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        <title><emph>My Life and Work:</emph>
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        <author>Walters, Alexander, b. 1858   </author>
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    <front>
      <div1 type="cover image">
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            <p>Alexander Walters<lb/>[Frontispiece Image]</p>
          </figure>
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      </div1>
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      <titlePage>
        <docTitle>
          <titlePart type="main">MY LIFE AND WORK</titlePart>
        </docTitle>
        <byline>BY</byline>
        <docAuthor>ALEXANDER WALTERS, A. M., D.D.
<lb/>Bishop of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church</docAuthor>
        <docEdition>ILLUSTRATED</docEdition>
        <docImprint><pubPlace>NEW YORK CHICAGO TORONTO</pubPlace>
<publisher>Fleming H. Revell Company</publisher>
<pubPlace>LONDON AND EDINBURGH</pubPlace></docImprint>
        <pb id="waltverso" n="verso"/>
        <docImprint>
          <docDate>Copyright, 1917, by
<lb/>FLEMING H. REVELL COMPANY
<lb/>New York: 158 Fifth Avenue<lb/>
Chicago: 17 North Wabash Ave.<lb/>
Toronto: 25 Richmond Street, W.
<lb/>London: 21 Paternoster Square
<lb/>Edinburgh: 100 Princes Street</docDate>
        </docImprint>
      </titlePage>
      <pb id="walt7" n="7"/>
      <div1 type="dedication">
        <head>DEDICATION</head>
        <p>TO THE<lb/>
MINISTERS AND LAYMEN OF THE A. M. E. ZION CHURCH,<lb/>
WHO HAVE BEEN SO VERY KIND TO ME<lb/>
DURING MY MINISTERIAL CAREER,<lb/>
I AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATE THIS VOLUME,<lb/>
HOPING IT MAY BE OF BENEFIT TO<lb/>
THE RISING GENERATION.</p>
      </div1>
      <pb id="walt9" n="9"/>
      <div1 type="introduction">
        <head>INTRODUCTION</head>
        <p>KING ALFONSO was wont to say, dead counsellors
(meaning his books) were to him far better than living;
for they without flattery or fear presented to him truth.</p>
        <p>There is no end of books; many libraries are
purchased for sight and ostentation rather than
use. Some one has cruelly observed that a good
many people, including some of the newly rich, buy
their books by the yard, and to match the furniture.
A few books well chosen and well made use
of will be more profitable than a great confused
Alexandrian Library.</p>
        <p>Bishops as a rule have little time to write books,
for their work is often of such character that they
either cannot spare the time, or they have not the
inclination to think or write upon subjects outside
of their special work, and particularly is this true
of some of our Negro Bishops. There are a few
notable exceptions, such as Bishops Daniel A.
Payne, Jas. W. Hood, Benjamin T. Tanner and
Henry McNeal Turner. All of these are men of
exceptional literary ability, men of strong characters,
men with a message. They write well and
learnedly on church polity and discipline and on
related subjects. Payne, Hood, Tanner and
Turner have done much to give character, prominence
and tone to Negro Methodism in America.
<pb id="walt10" n="10"/>
Their books on Church History, Church Discipline,
and Church Ethics have been and still are
widely read. Tanner's apology for “African
Methodism” cuts like a two-edged sword, for it
is more than an apology—it is an indictment with
all the evidence, against the caste and color prejudices
of the white Methodist brethren—their refusal
to acknowledge the Fatherhood of God, and
the brotherhood of man. It detracts nothing from
Negro Methodism, but it is a terrible reflection
upon the genuineness of the religion of white men
in that church. It is a protest against hypocrisy
phrased in dignified terms, an “apology” with a
punch and a jolt to it which those to whom it is
specially addressed will not fail to understand.
Payne and Hood and Turner also wrote in serious
vein. Payne was velvet; Hood was a pacificator;
Turner a whirlwind and Niagara combined. This
quartette is still the principal authority in
America on Negro Methodism, what constitutes
it, and what ought to govern and control in this
great Negro Methodist family. They are the
pioneers in our later civilization of African Methodism
and have written their names on the hearts
and in the memories of thousands of Negro Methodists
throughout the world as defenders and
exponents of the faith once delivered unto the
Saints.</p>
        <p>And now the Rt. Rev. Alexander Walters, the
youngest Bishop in either branch of the great
African Methodist Church, a man widely and
favorably known in his own country, in Europe
<pb id="walt11" n="11"/>
and in Africa,—a man of recognized ability as an
orator and pulpiteer of liberal ideas and generous
impulses,—has written “The Autobiography of
Alexander Walters,” covering a period of forty
years of activity in the church as layman, local
preacher, minister and Bishop—the highest office
in the gift of his Church. Forty years of active,
useful, honorable service to his Creator, and to
his race, and his country; forty years filled with
thrilling and pleasant experiences—of lights and
shadows—of ups and downs,—the lot of the average
clergyman of every denomination. What a
glory is this to have lived and worked in the cause
of humanity, oppressed for forty years! To have
known and fellowshipped with great and good and
useful men of four continents, to have mingled
in splendid alliance with the old veterans of the
Grand Army of the living God and joined with
them in making their ascriptions to the Giver of
all good, both in the land of his birth, and that
of his forefathers in the “Dark Continent,” from
whence the light proceedeth which will ultimately
fill all the world with the vitalizing, purifying
power of the Holy Spirit, which is to revolutionize
Christian thought and teach men what true and
undefiled religion is and means. For the African
being the most spiritual race has a mission and
it is to carry the gospel in all its purity and completeness
and power to those who know not God.</p>
        <p>The “Autobiography of Alexander Walters”
is a departure and innovation in Negro literature
<pb id="walt12" n="12"/>
in that it is <hi rend="italics">different</hi> from the usual run of autobiographies.
It is a combination of church history,
race history, a delicate kind of humor,
tragedy and pathos. We are told that the Bishop
was born in slavery, Aug. 1, 1858, in Nelson
County, Kentucky, a picturesque section of the
“Blue Grass” region; that his mother, Harriet
Mathers Walters, was a woman of prodigious size,
well built and weighing 250 lbs. She was strong,
active, courageous; a terror to her master and
others, who dreaded her because of her physical
prowess. A story is told of her which illustrates
the point: One day her master and his son got
into an altercation about some trivial matter and
almost came to blows. Happening along when
the wordy battle was raging at its hottest, and
sensing the situation quickly, she seized her young
master by the nape of his neck and the broadest
part of his trousers, lifted him off his feet and
shaking him as a cat shakes a mouse, tossed him
over into the grape arbor. Shamed by this humiliating
ending of the controversy with his father,
he gathered himself up and meekly left the scene.</p>
        <p>Her mistress, Mrs. Donohue, was very fond of
her and a warm attachment existed between them.
Harriet was obstreperous and unmanageable, and
because she was different in these respects from
other slaves, she was regarded as dangerous. Her
influence over her fellow slaves was not conducive
to that sweet contentment born of the cat o' nine
tails, the gibbet and other cruel methods employed
<pb id="walt13" n="13"/>
by “good masters” to produce this desideratum
in the home, so it was decided to sell Harriet and,
without consulting his wife, Donohue sold her to
a trader for $1200. When Mrs. Donohue learned
of the sale, she approached the Negro trader and
shaking her finger in his face, and stamping her
foot with emphasis, said: “Harriet shall never
leave this place.” And she didn't, for the sale
was declared off and Harriet resumed her household
duties as usual. Alexander Walters owes
much to his slave mother—his splendid physique,
his personal courage, his independence of spirit,
his deep religious fervor and his ambition to
excel in whatever he undertook. His good mother
knew no fear, for she was more than a match for
any three men in physical strength on the place,
and whenever they roused her she put the fear of
God in their hearts.</p>
        <p>The Bishop's narrative is told in modest
phrase and in simple language and covers
twenty-one chapters which are bound to hold the readers'
attention because of the manner in which the various
topics treated are discussed. In chapter I,
we get a glimpse of Bardstown, its people and
incidents which recall to memory the happy days
of yore. Bardstown is dear to the Bishop's heart
—here are memories and associations which cannot
be effaced and to these he pays the tribute of
love and veneration, for it is his “Old Kentucky
Home,” and the fragrant odor of the magnolia
and the wild rose lingers in memory's casket.</p>
        <pb id="walt14" n="14"/>
        <p>There is not a dull page in the book, as any one
acquainted with the Bishop might know on seeing
his name as its author, for he is not a dull nor
uninteresting man to talk with, or to read after.
He has the happy faculty of holding one's attention
whether in private conversation or preaching
a sermon, or communicating his views through
the press. I have examined very carefully the
MSS. of the book and I am able to commend it to
the reader as a book as worthy of perusal as it
is of the big-hearted, whole-souled, generous man,
who has taken the public into his confidence and
told it his life story in charming, but simple
phrase. He has wrought exceedingly well.</p>
        <signed>JOHN EDWARD BRUCE.</signed>
      </div1>
      <pb id="walt15" n="15"/>
      <div1 type="contents">
        <head>CONTENTS</head>
        <list type="simple">
          <item>I. ANCESTRY AND BIRTH . . . . . <ref target="walt19" targOrder="U">19</ref></item>
          <item>II. YOUTHFUL DAYS . . . . . <ref target="walt28" targOrder="U">28</ref></item>
          <item>III. EARLY RELIGIOUS IMPRESSIONS,
CONVERSION, ETC . . . . . <ref target="walt34" targOrder="U">34</ref></item>
          <item>IV. EXPERIENCES IN LOUISVILLE . . . . . <ref target="walt38" targOrder="U">38</ref></item>
          <item>V. AT THE GOLDEN GATE . . . . . <ref target="walt44" targOrder="U">44</ref></item>
          <item>VI. CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE . . . . . <ref target="walt50" targOrder="U">50</ref></item>
          <item>VII. THE GREAT METROPOLIS . . . . . <ref target="walt53" targOrder="U">53</ref></item>
          <item>VIII. EUROPE . . . . . <ref target="walt57" targOrder="U">57</ref></item>
          <item>IX. EGYPT AND THE HOLY LAND . . . . . <ref target="walt70" targOrder="U">70</ref></item>
          <item>X. HOME AGAIN . . . . . <ref target="walt83" targOrder="U">83</ref></item>
          <item>XI. THE CENTENNIAL JUBILEE . . . . . <ref target="walt89" targOrder="U">89</ref></item>
          <item>XII. THE AFRO-AMERICAN COUNCIL . . . . . <ref target="walt95" targOrder="U">95</ref></item>
          <item>XIII. GENERAL CONFERENCES . . . . . <ref target="walt141" targOrder="U">141</ref></item>
          <item>XIV. MY TRIP TO WEST COAST OF AFRICA . . . . . <ref target="walt149" targOrder="U">149</ref></item>
          <item>XV. INDEPENDENCE IN POLITICS . . . . . <ref target="walt177" targOrder="U">177</ref></item>
          <item>XVI. WORK IN THE UNITED SOCIETY OF
CHRISTIAN ENDEAVOR . . . . . <ref target="walt199" targOrder="U">199</ref></item>
          <item>XVII. ADDRESS AT ALEXANDRA PALACE,
LONDON . . . . . <ref target="walt219" targOrder="U">219</ref></item>
          <item>XVIII. THE CHICAGO CHRISTIAN ENDEAVOR
CONVENTION, 1915 . . . . . <ref target="walt233" targOrder="U">233</ref></item>
          <item>XIX. ECUMENICAL CONFERENCES . . . . . <ref target="walt247" targOrder="U">247</ref></item>
          <item>XX. THE PAN-AFRICAN CONFERENCE . . . . . <ref target="walt253" targOrder="U">253</ref></item>
          <item>XXI. METHODIST UNITY . . . . . <ref target="walt265" targOrder="U">265</ref></item>
        </list>
      </div1>
      <pb id="walt17" n="17"/>
      <div1 type="illustrations">
        <head>ILLUSTRATIONS</head>
        <list type="simple">
          <item>ALEXANDER WALTERS . . . . . <ref target="frontis" targOrder="U"><hi rend="italics">Frontispiece</hi></ref></item>
          <item>DONAHOE HOTEL, NOW THE NEWMAN HOUSE
<lb/>
In the kitchen of this house Bishop Walters was born
. . . . . . <ref target="ill1" targOrder="U">20</ref></item>
          <item>FIRST SCHOOLHOUSE AND CHURCH ATTENDED
BY BISHOP WALTERS . . . . . <ref target="ill2" targOrder="U">38</ref></item>
          <item>THE HOUSE IN WHICH MRS. LELIA WALTERS
WAS BORN . . . . . <ref target="ill3" targOrder="U">54</ref></item>
          <item>MRS. LELIA WALTERS . . . . . <ref target="ill4" targOrder="U">72</ref></item>
          <item>NEW CHURCH TO WHICH BISHOP WALTERS
CONTRIBUTED THE FIRST $25 . . . . . <ref target="ill5" targOrder="U">178</ref></item>
          <item>THE OLD MILL AT BARDSTOWN . . . . . <ref target="ill6" targOrder="U">254</ref></item>
        </list>
      </div1>
    </front>
    <body>
      <pb id="walt19" n="19"/>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <head>I<lb/>
ANCESTRY AND BIRTH</head>
        <epigraph>
          <q type="verse" direct="unspecified">
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“My bark is wafted to the strand</l>
              <l>By breath divine;</l>
              <l>And on the helm there rests a hand</l>
              <l>Other than mine.”</l>
            </lg>
          </q>
          <bibl>—DEAN OF CANTERBURY.</bibl>
        </epigraph>
        <p>THE patriotic Italian delights to speak of his far-famed
country, with its soft blue skies, famous churches, and
renowned cities, one of which is so beautiful that it is said
of it, “See Naples and die.” The Frenchman never tires
of boasting of Versailles and its wonderful palace, built
by Louis XIV, which cost such an enormous sum of
money that the king was afraid to show the receipts to
his Cabinet. The Englishman points with pride to
Stratford-on-Avon, the home of Shakespeare, the world's
greatest poet. The American is equally proud of Mt.
