowed to settle. They follow for a
livelihood, fishing, gunning, &c. The country
I arrived in New London Ct. on Christmas day, 1844.
This I found to be quite a large and flourishing town,
located on the Quinebaug river, with some five or six
thousand inhabitants who were chiefly engaged in
farming and mechanical pursuits, and to some extent in the
Whale Fishery. While there, I stopped with a colored
family by the name of Anderson. There are quite a
number of colored people in that place who are living
without any regular established organized system of religion
among themselves. During my stay I held meetings for them several
times, and then left for the city of Norwich, Ct. Here I
found a still larger number of colored people, who were
more desirous of improvement in social, moral and
religious habits, for the accomplishment of which they
had associated themselves in times past, and built for
themselves a meeting house, but being of different opinions
in relation to the mode of religious worship dissensions,
and divisions had crept in their midst, which finally
resulted in serious altercations, so much so that the
house was closed, and seldom ever opened for religious
meetings except when a stranger would pass along. On the eve of
my departure from them they urged me to visit them
again, which I promised to do within three weeks,
but was unable to do so, being more successful in
other places. From there I went to Stonington, Ct.
This is a town on the South-east coast on the L. I.
Sound. Its commercial interest is principally dependant
upon the whale fishery, and its location also
affords very favorable facilities for the transportation
of merchandise and the traveling public. The colored
Here I found the Rev. Jacob Matthews who had the supervision of the A. M. E. Society for whom I preached once or twice. While there I stopped with a family by the name of Henson. I found this to be an excellent family. I also formed a slight acquaintance with several other respectable families. This ending my visit I left on a Saturday afternoon for the purpose of returning to Stonington.
I went to the depot. The cars started and I supposed
they were gone. I ran the length of the platform for the
purpose of jumping on board, reaching the end before I
was aware. I fell with my head within a few inches of
the rail, over which forty cars were then passing and the
bystanding crowd supposing that I was killed, rushed to
see. Having the presence of mind (as I fell) I rolled from
the track. Thus by the mercy of God I escaped
premature death.
From this place I returned to Stonington to
visit the infant Society that I had previously formed. After
Finally it was agreed upon that the meeting should be
held at the school house, that was occupied by a colored
school. An individual was sent to the schoolmistress, to
enquire whether the house could be secured. She
informed the person that it could be secured, and
afterward took the key and placed it in the hands of the
school committee. Hence we were disappointed in
obtaining the house; the meeting was
therefore held at the house of Mrs. Banselea, where we
had some half dozen in attendance, one of whom had
been very active in hunting for a place,
and I was going to say, that he was so drunk that he
could not sit upon a chair, without falling. With this state
of things I became disgusted, and despatched a man with
a note to the pastor of
At this moment I felt tried in my mind, and told him to
take the note and see that the gentleman read it, and bring
me a correct answer. With this he started off and did not
return until late in the afternoon, when he stated that I was
to meet the gentleman at the vestry of his church about six
o'clock in the evening. Accordingly I met him there and
he asked what I wished. I asked him if he had not received
a note from me that afternoon and if the note did
not state my wishes. At this he hemmed and
During my two years in Providence, I found the citizens, both white and colored, a very kind and interesting set of people.
I close by saying that I have been prompted by the purest motives to write this brief Narrative. I have written, hoping it may be a benefit to some in whose hands it may perchance to fall. God's name be glorified, and the author saved in the covenant of His grace.
By the mercy of God, many of us have been spared to
see another Christmas. While many since the last, with
whom we have often associated, are no more—they have
gone the way of all the earth. During the past, we have
experienced troubles too numerous to mention; in the
midst of which, we have been compelled to break off our
social relation from the mother church. In consequence of
which, many unpleasant things have been said about us,
which we have had to endure. Though we have been
persecuted, we have not been destroyed—cast down but
not forsaken—but we have been preserved in the hour of
temptation. Many with whom we have associated
And I have stood by the bed side of your sick and
dying—I have christened your children—I have
attended the funerals of your dead—I have walked
with you to the field of graves—I have married
your sons and your daughters. We are now upon
the eve of another year; and in view of the past,
we should let a different course of conduct mark
the future. For we too, like our friends and acquaintances
are passing away, and perhaps this may be our
last. Time will blot out our existence, and we shall
be as though we never were. We should therefore
labor to cherish the highest regard one for the other.
The peculiar circumstances with which we are surrounded,
as a church demands our most serious attention
for its future prosperity. The enemy of all
righteousness is upon the alert, therefore we need a
great deal of patience. As the Apostle says “Brethren
ye have need of patience; after ye have done
the will of God, that ye might receive the promise,”
for these are the days that tries men's souls. Disappointments
and diseases walk abroad in the land, and
in common with our fellow men we may expect to share a
portion. In our midst are the aged poor,
Man is formed for action, as well as for contemplation. For this purpose there are interwoven in his constitution, powers, principles, instincts, feelings, and affections, which have a reference to his improvement in virtue, and which excite him to promote the happiness of others—these powers and active principles like the intellectual, are susceptible of vast improvement, by attention, exercise, trials and difficulties, and by an expansion of the intellectual views. Such are filial and fraternal affection, fortitude, temperance, justice, gratitude, generosity, love of friends and country, philanthropy and general benevolence. Degenerate as our world has always been, many striking examples of such virtues have been displayed both in ancient and modern times, which demonstrate the vigor, expansion and sublimity of the moral powers of man.