Vernon, the home of Washington, “Father of his country”;
and we Kentuckians believe our State to be the garden
spot of the world. It was one of our famous authors who
said, “When God Almighty created the heavens and the
earth, He made the little birds to sing, the flowers to
bloom, the sun to shine and nature all grand and beautiful.
He made Kentucky
<pb id="walt20" n="20"/>
the garden spot of the universe and Nelson
County the heart thereof.”</p>
        <p>Nelson County is delightfully situated in the 
North-central part of Kentucky; its towering and majestic hills
stand out like grim sentinels in the southern and western
part of the county,—the county where all is peace,
challenging the whole world to compete with it in
grandeur and scenic beauty.”</p>
        <lg type="verse">
          <l>“Where the sky is pure as azure</l>
          <l>And the forest nature's green;</l>
          <l>Where the valleys meet the hilltops</l>
          <l>And the earth is clothed in sheen.</l>
        </lg>
        <lg type="verse">
          <l>Where fruits and grains are plenteous</l>
          <l>And the crystal waters prime.</l>
          <l>This is Nelson County's picture</l>
          <l>As it looks in simple rhyme.”</l>
        </lg>
        <p>It was at Federal Hill, near Bardstown, in old Nelson
County, that Stephen Collins Foster wrote “My Old
Kentucky Home”—words and melody that will live as
long as the English language is spoken; sentiments that
will ever cheer and inspire Kentuckians in any part of
the world.</p>
        <p>Bardstown, the county seat of old Nelson, is the third
oldest city in Kentucky, having been founded in 1774.
Situated on a prominent knoll overlooking the
Bardstown creek, in the centre of the most fertile
agricultural district, an enchanting location, lies this
historic old town. In this city stands
<figure id="ill1" entity="baw20"><p>DONAHOE HOTEL, NOW THE NEWMAN HOUSE
<lb/>In the kitchen of this house Bishop Walters was born</p></figure>
<pb id="walt21" n="21"/>
the famous St. Joseph's College of the Roman Catholic
Church, from whose classic walls have gone forth some
of the most distinguished men of that faith. In addition to
these, many famous men are proud to call Bardstown
their birthplace.</p>
        <p>Among such may be mentioned Ben Hardin, the great
lawyer; Judge John Rowan, Charles Anderson Wickliffe,
Hon. Felix Grundy, noted jurists; John Fitch, the inventor
of the steamboat; Governor William Johnson, Charles
Davis Pennybaker, great orators; Col. W. M. Beckham;
his son, Hon. J. C. W. Beckham, the present governor; the
gifted Judge Grisby, and others.</p>
        <p>Louis Philippe, the exile king of France, resided here
for about a year, and afterwards made several valuable
presents to St. Joseph's Church, which, by the way, is the
most historical, as well as one of the most beautiful,
Catholic churches in the State. Among the most
interesting buildings in the city of Bardstown is the old
tavern in which I was born; the old Court House opposite
the tavern, the old brown water-mill below the city, the
little old church in which I went to school; and the new
Zion Church to build which I contributed the first 
twenty-five dollars. The colored Baptist church is the oldest
church building in the city occupied by Negroes, and for
a long while the Baptists and the Methodists used this
church as a Union Meeting House. Later the Methodists
withdrew and worshipped in the little frame school house.</p>
        <p>In this old historic Kentucky town, one Sunday
<pb id="walt22" n="22"/>
morning, the first of August, 1858, in a room in the rear of
the kitchen of the Donohue Hotel, now the Newman
House, I first beheld the light of day. My father, Henry
Walters, was born in Larue County, of sturdy old
Kentucky stock, the son of his master, in whose veins
flowed the bluest blood of the State. I am told on good
authority that my father was a distant relative of
Abraham Lincoln. My father lived to the ripe age of
eighty-five years, after a life characterized by a serene
and hopeful spirit, leaving a memory fragrant with the
Christian graces.</p>
        <p>My mother was Harriet Mathers, a native of Virginia,
and from the best information I could secure from my
father, I learned that she belonged to John Dixon of
Missouri, who is thought to have married into the family of
her first owners. Mr. Dixon moved from Missouri to
Larue County, Kentucky, and she passed out of his hands
into those of a family named Mathers, living in the same
county. Later she became the property of Michael
Donohue, of Bardstown, Kentucky. My mother was tall
and commanding in figure, of a light brown complexion
and the embodiment of energy. She weighed over two
hundred pounds and possessed unusual strength for a
woman.</p>
        <p>On one occasion, when her master and his son were in
a fight, the son seemed to have the advantage and was
about to stab his father with a butcher knife. Mother
heard the struggle and rushed in to see what was the
matter. On beholding the situation, she seized her young
master,
<pb id="walt23" n="23"/>
weighing one hundred and fifty pounds, by the seat of his
trousers and the nape of his neck, carried him to the
kitchen door and threw him into the grape arbor, about six
feet away. Though he suffered no bodily injury, you can
imagine he suffered much humiliation and chagrin.</p>
        <p>My mother was as brave as a lion: she would not brook
even an unjust reprimand from her master. On one
occasion when the breakfast was late, her master took
her severely to task. She, knowing the abuse was
unmerited, resented his harshness and threw the 
rolling-pin at him. For this grave offense she was condemned to
be sold.</p>
        <p>The day of the sale arrived, and the negro-traders were
on hand. Among the buyers was a vicious-looking fellow
by the name of MacDonald. When mother was put up for
sale, the bidding started off at five hundred dollars, and
after a spirited contest, she was knocked down to
MacDonald for one thousand dollars. At this juncture, the
mistress of the home, who had been a silent observer of
the sale, stepped forward and said to the master: “Mike,
Harriet can't leave this home; she belongs to me. Mother
gave her to me when we were both children; we have
grown up together, and, notwithstanding she has a bad
temper, she is honest and industrious, and I am not going
to let her go.” “But,” said the master, “she has been sold,
hence we must let her go.”</p>
        <p>Her mistress, who weighed only about one hundred
and twenty pounds, drew herself to her full height and
said, “I don't care anything about
<pb id="walt24" n="24"/>
that; she'll never leave this home.” The kindness and
firmness of this little woman enabled our mother to
remain with her children until we were emancipated.</p>
        <p>Mother was an enthusiastic Methodist. Many a
morning at five o'clock we children were awakened by
the earnest prayers and loud exclamations of praise on the
part of our mother. One of my earliest church
recollections was a visit to that old brick meeting house.
The meeting got warm, and, as she used to say, she got
warm with the meeting and began to cry and shout. I
thought some one had done something to her, and I began
to cry also and to hang on to her skirts, but she soon
shook me loose and had her own good time. She died in
1870 in the full triumph of faith.</p>
        <p>Our family consisted of eight children and the father
and mother. Henry, the eldest son, was born in 1850;
Joseph and Charles, twins, were born in 1852; John, in
1854; Isaac Burkes, in 1855; Alexander, in 1858; George
Anna, in 1866; Caroline, in 1869; of these children,
Joseph, Charles, John and Caroline died in infancy.</p>
        <p>In giving these particulars concerning my family, it is
with the hope that should the book fall into the hands of
any one acquainted with any of my mother's relatives,
they may communicate with me and through them I might
be able to locate some of my long-lost relatives on my
mother's side.</p>
        <p>Next to my parents were Uncle Billy Hardin and Aunt
Mahala, his wife. He was owned by the
<pb id="walt25" n="25"/>
renowned Ben Hardin, the famous jurist, and was either
his son or his nephew. He was the most intelligent man of
color in our community. Aunt Mahala was owned by
Mike Donohue, and was one of the loveliest and best
women I ever knew. She was a grandmother to us
children; in fact, she partly reared us. To her we would go
with our sorrows, especially if mother had whipped us;
we would be sure to receive comfort and consolation. She
was the embodiment of kindness, one of those rare
creatures who know how to soothe and make you forget
your troubles. She had no children of her own, but was
ever and anon adopting the children of other folks,
spending considerable time and money on them, often
only to have them taken from her.</p>
        <p>My present wife, Lelia Coleman Walters, is also a
native of Bardstown, and if it were left for me to state
who I believe to be Nelson County's best production, I
would say without hesitation, Lelia Walters. She was
partly educated in a Roman Catholic Convent, completing
the course of the Louisville High School, taking the
highest honor in a class of thirty students. Among a
number of others she was also successful in passing the
examination for teachers, and was again fortunate in
making the highest average, receiving an appointment to
teach in the Public School of Louisville, where she served
nine consecutive years as principal of the Shelby Street
Schools. Upon her severance with the Public Schools of
Louisville to become my wife she was the first
<pb id="walt26" n="26"/>
colored teacher to receive public commendation from the
School Board for long, efficient and meritorious service.</p>
        <p>Mr. G. H. Cocran, the ex-president of the Board and a
member of twenty-five years consecutive standing, on
making the motion to accept the resignation, said that “the
retirement of this good woman from the public school
service is not only a loss to the colored schools but a
distinct loss to the City of Louisville.” He further stated
that he had watched her career since her entrance into
the service and considered her one of the most efficient
teachers in the service and, in every way, worthy of the
great trust committed to her care. In 1895 Mrs. Walters
had the good fortune to complete a business course at
Coon's Commercial High School, Kansas City, Mo.; upon
the reception of her diploma, the papers of that city
published the fact that she was the only colored woman in
the State of Missouri holding a diploma from a school for
whites only.</p>
        <p>Mrs. Walters was an extremely popular teacher,
especially beloved by the patrons of her school, and
considered a well-informed woman, extensively read
along all lines.</p>
        <p>On Aug. 21, 1916, Mrs. Walters received from
President Wilson, by executive order, through the
influence of Judge Robert Hudspeth, an appointment to a
clerkship at Ellis Island, which position she has creditably
filled, being commended by Commissioner Uhl for
efficiency and the high order
<pb id="walt27" n="27"/>
of her intelligence. For twelve years she has been
President of the African Redemption Society, and during
our married life has been my constant friend and faithful
assistant in all my undertakings and ever a wise and safe
counsellor.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt28" n="28"/>
        <head>II<lb/>
YOUTHFUL DAYS</head>
        <epigraph>
          <q type="verse" direct="unspecified">
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“How beautiful is youth! how bright it gleams</l>
              <l>With its illusions, aspirations, dreams!</l>
              <l>Book of Beginnings, Story without End,—</l>
              <l>All possibilities are in its hands,</l>
              <l>No danger daunts it and no foe withstands.”</l>
            </lg>
          </q>
          <bibl>—LONGFELLOW.</bibl>
        </epigraph>
        <p>AT an early age my brother Isaac and I were sent to a
private school which was taught by Mrs. Amanda Hines,
one of the most intelligent colored women of our town;
she was possessed of a pleasing disposition and winning
personality which endeared her to all her pupils. We
remained at this school for two terms, learning our
alphabet and the Three R's, along with many other useful
things not included in the curriculum. In 1868 Mr. William
Lawrence of Louisville took charge of the school taught in
the little frame church. My father thinking him a more
efficient teacher than Mrs. Hines, we were taken from
the private school and sent to him. He was of
distinguished appearance and a first-rate disciplinarian.
After two years he was succeeded by Miss Addie Miller,
who taught for the same length of time. Miss Miller was a
tiny woman, of
<pb id="walt29" n="29"/>
engaging manners, but unable to cope with the big boys
and girls of the school.</p>
        <p>Following Miss Miller came the teacher who made the
greatest impression on my youthful mind and who did
much toward directing my thoughts to the ministry as a
career. This was Mr. Rowan Wickliffe of Lexington,
Kentucky, a distinguished educator and race leader. Soon
after his arrival he made a proposition to the two colored
churches of the town to instruct without charge a boy
from each church whom they might select to be educated
for the ministry. This proposal was accepted and I was
chosen by the A. M. E. Zion Church and Levi Evans was
chosen by the Baptist Church. Mr. Wickliffe was a fine
teacher, enthusiastic, magnetic, a good disciplinarian and
deeply interested in the young people under his care. I
could not help but be greatly benefited by him. He was a
constant source of inspiration to me and did more to
shape my destiny than any one with whom I had come in
contact up to that time. I remained in his school four
years, this being the last school I attended.</p>
        <p>It was while attending this school that my father moved
out of Bardstown into the country, which necessitated my
walking five miles daily to school. I was accustomed to
rise before five in the morning, do my chores and help my
grandmother get breakfast, my mother having died about
the time I began studying under Mr. Wickliffe. At school
I was considered an apt pupil, generally standing at the
head of my class,
<pb id="walt30" n="30"/>
carrying off the honors. I was very studious, caring little
for sports and the usual boys' pursuits. I was very serious
minded, ever looking forward to the vocation which I
believed was predestined for me. At the graduating
exercises of my class I had the honor to be the
valedictorian, an honor all the more prized since the class
numbered among its members some very bright pupils.
Among these were Anna Hamilton, one of the brightest
scholars of our town, a born gentlewoman, who has ever
exerted a wonderful influence for good; Daniel Peppers,
who is a teacher at present in Nelson County. Melissa
Anderson, Josie Weathers, Eliza and Amanda Tutt, Mary
E. Medcalfe, Billy, Cassie and Susie Dooms, Sallie
Hamilton, Clarissa Slaughter and others I remember as
among my class-mates who made especially good records
in school and have since given a good account of
themselves in the world.</p>
        <p>About 1875, my father moved to a farm near
Hodgensville, Larue County, Kentucky, owned by Dunlap
Miller, where I labored for some time, spending the
winters in Louisville, working in hotels and the like. I had
already, during the summer of 1871, lived awhile in
Louisville and worked at the Old St. Cloud Hotel and also
at the Willard Hotel.</p>
        <p>During one of my vacations—I think it was in 1872—I
went as cabin boy on the steamer <hi rend="italics">McCrady</hi> to Brazier
City, now Morgan City, La. The steamer made trips
between Morgan City and New Iberia. One night, having
been found
<pb id="walt31" n="31"/>
asleep while on duty, I was summarily discharged by the
captain at New Iberia without enough money to pay my
way back to Morgan City; but the boys made up my fare
with fifteen cents over, which enabled me to emulate the
good Ben Franklin on his arrival in Philadelphia, except
that I regaled myself on ginger cake and water instead of
buns and water during the three days I remained in
Morgan City seeking work.</p>
        <p>I finally got work on the dock unloading ships, but
owing to my physical condition and youth, I was unable to
do the work. Again my steamer friends came to my aid
and contributed sufficient money to pay my passage to
New Orleans, where I got work on a steamer plying
between New Orleans and Donaldsonville. After six or
seven months of hardship, I secured employment on the
steamer <hi rend="italics">Louisville,</hi> a stern wheeler which ran between
New Orleans and Cincinnati. While in New Orleans I
was much affected by hearing a lady passenger sing “My
Old Kentucky Home.” She came out on deck where I
happened to be at work, and judging from the feeling and
power she threw into the rendition of this sweet old song,
she must have been a Kentuckian. At any rate, it made
me so homesick that I decided when the boat arrived at
Louisville to remain there. Thus ended my experiences on
the river.</p>
        <p>On my first visit to Louisville, I lived with Mrs. Matilda
Gibson, an old friend of the family from Bardstown; she
was a most estimable woman and very kind to me. To a
lonely lad away from home
<pb id="walt32" n="32"/>
the friendship of a kind, motherly woman is of inestimable
value and I have never forgotten the homelike days at
Mrs. Gibson's. Afterwards I made my home with my
eldest brother, Henry, who had lived in the city about ten
years and who had recently married. While here I
continued my education by employing private teachers,
first Prof. Rebeault and then Prof. Hayes, both teachers
of the white High School, who instructed me in Physics,
Rhetoric, and an English course in Divinity.</p>
        <p>In 1876 I again secured employment at the Willard
Hotel. I had not been there long before Mr. Ives, the
proprietor of the Bates Hotel, of Indianapolis, came to
Louisville to hire a crew of waiters for his house at a
considerable advance of wages. My brother Isaac and I
joined the crew. Indianapolis proved a blessing to us both.
We enjoyed the delightful associations of interesting and
intelligent persons through whom we gained an entrance
into the various phases of community life. It was here that
we both united with the leading fraternal societies, the
Masons, Odd Fellows and the United Brethren of
Friendship, in the last named of which I became a national
officer.</p>
        <p>It was my good fortune while employed at the Bates
House in Indianapolis to meet Miss Katie Knox, a native
of Louisville, who afterwards became my wife. A few
months prior to this time she had moved to Indianapolis
with her mother and eldest sister. She was an extremely
modest
<pb id="walt33" n="33"/>
young woman, well trained and of lovable personality.
Her parents, Louis and Kittie Knox, were old residents of
Louisville and highly respected. We were married by
Rev. D. P. Seaton, D.D., August 28, 1877. Five children
were the fruit of this happy marriage: William Henry
Louis, born at Corydon, Ky., July 11, 1879; Mary
Elizabeth, born at Louisville, February 23, 1882, who died
in infancy; Alexander Ezekiel, born at San Francisco,
Cal., April 1, 1885; Lord Wellington, born at Jersey City,
N. J., August 4, 1891.</p>
        <p>Mrs. Katie Walters was especially fitted to be a
minister's wife. For nineteen years she labored at my
side, giving me comfort, inspiration, rejoicing in my
successes, and sorrowing with me in my failures. She
was an eminently pious woman, an indulgent mother and
a loyal friend. She died in Jersey City, December 22,
1896.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt34" n="34"/>
        <head>III<lb/>
EARLY RELIGIOUS IMPRESSIONS,
CONVERSION, ETC.</head>
        <epigraph>
          <q type="verse" direct="unspecified">
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“We take with solemn thankfulness</l>
              <l>Our burden up, nor ask it less;</l>
              <l>And count it joy that even we</l>
              <l>May suffer, serve or wit for Thee.”</l>
            </lg>
            <bibl>—WHITTIER.</bibl>
          </q>
        </epigraph>
        <p>I RECEIVED my first religious awakening, when but a
small boy, on reading the Book of Revelation. I felt sure
that I was doomed to be lost. About this time, dreaming
for two nights in succession of the Judgment Day and
the horrors thereof, I was so frightened that I began to
pray in earnest.</p>
        <p>Rev. Yarmouth Carr was the pastor of the A. M. E.
Zion Church at Bardstown at this time. I revealed to him
my agitated state of mind, and was admonished by him to
go to the mourners' bench, which I did; he also gave me a
religious book, the name of which I cannot remember.
Soon afterwards I made a profession of religion and
joined the A. M. E. Zion Church; this was in 1870. I have
always made it a point when taking up my residence in
any city, especially if I intended to remain any length of
time, to join a church, and
<pb id="walt35" n="35"/>
the Zion Church if one could be found. When I first went
to Indianapolis, there was no Zion Church there, and so I
joined the Vermont Street A. M. E. Church, under the
pastorate of the Rev. D. P. Seaton.</p>
        <p>A few months afterwards I assisted the Rev. Anthony
Bunch to organize the A. M. E. Zion Church in
Indianapolis. Prior to his coming to Indianapolis, he had
been my pastor at Bardstown. He was a noted church
builder.</p>
        <p>In March, 1877, I was licensed to preach by the
Quarterly Conference and pastor of this newly-organized
church. On September 10, 1878, I was admitted into the
Kentucky Conference of the A. M. E. Zion Church at
Jones Tabernacle, Indianapolis, Ind., over which Bishop
S. T. Jones presided. I was appointed from this
conference to the Corydon Circuit, which consisted of
Corydon and Smithmills, Kentucky. The church at
Corydon was blessed with a gracious revival, the first
year of my pastorate. Over fifty souls were converted
and a large number added to the church.</p>
        <p>At the Kentucky Conference, which met at St. Louis,
Mo., July 3, 1879, Bishop S. T. Jones presiding, I was
ordained a deacon on July 8. From this conference I was
reappointed to the Corydon Circuit, and remained there
two years. In connection with my other work, I was
principal of the Corydon Public School. On April 7, 1881,
the Kentucky Conference met at Louisville, Ky., in Jacob
Street Tabernacle, Bishop S. T. Jones again presiding. I
had the honor to be elected
<pb id="walt36" n="36"/>
assistant secretary of this conference, and passed a most
creditable examination for Elder's orders. I was appointed
to the Cloverport Circuit, which consisted of Cloverport,
Shawler's Chapel, Patesville, Holt's Bottom and Lick
Run. There was not a church on the whole circuit, and
when I reached Cloverport I was informed of the
barrenness of the work. I was utterly discouraged.
Remembering that I had a wife and child to support, I
could not refrain from shedding tears. In that hour
something seemed to say to me: “Be of good courage, up
and go to work.” I at once set about getting things in
shape, held meetings under brush arbors, and in the school
houses, and conducted special revival meetings. I bought
lumber to build a church at Holt's Bottom, but ere I could
put up the building, the conference met at Russellville,
Ky., and I was changed from this circuit to the Fifteenth
Street Church, Louisville, Ky., which was a frame
building about 40 by 60 ft., and in a dilapidated condition.</p>
        <p>The large congregation that had worshipped in this
church had moved to a magnificent brick structure on
Twelfth Street, between Market and Jefferson Streets. It
was their intention to sell the Fifteenth Street property,
and use the money to assist in paying off the debt of the
Twelfth Street Church. However, they were prevented
from doing so by the Conference, which refused to grant
them the authority to make the sale, and because a few
of the older members were not willing to leave. In all
there were about twenty-five
<pb id="walt37" n="37"/>
members. Notwithstanding the discouraging outlook,
we took hold and were successful in improving the
property and added more than a hundred to the
membership.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt38" n="38"/>
        <head>IV<lb/>
EXPERIENCES IN LOUISVILLE</head>
        <epigraph>
          <lg type="verse">
            <l>“Thou callest me to seek Thy face;—</l>
            <l>'Tis all I wish to seek;</l>
            <l>To attend the whispers of Thy grace,</l>
            <l>And hear Thee inly speak.”</l>
          </lg>
        </epigraph>
        <p>LOUISVILLE, the metropolis of Kentucky, is one of the
most beautiful and progressive cities in the South. It is
situated on the south bank of the Ohio River, southwest
of Cincinnati, Ohio, and has a population of 205,000. Its
large mercantile houses, splendid stores, interesting
municipal buildings, and aggressive business men and
women give it the appearance of a prosperous city. Here
are to be found some of the most renowned families of
the South.</p>
        <p>The streets are broad, regular, intersecting each other
at right angles, and are beautifully shaded with trees. This
is especially true of Gray Street. Its tall interlacing elms
form a complete arcade. Fourth Street is Louisville's
great promenade avenue. The corner of Jefferson and
Fourth Streets is a famous point where the tourists from
all parts of the world station themselves to view the
passing throng of Kentucky's far-famed
<figure id="ill2" entity="baw38"><p>FIRST SCHOOLHOUSE AND CHURCH 
ATTENDED BY BISHOP WALTERS</p></figure>
<pb id="walt39" n="39"/>
belles. Broadway is celebrated for its width and
beauty.</p>
        <p>Louisville has a number of splendid church edifices,
which would do credit to any city. Some of them are
owned and completely controlled by colored people. The
city maintains the separate school system, but it can be
said to the credit of the broad-minded white citizens of
Louisville that the colored and white schools are kept at a
parity. The school buildings for colored pupils are among
the largest, handsomest and best equipped in the country;
well heated and lighted, with every facility for the
intellectual and physical development of the students.
These schools were fortunate in their early history to
have at their head three of the ablest pedagogues that the
race has ever produced, in the persons of Professors
J. W. Maxwell of the Central High School, W. T. Payton of
the Western School, W. H. Perry of the Eastern School,
and later, Professors A. E. Meyzeek, Frank Williams, A.
Delaney, S. B. Taylor, Daniel Lawson; Miss Lucy
Duvalle, Mrs. Lelia Coleman Brown. These able
instructors were efficiently and loyally supported by an
excellent corps of teachers, such as Professors C. W.
Houser, J. E. Simpson, Pratt Annis, James Harris, J. J.
McKinley; Miss Virginia Burkes, Miss Martha Webster,
Mrs. Mary L. Meade, Mrs. Mary Johnson, Miss Georgie
Moore, Miss Maria Henry, Miss Eliza Davenport, Miss
Belle Alexander, Miss Mary Hicks and others.</p>
        <p>My wife, Lelia Coleman Walters, speaking of
<pb id="walt40" n="40"/>
the late Professor J. W. Maxwell, her old teacher, says:
“He was unique in his position, first and ever a thorough
and close student, an ideal teacher, a Christian gentleman
of the sweetest and most gentle personality. Never was
master more beloved by teachers and pupils than he. How
well the name of master suited him. In him the student
recognized the master of the subject. To go to Professor
Maxwell for enlightenment on a question or subject was to
have all the difficulties cleared away and to open up a
beautiful vista of knowledge, so entrancing in its pursuit
that the student left his presence aflame with desire for
wisdom.”</p>
        <p>Socially the Afro-Americans of Louisville take first
rank among the most intellectual and cultured of our land.