When we behold men animated by noble sentiments,
exhibiting sublime virtues and performing illustrious
actions—displaying generosity and beneficence in
seasons of calamity and tranquillity, and fortitude in the
midst of difficulties and dangers—desiring
riches only for the sake of distributing them—estimating
places of power and honor, only for the sake
of suppressing vice, rewarding virtue, and promoting the
prosperity of their country—suffering injuries and
affronts with patience and serenity—stifling resentment
when they have it in their power to inflict vengeance—
displaying kindness and generosity towards enemies
and slanderers—vanquishing irascible passions
and licentious desires in the midst of the strongest
temptations—submitting to pain and disgrace in
order to promote the prosperity of friends and relatives—
and sacrificing repose, honors, wealth, and even
life itself, for the good of their country or for promoting
Even in the annals of the pagan world, we find many
examples of such illustrious virtues—there we read of
Regulus exposing himself to the most cruel torments and
to death itself, rather than suffer his veracity to be called
in question—Of Phocion, who exposed himself to the
fury of an enraged assembly, by inveighing against the
vices, and endeavoring to promote the best interests of
his countrymen—and gave it as his last command to his
son, when he was going to execution, “that he should
forget how ill the Athenians had treated his father”—Of
Cyrus, who was possessed of wisdom, moderation,
courage, magnanimity and noble sentiments, and who employed them
all to promote the happiness of his people—Of Scipio, in
whose actions the virtues of generosity and liberality,
goodness, gentleness, justice, magnanimity and chastity
shone with distinguished lustre—and of Damon and
Pythias, who were knit together in the bonds of
friendship, which all the terrors of an ignominious death
could not dissolve. But of all the characters of the
heathen world, illustrious for virtue, Aristrides appears to
stand in the foremost rank, an extraordinary greatness of
soul, (says Rollin) made him superior to every passion,
interest, pleasure, ambition, resentment, jealousy, were
extinguished in him by the love of virtue and his country.
The merit of others, instead of offending him, became his
own by the approbation he gave it. He rendered the
government of the Athenians amiable to their allies, by his
mildness, goodness, humanity and justice. The
disinterestedness he showed in the management of
Themistocles was one of the principal actors who procured his banishment from Athens, but after being recalled, he assisted him on every occasion with his advice and credit joyfully, taking pains to promote the glory of his enemy through the motive of advancing the public good, and when afterwards the disgrace of Themistocles gave him a proper opportunity for revenge, instead of resenting the ill treatment he had received from him, he constantly refused to join with his enemies, being as far from secretly rejoicing over the misfortune of his adversary as he had been before from being afflicted at his good success. Such virtues reflect a dignity and grandeur on every mind in which they reside, which appear incompatible with the idea that it is destined to retire forever from the scene of action at the hour of death.
But the noblest examples of exalted virtue, are to be
found among those who have enlisted themselves in the
cause of Christianity. The Apostle Paul was an illustrious
example of every thing that is noble, heroic, generous and
benevolent in human conduct. His soul was inspired with
a holy ardor in promoting the best interest of mankind. To
accomplish this object, he parted with his friends and
relatives—relinquished his native country and every thing
that was dear to himself either as a Jew or as a Roman citizen,
During the prosecution of his benevolent career, he was “in journeying, often in perils of waters; in perils of robbers; in perils by his own countrymen, in perils by the heathen; in perils in the city; in perils in the wilderness; in perils in the sea; in perils among false brethren; in weariness and painfulness, in watchings, often in hunger and thirst, in fasting, often in stripes above measure, in cold and nakedness,”— yet none of these things moved him, nor did he count his life dear to him, provided he might finish his course with joy, and be instrumental in accomplishing the present and eternal happiness of his fellow-men. In every period of the Christian era, similar characters have arisen to demonstrate the power of virtue and to bless mankind. Our own age and country have produced numerous philanthropic characters, who have shone as lights in the moral world, and have acted as benefactors to the human race. The names of Alfred, Penn, Barnard, Raikes, Neilde, Clarkson, Sharpe, Buxton, Wilberforce, Venning, and many others, are familiar to every one who is in the least acquainted with the annals of benevolence. The exertions which some of these individuals have made in the cause of liberty—in promoting the education of the young, in alleviating the distresses of the poor, in meliorating the condition of the prisoner, and in counteracting the abominable traffic in Slaves, will be felt as blessings conferred on mankind throughout succeeding generations, and will doubtless be held in everlasting remembrance.
But among all the philanthropic characters of the past
or present age, the labors of the late Mr. Howard, stand
pre-eminent. This illustrious man, from a principle