Many of them own their own homes, and a few have
elegant residences. There are a number of business
enterprises operated by colored people, such as:
contracting, tailoring, shoemaking, with drugstores,
insurance companies and undertaking establishments.</p>
        <p>Mr. D. W. Knight has a flourishing transfer business.
Among Louisville's most prominent citizens are Revs. J.
Frank, C. H. Parish, Daniel Geddie; Drs. Whedbee,
Porter, Fuller, Stone and others; Mr. W. H. Steward, Mr.
David Steward, Mr. and Mrs. Andrew Jackson, and Miss
Minnie Rhodes, a popular trained nurse.</p>
        <p>I feel that this chapter would be incomplete without a
word concerning two of my warmest and closest friends,
Mr. and Mrs. Wm. Watson;
<pb id="walt41" n="41"/>
until the time of his death, Mr. Watson was one of
Louisville's leading business men. He was born in this
city some time in the fifties, took advantage of the early
pay school system, and made his way up from the lower
ranks:
<q direct="unspecified"><lg type="verse"><l>“Honor and fame from no condition rise,</l><l>Act well your part, there all honor lies.”</l></lg></q>
This he did.</p>
        <p>Being intelligent, polite, obliging and honest, he won the
confidence and respect of Louisville's wealthy citizens,
young and old, and when reaching manhood, he
determined to enter the business world for himself, he
found that his early upright life had been as “bread cast
upon the waters”—now bringing reward manyfold.</p>
        <p>The greater part of Mr. Watson's life was spent in the
undertaking business or directing of funerals. In addition,
he conducted a general carriage business, his equipages
and stock being among the finest in the city and constantly
in demand by the white undertakers, of whose association
he was a member. He could well be considered a pioneer in
the business world of his native city, for at the time he
entered business there was but one other colored firm.
As to his business life, nothing but good can be said. He
was successful from the beginning.</p>
        <p>William Watson knew no difference as to treatment of
his patrons. This noble man ended this life December 29,
1905. He was one who was an
<pb id="walt42" n="42"/>
honor to his race, a benefactor to the community in which
he lived, an upright citizen, a loving husband and a true
friend and Christian. Let us reverse Shakespeare's words
and say,</p>
        <lg type="verse">
          <l>“The good that men do lives after them,</l>
          <l> The evil is interred with their bones.”</l>
        </lg>
        <p>Mr. Watson's estimable wife Lavinia, who for twelve
happy years shared his successes, and made light his
dark days of adversity by her sympathy, is a woman of
rare business ability—she is cultured, intelligent and
generous to a fault.</p>
        <lg type="verse">
          <l>“A faithful wife</l>
          <l>Becomes the truest and the tenderest friend,</l>
          <l>The balm of comfort and the sound of joy;</l>
          <l>Through every various turn of life the same.”</l>
        </lg>
        <p>Nothing could better represent or express the relation
between this couple. In his many beautiful acts of charity
he was guided by this kind and loving woman.</p>
        <p>Prior to Mr. Watson's death his interesting and
beautiful home was noted far and wide for its lavish
hospitality; while Mr. Watson was of a modest and very
retiring disposition, yet he wanted his wife to slight no
friend that called.</p>
        <p>The “latch string” hung out, and true Kentucky
hospitality was ever dispensed to all and at all times by
Mrs. Lavinia Watson.</p>
        <p>But it is not as a dispenser of hospitality that
<pb id="walt43" n="43"/>
the character of William Watson's wife shines forth in all
splendor; it is as “his angel of mercy” in the last years of
Mr. Watson's life, when health and strength had failed,
he leaned upon her support—looked to her for the cooling
draught in fever's fitful moments. The loving fidelity of
this good woman to an afflicted husband was something
beautiful and endeared her to the many friends he left
behind.</p>
        <p>Mrs. Watson is at the head of the business left by her
husband, and is conducting the same upon the high plane
of service and integrity established by its founder. Mrs.
Watson has since become the wife of Mr. J. B. Cooper,
and they are jointly conducting the business quite
successfully.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt44" n="44"/>
        <head>V<lb/>
AT THE GOLDEN GATE</head>
        <epigraph>
          <lg type="verse">
            <l>At the Golden Gate I stand</l>
            <l>Amazed at the beauties of the land!</l>
          </lg>
        </epigraph>
        <p>IN the early part of May, 1883, in company
with Elders E. H. Curry, J. B. Johnson, I
took a trip from Louisville, Kentucky, to
St. Louis, Missouri. While on the train my eyes
chanced to fall on the following passage of scripture:
“I will make thee unto this people a fenced
brazen wall, and they shall fight against thee,
but they shall not prevail against thee; for I am
with thee to save thee, and to deliver thee, saith
the Lord. And I will deliver thee out of the hand
of the wicked, and will redeem thee out of the hand
of the terrible.” Jeremiah 15:20-21.</p>
        <p>This promise to Jeremiah struck me forcibly, indeed, I
could not help but apply it to myself, so impressed was I
with these words, until I felt impelled to call the attention
of the Reverends Curry and Johnson to them.</p>
        <p>On reaching St. Louis, I met Bishop J. W. Hood, D.D.;
it was my first meeting with the good bishop. On the
same evening, we attended 
<pb id="walt45" n="45"/>
class-meeting at Washington Chapel, at which place I spoke.
When I took my seat, the bishop asked me if I used
tobacco in any way. I answered no. He then told me that
while I was speaking, he was impressed to appoint me
pastor of the Stockton Street Church, San Francisco,
California; but, said he, they do not want any one who
uses tobacco in any form. Until he had spoken I did not
know that the pulpit was vacant. I at once realized the
significance of the promise given me on the train: “That I
will make thee unto this people a fenced brazen wall,”
etc. With this promise before me I consented to go.</p>
        <p>I arrived in San Francisco, July 5, 1883, found the
church in a good financial condition, but very low
spiritually. This did not discourage me. I had a large
church which originally cost $80,000; 80 ft. by 120 ft. San
Francisco is a magnificent city, seated like ancient Rome
on seven hills. With plenty of money to draw upon, and
the promise of God that I would succeed, I took hold with
a vim. The first thing I did was to consecrate myself to
God, and plead earnestly to be given power to win souls.
My sister, who visited me about a year after my arrival
here, was converted in one of our meetings. Sixty were
added to the church.</p>
        <p>October 7, 1883, I dedicated our new church at
Portland, Ore. I also visited San José, Los Angeles, and
other points on the coast , as presiding elder, giving
encouragement to the pastors, and in every way within
my power strengthening
<pb id="walt46" n="46"/>
the work. The three years I spent in San Francisco were
the happiest and most devoted of all my life. I can
truthfully say that I lived a sanctified life; I did not
possess adamic nor angelic perfection, but perfect love.</p>
        <p>Mrs. Julia Foote, the noted evangelist, rendered me
most valuable services while on the coast; indeed, from
1884 until the year she died, 1901, she made my house
her home. All the members of my family were greatly
indebted to this godly woman for her gracious influence in
the home. She was a great preacher, an uncompromising
advocate of holiness, and who practiced the gospel she
preached.</p>
        <p>May, 1884, I represented the California Conference at
the General Conference, held in Mother Zion, Tenth and
Bleecker Streets, New York City. It was my first
appearance in a General Conference. I had the honor to
be elected first assistant secretary, and was a member of
the following committees: Revision, Education, Districting
the Bishops, Devotion and Auditing. It was a memorable
session. It was at this session that Bishop Hillery was
deposed from the bishopric.</p>
        <p>I was greatly aided in my expenses by Mrs. Mary E.
Pleasants (colored), of San Francisco. She contributed
two hundred dollars, in gold, toward my fare. While
absent from the coast, I visited the principal cities of the
East, West, North and South. Among the places visited
was my old home, Bardstown, Kentucky. I was present
<pb id="walt47" n="47"/>
at the National Convention, held in Chicago, Ill.,
which met June 3, 1884, at which convention the Hon.
James G. Blaine was nominated for the presidency. It
was my first visit to a National Convention. I was
especially delighted with the election of the Hon. J. R.
Lynch of Mississippi as temporary chairman, and his
felicitous speech on taking the chair. I returned to my
work, much improved in health.</p>
        <p>Tuesday, Sept. 9, 1884, I was awakened about six 
o'clock in the morning with a wonderful weight of glory; it
seemed to me that heaven had entered anew into my
soul, and all the day long it was “Glory, Glory, Glory.” A
splendid revival followed this fresh baptism. For three
months, with the exception of one day, our church had
been praying for the baptism of power, and not without
success.</p>
        <p>December 31, 1884, was a great night in old Stockton
Street Church; more than twelve hundred people were
present. God greatly blessed the following text to the
salvation of many: “But of him are ye in Christ Jesus,
who of God is made unto us, wisdom and righteousness
and redemption.” I Cor. 1:30.</p>
        <p>The year had been an unusually happy one to me.
January 1, 1885, was with me a day of much peace and
great rejoicing.</p>
        <p>August 20, 1885, my wife and three children left
California for the East to visit her mother, who was very
ill, and who died November 30,1885; my little son Julien
died in Louisville, December 22, 1885.
<pb id="walt48" n="48"/>
My wife did not return to the coast any more. It
was not my privilege to see her again until the following
March.</p>
        <p>October 19, 1885, Dr. J. C. Price, President of
Livingstone College, visited the coast through an urgent
invitation, which I had sent him. Plans had been
inaugurated for a financial campaign, and during the three
months which he was with me, he collected $8500, which
enabled him to build Hopkins and Stanford Halls. Dr.
Price made a wonderful impression upon the people along
the coast. He spoke in the largest churches, theatres and
halls in the city, and was always greeted with an immense
audience. His able addresses were listened to with rapt
attention, and applauded to the very echo. He was given
headquarters at the Y. M. C. A. Rooms, and Mr. McCoy,
secretary, rendered him valuable assistance. No colored
man who has visited the coast has ever received the
honors given to Dr. Price. He electrified the entire coast,
and in the common parlance of the boys on the street, “he
set the place on fire and left it burning.”</p>
        <p>I succeeded in paying off the large mortgage debt
during my three years pastorate there.</p>
        <p>Among the prominent families of the church were:
George Dennis, Senior, who had a very intelligent family;
Ezekiel Cooper, Samuel Freeman, James Hargrove, Prof.
Haman, Mrs. Joseph Campbell, Richard Ricker and
others.</p>
        <p>Before closing this chapter, I do not think it is out of
place to relate here an incident, which
<pb id="walt49" n="49"/>
occurred while I was pastor of the Stockton Street
Church, San Francisco, California.</p>
        <p>One Saturday night, while upon my knees, making
preparation for the Sabbath service, I had what I suppose
some people would call a vision. It seemed that some one
in spirit form entered the room, proffering to me an
exalted office; I realized that it was the bishopric of the
church. I shrank from the responsibility and said, I am not
sufficiently prepared to accept such a sacred office.
Assurance was given me of divine help and constant
guidance and assistance of the Holy Spirit. I thereupon
burst into tears, and said: “Thy will be done.” Upon my
acquiescence, a peculiar peace came to my soul, and
from that hour to the day of my election, eight years
afterward, I felt confident that I would be a bishop in our
church.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt50" n="50"/>
        <head>VI<lb/>
CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE</head>
        <epigraph>
          <q type="verse" direct="unspecified">
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“Nor doubt that golden chords</l>
              <l>Of good works, mingling with the visions, raise</l>
              <l>The soul to purer worlds.”</l>
            </lg>
          </q>
          <bibl>—WORDSWORTH.</bibl>
        </epigraph>
        <p>ON March 1, 1886, I left San Francisco, for
Chattanooga, Tenn., where I had been appointed by
Bishop J. W. Hood. I arrived at Chattanooga, March 12,
1886, and was given a most cordial welcome by the
members and friends of the church. On March 14th, the
first Sunday in my new charge, I began a revival, which
lasted two weeks. About forty professed religion and
united with the church. I found the people to be loyal and
loving, hence was much pleased with the church.</p>
        <p>A great flood visited the city during the spring of
1886, and by it six thousand people were made
homeless. My arduous labors about this time caused me
to break down physically and for six months I was unable
to occupy my pulpit; the most of the time being spent at
Rhea's Springs, Tenn. With this exception I had a most
successful year at this point, but owing to my continued ill
health, I was changed to Knoxville, Tenn.</p>
        <pb id="walt51" n="51"/>
        <p>The Logan Temple Church had just been finished by
Dr. A. J. Warner, but owing to some misunderstanding
between himself and the trustees there had been a split in
the church, and when I reached Knoxville, on November 12,
I found the majority of the members worshipping in a
hall with Rev. Warner as their pastor, and a small
minority, with the trustees, still occupied the church. I set
about to reconcile the factions and finally succeeded in
getting the members back into the church, while the Rev.
Dr. Warner accepted a transfer to the West Alabama
Conference and took charge of what is now known as
Big Zion at Mobile, Ala.</p>
        <p>I remained two years at Knoxville and had a splendid
revival and succeeded in reorganizing the church, and so
arranged the financial affairs as to make the church safe
to the connection.</p>
        <p>I became secretary and steward of the Tennessee
Conference, and at the Conference which was held at
Rogersville, October 25, 1886, over which Bishop T. H.
Lomax presided, I was elected delegate to the General
Conference which met at Newbern, N. C. It was a
memorable session of the General Conference. It was
the battlefield where ultra conservatism died in our
church. The young progressive element, led by Dr. J. C.
Price, achieved a signal victory over the old régime; it
was the beginning of the phenomenal success of the
A. M. E. Zion connection. At the close of this General
Conference I was transferred from the Tennessee to the
New York Conference, and
<pb id="walt52" n="52"/>
stationed at Mother Zion, New York City. I arrived June
13th, and was given a most cordial welcome and
reception by the members and friends.</p>
        <p>I was soon comfortably situated with my family at No.
66 Grove Street, which for a number of years had been
the parsonage of Mother Zion.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt53" n="53"/>
        <head>VII<lb/>
THE GREAT METROPOLIS</head>
        <epigraph>
          <lg type="verse">
            <l>“Yet God is present in this place,</l>
            <l>Veil'd in serener majesty;</l>
            <l>So full of glory, truth and grace,</l>
            <l>That faith alone such light can see.”</l>
          </lg>
        </epigraph>
        <p>I HAD visited this Metropolitan City in the spring of 1884,
a while before and during the session of our General
Conference, which met in Mother Zion in May of the
same year. I was amazed at its inhabitants, astonished
at the enterprise and aggressiveness of its business men
and delighted with its beautiful and immense park. I saw
for the first time an elevated railroad, transporting to and
fro a half million people a day.</p>
        <p>A visit to the Stock Exchange in Wall Street, where I
heard the mad roar of the speculators, convinced me that
these frenzied money lovers had been correctly dubbed
the “bulls and bears.”</p>
        <p>At the head of Wall Street is great Trinity (Protestant
Episcopal Church), where it was my good fortune and
pleasure to hear the renowned Boston preacher, the late
Phillips Brooks, whose influence was world wide. Not far
away from Trinity, on Broadway, is old St. Paul. It was in
<pb id="walt54" n="54"/>
this church, 1789, that George Washington took the oath
of office as President of the United States. Within a
stone's throw of St. Paul's Church is the City Hall,
Post-office, the famous Brooklyn Bridge, and the great
Metropolitan daily papers, <hi rend="italics">Tribune, Herald, Journal,
World, Press, Times, Sun, Post, Mail and Express,</hi> and
a great number of magazines and other periodicals. From
this centre radiates the greatest intellectual and financial
influence of the nation; indeed, from this centre the
financial world is controlled.</p>
        <p>It was to this mammoth city with its many churches
and its multitudinous interests that I had been sent to
touch and help develop its spiritual life as best I could. I
considered myself fortunate in being appointed at the age
of thirty, to look after the affairs of Mother Zion.</p>
        <p>The church was a commodious brick edifice, which
could accommodate two thousand people, when filled to
its utmost capacity. The organization was formed in 1796
and incorporated in 1801. Some of the most distinguished
men of our connection had pastored this church.
Delighted with the charge and finding the people ready to
work, I took hold to succeed or die in the attempt. The
church had lost a large part of its congregation, and was
at a low ebb spiritually. I saw at once that the first thing
to do was to get the people back into the church, and I
considered that the best way to do this was to have a
revival of religion, and to that end I preached for six
months,
<figure id="ill3" entity="baw54"><p>THE HOUSE IN WHICH MRS. LELIA WALTERS WAS BORN</p></figure>
<pb id="walt55" n="55"/>
preached on the law, until one night, going home from
church, my wife said to me, that she thought that I had
given them law enough, and that they were sore and
needed some gospel of love. I considered her a pretty
good judge; hence on January 1, 1889, I opened a
revival by preaching from John 3:16: “For God so
loved the world that he gave his only begotten Son,
that whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but
have everlasting life.”</p>
        <p>The meetings continued about three months; over
three hundred joined the church and more than that
number were converted. It was a real refreshing from
the presence of the Lord. I was assisted in the meetings
by the Rev. Mrs. Foote, the renowned woman
evangelist; Rev. James M. Butler, son of the late William
F. Butler, who had been a popular minister of the
church, some years prior to my pastorate there; Deacon
William Phillips, with a strong array of enthusiastic
Christian workers, called the “battle boys and girls”;
George and Peter Washington, James Chase, Philip
Williams, James Nixon, Edward Williams, William
Fisher, E. V. C. Eto, John Pulley, Philip Richardson,
Alfred Abrams, William Fisher, David Landrine, Isaac
Majors, Anderson Burrell, Jacob Hutchins, Fisher
Sampson, N. F. Allen (white).</p>
        <p>Among the women were Jane Thomas, Hannah
Wardell, Charlotte Fisher, Elizabeth Purnell, Fanny Van
Brunk, Alexzenio Thomas, Ruby Johnson, Ida Dawson,
Dinah Myers, Jerusha
<pb id="walt56" n="56"/>
Vogelsong; Mothers Mosley, Johnson, Thomas,
Vincent and others. I was also supported by a strong
board of trustees in the persons of Richard Harris,
president; E. V. C. Eto, secretary, who had been
superintendent of the A. M. E. Zion Sunday School for
twenty-five years; Jacob James, Brother Troatman,
treasurer. Charles Randall, Jacob Wells, John Palmer,
Jacob Hutchins and John Jackson.</p>
        <p>It was during the first year of my pastorate at Mother
Zion that I was appointed by the Board of Bishops to
represent the Zion Connection at the World's Sunday
School Convention, which was to be held July 6, 1889,
at London, England. Besides this appointment, I was
also elected as one of the delegates of the Sunday
School Union of the State of New York.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt57" n="57"/>
        <head>VIII<lb/>
EUROPE</head>
        <epigraph>
          <q type="verse" direct="unspecified">
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“The new sight, the new wondrous sight!</l>
              <l>The waters round me turbulent,</l>
              <l>The skies impassive o 'er me!”</l>
            </lg>
          </q>
          <bibl>—MRS. BROWNING.</bibl>
        </epigraph>
        <p>ON the 19th of June, 1889, in company with Drs.
D. P. Seaton, of the A. M. E. Church;
Walter Brooks, J. D. Olden, of the Baptist
Church; George Moore, of the Congregational Church;
C. H. Phillips, of the C. M. E. Church, and over three
hundred Sunday school workers (white) from all parts of
America, we sailed on the steamship <hi rend="italics">Bothnia,</hi> Cunard
Line, for Liverpool, England, to attend the World's
Sunday School Convention, which met in London, July 6th
of the same year.</p>
        <p>The first thing of interest to me, which occurred on
board after our period of sea-sickness, was a “set-back”
given by the steward to a young Southerner who was
assigned a seat next to mine, in the dinner hall. I
happened to be seated at the table before he came in;
when he arrived and saw me sitting there, he remarked to
the steward that he was not going to eat by the side of a
“Nigger.” The steward being English, did not
<pb id="walt58" n="58"/>
seem to comprehend what he meant by that statement
and hence paid very little attention to him. He withdrew
without his meal. At the next meal I chanced to arrive at
the table again in advance of him; when he reached his
seat he reddened in the face and again told the steward
that he would not sit by me, and demanded another seat.
The steward's face reddened, and pointing his finger at
the seat, he said to him: “Young man, you will take your
meals at that seat, or you will not eat on board this ship.”
I said to myself, “Thank God for English fair play!” I was
not treated better by any one on board the ship after this
than I was by that young man who at first refused to eat
by my side.</p>
        <p>What some of the white people of this country need is
for those in authority to give them to understand that they
are going to accord to every man his rights, whether he
be white or black. Let those who administer the laws
impress upon the people that they must obey the laws,
and all this trouble which we are having because of race
prejudice, etc., will soon pass away.</p>
        <p>After ten days' sail, we arrived at Liverpool on a
Sunday morning. We were given a reception by the
Sunday School Union of Liverpool on Sunday evening, at
the Young Men's Christian Association Rooms, a very
spacious building of that city. The hall was packed to its
utmost capacity. Strange to say, the colored brethren
were left off the program. The speaking had not been
going on long, before a voice was heard saying: “We
<pb id="walt59" n="59"/>
want to hear the colored men; let one of the colored
delegates speak.” Mr. B. F. Jacobs of Chicago,
Chairman of the delegation, called several of us to the
platform.</p>
        <p>The colored delegates were given a regular ovation.
The enthusiasm reached its highest bounds, when one of
the delegates remarked that he was glad to be on English
soil, because there was a time when the courageous,
liberty-loving Negro, fleeing from the wrath of his master,
pursued by the bloodhounds, sought English soil, and
reaching it found himself under the protection of the
Union Jack, when he could turn and grin in his master's
face and say: “Touch me if you dare!” In conclusion he
said: “In those dark days when we had but few friends in
our own country, you stood ready at all times to befriend
us. We can never forget your kindness.”</p>
        <p>Our welcome was so cordial, that when Dr. Wharton,
of Baltimore, Md., rose to speak and was accorded a
rather cold reception, he said: “For one time in my life, I
wish I was a colored man.” We had scored.</p>
        <p>We left Liverpool the next morning and stopped at
Bedford, the home of John Bunyan. It was in this city he
was incarcerated in prison for twelve years; here he
wrote his immortal work, “Pilgrim's Progress.”</p>
        <p>On reaching London, the delegation was tendered a
reception at the Mansion House, by the Lord Mayor of
London. Again the colored delegates were left off the
program; we thought
<pb id="walt60" n="60"/>
surely there was no way for us to receive any recognition
whatever. But when the speaking was all over, and the
Mayoress on the arm of the Lord Mayor, came down
from the throne, to go into the luncheon room, she
stopped the royal procession and seeing the colored
delegates standing near the door, she said to one of her
attendants: “Invite those colored gentlemen here.” On
invitation we stepped forward. She asked our names,
wished us a pleasant stay in London and a successful
session; and then requested us to form an escort to
conduct them into the luncheon room. We did so, to the
great consternation of our white brethren.</p>
        <p>At Exeter Hall a few nights after this the colored
delegates made such an impression that several of them
were invited to make their homes with some of the
prominent citizens of London. Your humble servant
happened to be one of the favored ones. I was taken from
my hotel, bag and baggage, to the elegant residence of
one of the Assemblymen of London, Mr. Samuel Cole. I
had not been at his residence long before I found that I
was in the midst of the élite of London. Indeed, as the
vulgar phrase puts it, I was “in the swim.”</p>
        <p>The next morning, after I was domiciled, the maid
rapped at the door and asked for my shoes. I understood
this and put them on the outside. Soon after this I was
invited down to breakfast. I donned my morning robe and
went below; was heartily greeted by the members of the
family and
<pb id="walt61" n="61"/>
took breakfast in royal style, as if I had been used to it all
my life.</p>
        <p>I returned to my room and had not been there long
when a gentle tap came at the door; a maid entered and
said to my surprise, “Sir, your carriage is ready.” I could
not imagine for the life of me what it meant. Of course I
did not wish to have it known that I was not accustomed
to all the luxuries of life and acquainted with all the rules
of etiquette. I therefore replied, “All right.”</p>
        <p>Upon this the thought occurred to me to step to the
window; on doing so I saw the carriage at the door with
footman and driver; I surmised I was to go out for a
morning drive. I put on my things as quickly as possible,
and on reaching the lower hall was met by my host and
hostess. With all the dignity of a gentleman of leisure and
luxury, I announced my readiness. This was repeated
every morning and afternoon for two weeks.</p>
        <p>One Saturday afternoon Mr. Cole informed me that he
would be busy on the Sabbath and wished to know if I
would accompany Mrs. Cole and a lady friend from
Scotland to church. I told them I would do so. A thought
occurred to me (I know not whence it came) to take
advantage of the occasion to have some fun with our
white American brethren and let them see how a colored
man was respected and honored in England. The whole
delegation had been invited to worship at Mr. Spurgeon's
church; the invitation had been
<pb id="walt62" n="62"/>
accepted and I knew they were all likely to be present. I
went to a gents' furnishing store and instructed the
salesman to fit my hand with a pair of kid gloves of the
latest, and told him not to regard the cost, as I wanted a
neat fit. He seemed to appreciate the situation, and
although he did not know what it was, he thought there
was “something up.” Believe me, when I tell you he gave
me the neatest fit I ever had in my life; I had not cared
for gloves very much, heretofore, but I was especially
anxious to have the best in the market on this occasion. I
had purchased a new suit before leaving home for the
convention. With my new suit, kid gloves and low
quartered shoes, I was prepared to escort the ladies to
church.</p>
        <p>I could not sleep well on Saturday night for thinking of
my approaching triumph. I arose early Sunday morning
and long before the maid came to announce that the
carriage was in waiting, I was ready. Finally the hour
arrived, I appeared in the hall arrayed in an “up-to-date”
outfit, and informed the ladies that I was at their service.</p>
        <p>After I had assisted them into the carriage, I said to the
footman (putting something in his hand), “If you see a
great many carriages in front of the church when we
arrive, you saunter about until the way is cleared.” I
knew the white delegates from America would be waiting
in front of the church, as strangers had to wait at Mr.
Spurgeon's church till the pew holders arrived, or at least
until half past ten o'clock. If the pew
<pb id="walt63" n="63"/>
holders were not in their seats by that time, anyone could
take their places.</p>
        <p>The driver and the footman seemed to sympathize with
me. There happened to be a number of carriages about
the entrance; the driver sauntered about till the way was
cleared and then drove up to the curb. The footman
opened the door; I stepped out and with my neatly-gloved
hand assisted Mrs. Cole and her friend to alight.</p>
        <p>With all the grace imaginable, and in full view of the
assembled multitude, who stood gazing on with
amazement, I escorted the ladies into the church, much to
the astonishment of my deeply prejudiced Southern
brethren. I don't know when I have gotten so much real
enjoyment out of an occasion, furnished ready to hand by
unreasonable prejudice.</p>
        <p>One day when we were visiting the Zoological
Gardens I burst into a fit of laughter. Mrs. Cole asked me
what in the world could be the matter. I said, “Nothing.”
But she said, “Mr. Walters, there must be something the
matter.” And she pressed me so hard to tell her that I
promised I would. I will tell you what it was.</p>
        <p>I happened to reach a cage while visiting the
menagerie department which contained a great big
baboon, which reminded me of a story I heard in one of
the Southern conferences about a man who lived on a
Southern plantation by the name of Tom; his master,
hearing there was a show to visit the town, said to him
one day: “Tom, if you will be a good boy, I will let you go
to
<pb id="walt64" n="64"/>
the show.” Tom took him up, did his best and succeeded
in keeping in favor with his master till the show came.
The day arrived; Tom, with his bare feet, went to town
and waited for his master to come, and pay his way into
the show. Finally his master came and Tom went in; he
looked at the tigers, lions, bears, etc.</p>
        <p>At last he came to a cage and saw something in it
which he thought was an old-time darkey. Seeing him
chained, he sympathized with him and said: “What have
you done that the white folks got you tied up like this?
They had me tied up like this once and I prayed to God
and He delivered me. If you pray to God He will deliver
you too.” He saw the white folks looking towards him
and said: “I can't talk to you any longer; I see the white
folks looking and they don't allow us colored folks to
stand and talk together too long. So good-bye.” He
reached his hands through the bars to bid his supposed
ancestor farewell. It was a baboon, and he struck his
hand and nearly cut it off. He aroused the whole circus
by his screams and cried: “That is just what I say about
my people; if you tell them anything for their own good,
they will try to kill you!”</p>
        <p>This greatly amused my friends, and I was ever and
anon being reminded of the fact that if I told my people
anything for their own good, I would be nearly killed for
it.</p>
        <p>The first place we visited was Westminster Abbey. It
was founded in the eighth century
<pb id="walt65" n="65"/>
and was not completed till the thirteenth. It is in the form
of an irregular cross: its length, exclusive of the chapel of
Henry the Seventh, is 511 feet; width 203 feet; height 225
feet. All the British sovereigns from Edward the
Confessor to Queen Victoria have been crowned in this
great Abbey, and some of them have been buried there.</p>
        <p>The next place visited was St. Paul's Cathedral. The
length of this Cathedral is 510 feet; width 250 feet; from
the pavement to the top of the cross on the dome is 440
feet. In it lie the remains of Lord Wellington (after whom
it has been my pleasure and delight to name my youngest
son), Lord Nelson, John Moore, Sir Christopher Wren,
John Howard and others. This is the greatest edifice of
the kind in all the British Isles.</p>
        <p>The exterior of this building is not as imposing as our
Capitol at Washington; the interior, some think, surpasses
the interior of our Capitol. I hardly think so. It was by the
kindness of Mr. Lincoln, who was our minister at the
Court of St. James at that time, that I was permitted to
enter the House of Commons and the House of Lords.
After entering I had the pleasure of hearing Mr.
Gladstone and also Mr. Balfour, who was then secretary
for Ireland, and other distinguished statesmen of England.</p>
        <p>While sitting there I imagined that I could see Charles I.
I was present in my imagination at this great trial; I
saw the witnesses as they testified against him; I heard
the great Commoner
<pb id="walt66" n="66"/>
(than whom there has been no greater, even Gladstone
himself), Oliver Cromwell, call the liberty-loving hosts to
arms. I saw them behead Charles, and then heard them
proclaim Cromwell, Lord Protector. I heard the
eloquence of a Burke; was present at the trial of Warren
Hastings; indeed, listened to all the great intellectual
battles which had been fought in those halls through the
centuries.</p>
        <p>At one time it was Walpole that I saw in control of
affairs. At another time Pitt. Mine own eyes beheld
Gladstone with the reins in his hands.</p>
        <p>From the House of Parliament we went to the Tower
of London, which existed at the time of Julius Cæsar.
The White Tower was erected by William the
Conqueror; 8,000 soldiers are garrisoned in the Tower.
Here are kept the crowned jewels of England, worth
$20,000,000, and which are guarded continually by some
of the best trained soldiers of the Queen.</p>
        <p>Buckingham Palace, the city residence of the Queen,
was next visited. On the day I visited the palace I had the
extreme pleasure of seeing the Shah of Persia, who was
on a visit to England; also Prince Albert and his royal
family in the royal carriages. Buckingham Palace is a
magnificent structure. I did not see the Queen at this
time, but later, at Windsor Castle.</p>
        <p>Prince Albert Memorial, the most splendid monument
of modern time, was next visited. At the corners are
marble groups representing Asia, Europe, Africa and
America; in the centre is a
<pb id="walt67" n="67"/>
life-sized figure of Albert. One hundred and sixty-nine 
life-sized portraits of England's distinguished poets, orators,
etc., adorn this magnificent Memorial.</p>
        <p>We next turned our steps to the British Museum, the
finest of the kind in the world. It contains some of the
oldest and most valuable manuscripts extant; in it are
many rare paintings and other works of art.</p>
        <p>After visiting some other places of interest and being
entertained by the Count and Countess of Aberdeen, I
left for the Continent. The first place I visited there was
Antwerp, in Belgium. The Cathedral here is the most
interesting thing in the city. It was eighty years in building.
Length 500 feet; width 250 feet; height 405 feet.</p>
        <p>Brussels was next visited. It is Paris on a small scale;
the streets are broad and well laid out. The King's palace
is here. The House of Parliament is a splendid specimen
of architecture. After spending some time at Brussels
enjoying the refreshing breezes I left for Cologne,
Germany. This is one of the oldest cities in Germany;
here I saw the women in the market places with white
handkerchiefs on their heads, wooden shoes, etc. These
old German women look fat and lusty.</p>
        <p>The great Cathedral of Cologne, which is the finest in
Northern Europe, was commenced in the thirteenth
century, and finished in the nineteenth. The cost was
nearly $4,000,000. Its length is 511 feet; height of the
Tower 511 feet; width 231 feet.
<pb id="walt68" n="68"/>
Seven hundred and twenty-six stone statues adorn it. The
choir and  windows are superb. The columns and
paintings are grand and imposing beyond description. It is
useless for me to attempt to describe them. But this was
not the church I was most interested in at Cologne; it was
the church of St. Ursala. This church is lined with the
bones of 6,000 martyrs of the Theban legion, which were
slain here in the year 286, by order of the Emperor
Diocletian. It is one of the finest churches in Cologne.</p>
        <p>The next place I visited-in Germany was Strasburg, the
city containing the celebrated astronomical clock. From
Strasburg I went to Worms. Here is where Martin Luther
met the Diet, so famous in Ecclesiastical history. After
visiting several other points in Germany, I left for
Switzerland. The first place of interest in that country at
which I stopped was Lucerne, situated on a small lake of
the same name. Geneva was also visited. There are
many renowned places of interest in this renowned city.</p>
        <p>Leaving Switzerland, my next point was Italy. The first
city which I visited in Italy was Milan, where is one of the
finest Cathedrals in Europe. From Milan I journeyed to
Venice, the City in the Sea. Not liking Venice, I left on
the next train; left my baggage behind, and did not obtain
it again for a month.</p>
        <p>I arrived next at Florence which is one of the most
beautiful cities in Italy. From Florence I went to Rome.
Rome is called the “Eternal City,”
<pb id="walt69" n="69"/>
the once Mistress of the world! the home of Julius
Cæsar, Pompey and Cicero. Here I visited the Old
Forum, the Coliseum, passing the magnificent Arch of
Titus. I also visited St. Peter's, the largest church edifice
in the world . Naples was my next destination. Near this
city is Mount Vesuvius, 3937 feet above the sea.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt70" n="70"/>
        <head>IX<lb/>
EGYPT AND THE HOLY LAND</head>
        <epigraph>
          <p>They that go down to the sea in ships, that do business in great
waters; these see the works of the Lord, and his wonders in the deep.
—<hi rend="italics">Old Testament, Psalm</hi> cvii. 23.</p>
        </epigraph>
        <p>AT Naples I took ship for Alexandria, in Egypt. When I
went upon the steamer, <hi rend="italics">Ortegia,</hi> the chief steward was not
on board; the second steward did not seem to understand
English, and did not seem to know much about the ship.
He put me in a very fine stateroom. Indeed, it was a
bridal apartment, all beautifully upholstered. I thought it
was just the place to take my goods out of my valise and
set up housekeeping in good shape, since it would take us five
days to cross. I had no more than finished, when the chief
steward arrived. He could not speak English, and I could
not speak Italian, but by gesticulation, etc., he tried to tell
me that I was in the wrong place. I endeavored to make
him understand by gesticulation that I did not comprehend
his meaning. Finally I manufactured a language of my
own, and in slow
<pb id="walt71" n="71"/>
measured accents, looking him square in the face, I said:
“Omfra shockto medo frala!” Don't ask me what I
meant by that, as I could not tell you for the life of me.
He looked at me in astonishment, as much as to say:
“Why, what language do you speak, anyhow?” I took
advantage of his ignorance to impress him with the fact
that he had outraged my dignity, and with all the
vehemence and rapidity possible I repeated the words:
“Omfra shockto medo frala!”</p>
        <p>The steward left me hastily and never returned.
Believe me when I tell you I occupied the apartment
unmolested clear across the Mediterranean Sea. I would
see them as I went to and fro from my meals peeping
from behind the smokestacks at me, wondering from
what part of India the Prince came. For I learned
afterwards that they believed me to be a Prince from
India.</p>
        <p>Finally, after five days' sail, I reached Alexandria and
put up at the Hotel Abbot. Alexandria is quite a modern
city in appearance. Here we come in contact with
oriental life; long flowing robes, beautifully embroidered
turbans, wide breeches, etc. I never heard such a racket
in all my life as greeted me when the ship dropped
anchor.</p>
        <p>One sees a great many marks of the bombardment of
July, 1882. The first sight of interest is Pompey's Pillar,
which stands on the elevation and is of polished red
granite, 100 feet high. The Mohammedan Cemetery is
very near Pompey's Pillar. Alexandria was named in
honor of the
<pb id="walt72" n="72"/>
great Macedon General. Here Cleopatra lived and
exercised her magic arts upon Cæsar and Marc Antony.
Here the Arian heresy first originated, and it was once
one of the famous Bishoprics of the world.</p>
        <p>From Alexandria we travelled to Cairo, which is
situated on the River Nile. This is the river in which
Moses was placed in the basket of bulrushes. The streets
are narrow and anything but clean. The wonderful
pyramids which have stood for the centuries are within
eight miles of this city. The bazaars are one of its chief
attractions. Long lines of camels, piloted by donkeys, can
be seen at any time on entering the city.</p>
        <p>Imagine you see your bishop with a linen duster on and
a plug hat, riding a little donkey, four feet high, to the
great amusement of the bystanders. I asked the guide at
what were all the people laughing; was it because I was a
colored man? He said, “No, there are plenty people your
color here.” I asked him if it was my height. He said, “No,
there are fine specimens of height in Cairo.” I said,
“Well, what is it then?” He replied, “Why, these people
never saw any one here with a hat on like yours,
especially on a donkey.” I must confess it was a ludicrous
sight.</p>
        <p>The Citadel, or El Kalah, is said to occupy the site of
the Acropolis; and the ancient Bablioum is built on the
flank of a hill overlooking the town. The gate is in the
form of an elliptical arch. Here the slaughter of the
Memlocks took place in 1811; only one escaped out of
450; they were decoyed
<figure id="ill4" entity="baw72"><p>MRS. LELIA WALTERS</p></figure><pb id="walt73" n="73"/>
in this edifice and murdered. It is one of the finest sights
of the town.</p>
        <p>The Palace of the Khedive presents nothing worthy of
admiration. The Mosque of Mohammed Ali, erected in
1829, although built of costly material, is less interesting
than the Mosque of Cairo. Its ceiling is a vast cupola
surrounded by four demi-cupolas and four small domes at
the corners. The whole of the interior is lined with oriental
alabaster, except the upper part of the columns, which
are painted to imitate that material. On the left of the
entry, a golden grill encloses the tomb of Mohammed Ali,
with lamps perpetually burning. From above the pavilion
there is a splendid view of Cairo and lower Egypt, which
some have said to be the finest view in the world. The
Museum was next visited and is one of the most valuable
in existence. Here we saw some ancient mummies, well
preserved. The pyramids next claimed our attention. The
largest one is 732 feet at the base line; perpendicular
height 460 feet. The stones are from four to six feet long,
and from two to four feet thick. The other pyramids are
smaller.</p>
        <p>It was under this pyramid that Napoleon said upon one
occasion just before a battle: “Do your duty well to-day,
for forty centuries look down from the top of yonder
pyramid to see that you acquit yourselves like men.”</p>
        <p>The celebrated sphinx is near by. It is 140 feet in
length; the paws 50 feet long, are built of hewn stone; the
head is carved out of the solid
<pb id="walt74" n="74"/>
rock and measures 30 feet from the brow to the chin, and
14 feet across. These monuments tell of the civilization of
the past.</p>
        <p>From Cairo we returned to Alexandria and took ship
for Joppa. After two days' sail we landed at the port. It
was here that Jonah shipped for Tarshish when
commanded by the Lord to go to Nineveh, and
subsequently had trouble with the whale. Here the
timbers were landed which had been cut in the mountains
of Lebanon to build Solomon's Temple. In this city Peter,
while in a trance upon the housetop, beheld a sheet let
down from heaven containing all manner of four-footed
beasts of the earth, and creeping things, and fowls of the
air; and there came to him a voice saying: “Arise, Peter,
kill and eat.” And Peter said: “Not so, Lord, for I have
never eaten anything that is common or unclean.” The
voice spoke unto him again, the second time: “What God
hath cleansed, that call not thou common.” This
convinced Peter.</p>
        <p>Here Dorcas was raised to life. Here I slept on a
housetop, in imitation of what Peter had done. The city is
built on the side of a hill. The most of the houses are
stone, with earthen floors and flat roofs in the old oriental
style. There are some beautiful lemon groves about
Joppa. The bazaars are very good, but not as fine as in
other cities.</p>
        <p>After visiting other places of interest in Joppa we left
for Jerusalem, which is about thirty-five miles distant.
The first place of note on leaving
<pb id="walt75" n="75"/>
Joppa is the Plain of Sharon, which extends from Jaffa to
Cesarea. This is the Plain in which the lilies grew of
which Jesus spoke. The next place is Ramleh, a village of
four or five thousand inhabitants. There is a great tower
near the town, and from this tower can be obtained a fine
view of the Plain of Sharon, as far down as Askalon, and
as far up as Mount Carmel.</p>
        <p>Next comes the Valley of Ajalon. This valley was
made famous by the battle which Joshua had with the
kings. He prayed that the sun might stand still over
Gibeon and the moon be stayed in the Valley of Ajalon,
until he obtained the victory over his enemies.</p>
        <p>From here we entered Koloneih; along by it runs the
ravine out of which David gathered the stones with which
to slay Goliath.</p>
        <p>I imagined I could see him as he left the armies of Saul
and descended the valley with God in his view, trusting in
Him for help. We turned our steps next toward Emmaus,
which is on a descent just before you come in sight of
Jerusalem. This is the village where Christ went with His
disciples on the day of the Resurrection, and reasoned
with them by the way; and when He had left them they
said: “Did not our hearts burn within us as He talked with
us?”</p>
        <p>A short while after leaving here we came in sight of
Jerusalem. We entered on the western side, along which
runs the Valley of Gihon. We entered through the Jaffa
Gate; near this gate stands the old tower of David. We
passed down
<pb id="walt76" n="76"/>
David Street, which is very narrow, not more than eight
or ten feet wide. Camels and donkeys and the bazaars
are all crowded in and along this street. We passed down
into Christian Street, and before long reached the church
of the Holy Sepulchre.</p>
        <p>This is a large and spacious building containing a great
many chapels. The Greeks, Latins, Armenians, Copts,
Abyssinians, all have chapels under this roof. The first
object shown us was the Stone of Unction. When the
body of Jesus was taken down from the cross, it was laid
upon the Stone for anointing. Lamps hang over and
surround the stone. Under the dome, in the centre of the
church, is the Holy Sepulchre; it lies within a small chapel,
26 by 18 feet, and built of marble. The hole of the
Sepulchre is round, it being cut in the side of the rock.
The Sepulchre, itself, is only six by seven feet. The
vestibule of the chapel called the Angels' Chapel contains
the stone which the angels rolled away from the mouth of
the tomb. Just at the back of the Sepulchre is the Chapel
of the Copts. North of the Sepulchre is an open court,
where Jesus said to Mary, “Woman, why weepest thou”?
Many are the sacred places round about and in the
church of the Holy Sepulchre; notably the Hill of Calvary,
the rent which was made in the stone on the day of
Christ's death.</p>
        <p>We next visited the Pool of Bethesda. There is no
water in the Pool now, and excavations have well nigh
destroyed its beauty. There is a little
<pb id="walt77" n="77"/>
stream issuing from the Pool of Siloam. The Mosque of
Omar is a place of great interest. It is built on Mt. Moriah,
the spot where the old temple stood which was built by
Solomon. The Mosque is surrounded by a wall 1601 feet
long on the west; 1530 feet on the east; 1024 feet on the
north, and 922 feet on the south. It is entered by eight
gates on the west. The Jews' Wailing Place is at the old
wall and is said to have been built by David. There are
seven gates to the City of Jerusalem: the Jaffa Gate,
Damascus Gate, St. Stephen's Gate, Dung Gate, Zion
Gate, Golden Gate and Gate of Herod.</p>
        <p>It is about two and a half miles around the walls; the
walls are from 32 to 42 feet in height, and in some places
15 feet thick. On the east side of the city is the Valley of
Jehoshaphat; on the south side is the Valley of Himmon. 
Just across this Valley is the Garden of Gethsemane; it
was in this Garden that Christ was apprehended after His
wonderful agony and prayer.</p>
        <p>From Gethsemane we visited the Mount of Olives,
called also Mt. Olivet. It is an inconsiderable ridge lying
on the east side of Jerusalem, made famous by the ascent
of the Master, from its peak in the heaven.</p>
        <p>There is a minaret on the summit of the mountain from
the top of which is one of the grandest views imaginable.
Stretched at your feet is the Garden of Gethsemane and
the city of Jerusalem; a little in the distance, looking
toward the south, is the River Jordan and the Dead Sea.
The top of
<pb id="walt78" n="78"/>
Mount Carmel is seen in the west, while Bethlehem lies
to the southeast.</p>
        <p>To Bethlehem, which is about six miles from
Jerusalem, we next directed our way. Just before entering
the city, we came to Rachel's tomb; it is without the City
gate. This is where Jacob buried his beloved wife, Rachel.
Soon after leaving Rachel's tomb, we entered Bethlehem,
the birthplace of our blessed Saviour, and of our King
David. It is a small walled town of four or five thousand
inhabitants. The Church of the Nativity covers the grotto
where Christ was born. Like the Holy Sepulchre at
Jerusalem, it is subdivided among the Greeks, Armenians,
Latins, etc. A silver star marked the spot where Christ
was born. The manger stands in a low recess cut from the
rock, a few feet from this star.</p>
        <p>Other places of interest in the grotto are the chapel and
tomb of St. Jerome; the well renowned for the libation
which David poured out of water which had been gotten
by a daring exploit by three of his mighty men, on hearing
him exclaim: “O, that one would give me drink of the
water of the well of Bethlehem, which is by the gate!”
When it was brought he poured it out as a libation to the
Lord, saying: “Be it far from me, O Lord, that I should do
this. Is not this the blood of the men that went by jeopardy
of their lives?” Therefore he would not drink of it.</p>
        <p>Here the angels appeared unto the shepherds, telling
them of the birth of Jesus, and sang an anthem in honor
of the new born King. Here
<pb id="walt79" n="79"/>
the wise men brought their gifts of gold, frankincense and
myrrh, and laid them at the feet of the infant Sovereign.
Over this city the star appeared which guided the wise
men to the spot where the young child was born.</p>
        <p>From Bethlehem we directed our course to Hebron,
one of the oldest cities in the Land of Palestine, the home
of Abraham and Jacob. It is in the cave of Macpelah that
Abraham buried his beloved wife Sarah. It is now a
Mosque, in possession of the Mohammedans. Not a great
distance from Hebron is the Valley of Eschol, where the
spies from the camp of Israel gathered grapes to carry
back to Moses as a sample of the fruit of the land. The
bunches were so large that they had to be borne on a pole
between two men. I had the pleasure of eating grapes in
this valley, which I considered a great privilege. From
Hebron we returned to Bethlehem. The next route lay
from there to Marsaba, which is a convent in the midst of
grand scenery, utterly barren and desolate. It is a gigantic
structure, built in terraces into a kind of amphitheatre on
the side of the mountain.</p>
        <p>From Marsaba our next point was the Dead Sea, called
sometimes the Sea of Lot. It is about forty miles long,
with an average breadth of nine miles, 1312 feet below
the level of the Mediterranean Sea. It is fed by the Jordan
and many other streams, but it has no apparent outlet. Its
superfluous water is supposed to be carried off entirely
by evaporation. The water is characterized
<pb id="walt80" n="80"/>
by vast quantities of magnesia and soda salts.</p>
        <p>The River of Jordan is the principal river of Palestine;
it would be considered by an American as an insignificant
river. It has a course of 150 miles and enters into the
Dead Sea. It is the most historical river in the world;
indeed, it is the history that clusters round the River
Jordan which gives it its prominence.</p>
        <p>Jericho is about an hour's ride from Jordan River. It
was in this road from Jerusalem to Jericho that the
traveller fell among thieves, who stripped, wounded him
and left him for dead. Jericho was long celebrated for its
beautiful groves and gardens, which were given to
Cleopatra by Marc Antony. It is now a barren waste, no
beauty nor comeliness about it. From Jerusalem to Jericho
is a ride of about nine hours.</p>
        <p>From thence we wended our way to Bethany, the
home of Lazarus, Mary and Martha. It is a little city not
far from Jerusalem. Our next trip was made to Nazareth,
by way of Gibeah of Saul, Ramah of Benjamin, and
Bethel, where Jacob saw the ladder, while sleeping with
his head resting upon a stone. Jacob's well is here, where
Christ held the conversation with the woman; Nebulus, or
an ancient city of Shechem, between Mount Ebal and
Mount Gerizim; the Plain of Esdraelon, and the Lake of
Galilee.</p>
        <p>In Nazareth, like most of the other towns of Palestine,
the houses are built of stone, with flat
<pb id="walt81" n="81"/>
roofs on the ancient order. Here lived Joseph and Mary
with their son Jesus. Here Jesus spent his boyhood,
roaming over the hills and doubtless carrying water from
the famous well. The workshop of Joseph is here, where
we are told Jesus, himself, labored.</p>
        <p>The next journey was to Heifa; from Heifa to Jaffa,
and from Jaffa back to Alexandria. At Alexandria we
joined the family of the Khedive and other distinguished
persons, and left for Naples. From Naples to Rome; from
Rome to Genoa, where Columbus set sail for the New
World. From Genoa to Turin, to Geneva. From Geneva
we came to Paris, France.</p>
        <p>The Exposition was in full blast in that city. We spent
two weeks visiting places of interest. Paris is the finest
city in the world; the streets are broad and magnificently
laid off. We saw there the Arch of Triumph and the
Place de la Concorde.</p>
        <p>We also visited Versailles, at which city is the palace,
built by Louis XIV. The Exposition was a magnificent
affair; one of its chief attractions was the Eiffel Tower,
1000 feet high.</p>
        <p>Other interesting places visited were the Column
Vendôme; the Church of Nôtre Dame; the Hôtel Des
Invalides; the Louvre, which was the city palace of the
king, now an art gallery; the Tuileries or gardens of the
king; the Grand Opera, one of the finest buildings in
Paris.</p>
        <p>After “doing” Paris I left for London, and remained
<pb id="walt82" n="82"/>
there quite a long time, preaching in some of the
finest Methodist and Congregational Churches in that
city.</p>
        <p>From England I went to Scotland, visiting Edinburgh
and Glasgow.</p>
        <p>From Scotland to Ireland, stopping at Dunkirk, Dublin,
Killarney, Cork, Blarney Castle and Queenstown. At
Queenstown I took the steamer <hi rend="italics">Etruria</hi> for America, my
native land. After six days' sail on this ocean liner, I
found myself in New York harbor.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt83" n="83"/>
        <head>X<lb/>
HOME AGAIN</head>
        <epigraph>
          <lg type="verse">
            <l>“Breathes there the man with soul so dead</l>
            <l>Who never to himself hath said,</l>
            <l>This is my own, my native land!</l>
            <l>Whose heart hath ne'er within him burned</l>
            <l>As home his footsteps he hath turned</l>
            <l>From wandering on a foreign strand?”</l>
          </lg>
        </epigraph>
        <p>ON my return home from my trip abroad, I at once
began preparation for the complete renovation of Mother
Zion. The ceiling was decorated after a model which I
had seen in Germany. The cost was about $5000, and we
were successful in raising every dollar of it ere the work
was finished in October, 1890. In the fall of 1889, I was
appointed by the Board of Bishops to succeed Rev.
Jacob Thomas, as General Agent of the Book Concern.
This institution had been located in the basement at 183
Bleecker Street, New York City. The first thing we did
on taking charge was to move the few books and fixtures
into our own church property, 353 Bleecker Street. The
store was put in first class condition; new books and
stationery bought, and the institution put into splendid
running order. Miss Julia Hall was bur first clerk, and
remained with us about six months. She was
<pb id="walt84" n="84"/>
succeeded by Mrs. Josephine Richardson, who remained
with us a short while; she in turn was succeeded by Mrs.
Emaline Bird Lawson, who remained with the department
about nine years. In 1889, the Book Concern was
removed from New York City to Charlotte, N. C., where
it is now.</p>
        <p>August, 1890, was made memorable by the great 
camp-meeting, held at Prohibition Park , Staten Island, N. Y.,
under the auspices of Mother Zion Church. Some of the
most distinguished clergymen of the A. M. E. and A. M. E.
Zion Church were present and took part. Notably
among them were Rev. B. F. Lee, D.D. (now bishop of
the A. M. E. Church); Bishop J. W. Hood, D.D.; Drs. J.
C. Price, G. L. Blackwell, J. S. Caldwell (now bishop of
the A. M. E. Zion Church), James H. Smith, J. S. Colbert
and Jacob Thomas. At this glorious camp-meeting, Mrs.
Emaline Bird Lawson was converted.</p>
        <p>One of the chief features of the camp-meeting was the
daily meeting for the Bible Study and Christian
fellowship; friendships were made, which have remained
unbroken till now.</p>
        <p>Notwithstanding we were on this holy mount and
“about our Father's business,” we found time to make out
a slate for the ensuing General Conference, which
resulted in my election to the office of a bishop. My chief
supporters were: Bishop J. W. Hood, Dr. J. C. Price, and
Hon. J. C. Dancey. During the winter we were blessed
with another outpouring of the Holy Ghost;
<pb id="walt85" n="85"/>
nearly two hundred were converted. The Conference
year was a most prosperous one.</p>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>ELECTED AND ORDAINED BISHOP</head>
          <p>The General Conference, which met in John Wesley
Church, Pittsburgh, Pa., May 4, 1892, was a memorable
one in our history. The aggressive policies inaugurated
were many and had been exceedingly beneficial to the
church. It was composed of some of Zion's most brainy
men.</p>
          <p>On the twelfth day of May, it was decided by the
General Conference that two additional bishops were 
needed. Thereupon the election ensued. Dr. I. C. Clinton
and myself were elected bishops on the first ballot. An
indescribable scene of enthusiasm followed on
announcement of our election. We were carried about the
church on the shoulders of our friends. I was not quite
thirty-four years old when elected a bishop.</p>
          <p>On May 11, the day prior to my election, I entered into
the following covenant with Almighty God:</p>
          <p>“O Lord, my Heavenly Father, I enter into this solemn
covenant with Thee, should I by Thy grace be elected a
bishop, I promise to love Thee fervently, and to serve
Thee diligently all the days of my life. And to do all in my
power to bring the ministry, over which I am appointed to
preside, up to the highest standard of moral and Christian
integrity.”</p>
          <pb id="walt86" n="86"/>
          <p>When the assignment of the bishops was made, I
received the Seventh Episcopal District, which
comprised the following conferences: Kentucky,
Missouri, Arkansas, California, West Tennessee,
Mississippi and Oregon Conferences.</p>
          <p>I was especially pleased to have the Kentucky
Conference (my old home) placed in my district. Fourteen
years prior to this time I had been admitted into its ranks
at Indianapolis, Ind., and I was now delighted with the
thought that I was to return as its Presiding Bishop.</p>
          <p>The first session over which I presided met at
Louisville, Ky., September, 1892. The brethren, many of
whom knew me when I was but a lad, and others who
were my schoolmates, gave me a royal welcome.</p>
          <p>My stay among them was pleasant and profitable, at
least to me and I think beneficial to the work. To my
great delight the California Conference was added to my
district. I had served as pastor and presiding elder in the
said conference. The ministers and friends extended to
me a warm and appreciative welcome. I was successful
in adding several churches to the district and made large
increases in the General Fund and other connectional
claims.</p>
          <p>At the Pittsburg General Conference, arrangements
were made for the celebration of the 100th Anniversary
of the organization of the African Methodist Episcopal
Church. The following resolution was introduced by me
and received a unanimous vote of the General
Conference:</p>
          <pb id="walt87" n="87"/>
          <q type="letter" direct="unspecified">
            <text>
              <body>
                <div1 type="letter">
                  <p>“In view of the fact that the Zion Connection is
approaching the period of a 100th Anniversary and it is in
keeping with the spirit of the church in some becoming
way to observe such anniversary, we therefore
recommend that a centennial celebration be held in the
leading church of each Annual Conference District. It
shall be under the management of the bishop and the
members of the several annual conferences. The net
proceeds shall be divided between the church and the
centennial fund.</p>
                  <p>“Be it further resolved that the General Celebration be
held in Mother Zion Church, New York City, in
September, 1896.</p>
                  <p>“Be it further resolved that a committee be appointed
to make arrangements for the said anniversary. The
following were appointed:</p>
                  <p>“Bishops J. W. Hood, C. C. Petty, C. R. Harris, T. H.
Lomax, I. C. Clinton and A. Walters.</p>
                  <p>“Revs. G. W. Clinton, W. Howard Day, R. H. G.
Dyson, J. W. Alstork, B. F. Wheeler, H. W. Smith, W.
H. Chambers, Thomas Darley, J. S. Caldwell, W. H.
Goler, L. W. Oldfield, Tilghman Brown, S. C. Birchmore,
W. H. Ferguson, A. F. Goslin, P. J. McIntosh, John E.
Allen, J. B. Colbert, J. H. Anderson, Prof. S. G. Atkins,
Hon. T. Thomas Fortune and Hon. W. C. Coleman.
Revs. E. Geo. Biddle, G. W. Offley, E. H. Curry, J. W.
Smith, J. E. Mason, R. H. Stitt, R. S. Rives, P. L. Cuyler,
H. Blake, N. A. Crockett, M. H. Ross, J. P. Meacham,
John Holliday, H. W. Harris, J. M. Washington, F. M.
Jacobs, F. A. Clinton,
<pb id="walt88" n="88"/>
G. L. Blackwell, Hon. J. C. Dancey, Prof. B. A.
Johnson, Hon. H. C. Weden, Hon. J. H. Butler, Mr. E.
V. C. Eto and Frederick Douglass.</p>
                  <signed>Bishop A. WALTERS, <hi rend="italics">Chairman;</hi>
Rev. G. W. CLINTON, <hi rend="italics">Secretary;</hi>
Rev. E. GEORGE BIDDLE, <hi rend="italics">Treasurer,</hi>
Hon. J. C. DANCEY, <hi rend="italics">Manager.”</hi></signed>
                </div1>
              </body>
            </text>
          </q>
        </div2>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt89" n="89"/>
        <head>XI<lb/>
THE CENTENNIAL JUBILEE</head>
        <epigraph>
          <lg type="verse">
            <l>“Our fathers, moved by faith and hope,</l>
            <l>With spirit meek and low,</l>
            <l>Established Zion firm and sure,</l>
            <l>One hundred years ago.”</l>
          </lg>
        </epigraph>
        <p>THE twentieth Quadrennial session of our General
Conference met in State Street
Church, Mobile, Ala., May, 1896. It was a
notable gathering—three bishops were elected: Drs. G. W.
Clinton, Jehu Holliday and J. B. Small. At this session the
committee appointed on our One Hundredth Anniversary
made its report. The committee stated that Mother Zion
had been secured in which to hold the Jubilee and that
arrangements had been made to have each church and
each Annual Conference contribute to the fund and that
excellent prizes had been offered to the church, Presiding
Elder and pastor contributing the largest sum of money. It
further reported that the following appeals had been sent
out:</p>
        <q type="letter" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="letter">
                <p>To all evangelical churches of the United States of
America, and to the Methodist bodies of Canada and the
British Isles:</p>
                <p>Greeting:</p>
                <p>In 1796 James Varick and others, because of the
<pb id="walt90" n="90"/>
existence of proscription and other conditions which
hindered their intellectual development and religious
growth, and prevented them from engaging in the work
of spreading the cause of Christ and uplifting their fellows
according as they felt themselves moved by the spirit of
God, withdrew from the Mother Church and formed a
separate and distinct organization, out of which has
grown the great African Methodist Episcopal Zion
Church.</p>
                <p>We congratulate ourselves on having had a man of
such unselfish motives, sterling qualities and pronounced
ability as an organizer and leader, to head this great
religious movement; he was the first man of the race to
grasp the great idea of a purely Negro religious
organization.</p>
                <p>During this hundred years our church has grown from
a handful to nearly 400,000 communicants, embracing
every section of the United States, Canada, a part of
Africa and some of the Islands of the Sea. It has taken a
foremost part in all movements affecting the moral,
intellectual and spiritual welfare of the race.</p>
                <p>At the session of the General Conference held at
Pittsburgh, Pa., in 1892, it was decided that we should
hold our One Hundredth Anniversary in the month of
October in 1896 in “Mother Zion” (our first established
church in the connection), now situated at the corner of
West 10th and Bleecker Streets, New York City, N. Y.</p>
                <p>We take this medium through which to inform you of
our intention, and to earnestly ask your sympathy and 
co-operation to make this centennial effort a success in
advancing the Redeemer's Kingdom and in the elevation
of the race.</p>
                <p>It is our purpose to hold a Ten Day Centennial
Conference, two sessions each day, at which time papers
will be read and subjects discussed as may be agreed
upon.</p>
                <pb id="walt91" n="91"/>
                <p>Every denomination or religious organization is
cordially invited to participate with us. We especially
invite all Methodist organizations to take part with us.</p>
                <p>Each denomination desiring representation will please
communicate with Bishop A. Walters, D.D., Chairman,
Centennial Committee, No. 353 Bleecker St., New York
City, N. Y.</p>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
        <q type="letter" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="letter">
                <head>SPECIAL APPEAL</head>
                <opener>The general appeal to the ministers and members of
the A. M. E. Zion Church, and to all others to whom this
appeal shall come:</opener>
                <salute>Greeting:</salute>
                <p>In the Providence of God, we are nearing the close of
the first century of our existence as a church
organization. The success which has attended our
exertions through the century in the spread of churches,
in the gathering of converts and in the uplift of the people
generally, in their moral and religious life, and in their
material prosperity, has been phenomenal.</p>
                <p>From a handful of members, not more than sixty, who
gathered in New York in 1796, we have increased in
membership to 411,768, enlarged our borders until we
now control our churches and ministers in thirty-one
states, Canada, Africa and the Islands of the Sea.</p>
                <p>God has wonderfully blessed our efforts and prospered
the work of our hands. Necessary institutions for the
better equipment and perpetuity of our work, for which at
the beginning of our organization we had neither the
means to found, nor the men to fill, have been brought
into existence and successfully operated.</p>
                <p>We feel reasonable and pardonable pride in the
tremendous growth of our church in all of its related
branches; and we feel that the membership of the church
share in the feeling, and that they may be moved to
second all efforts put forth to make the Centennial year
not only a success, as far as we are concerned as
<pb id="walt92" n="92"/>
a church, but as marking a distinct epoch in the history
of the race on this continent.</p>
                <p>The Jubilee will be held in New York City in October,
1896, continuing ten days. The spiritual and financial
success of the celebration will depend upon the united
efforts of the ministers, members and friends of Zion
Church. Let us pray that the closing year of the century
will be marked by a general revival throughout the entire
church, and that there will be an ingathering of souls
unprecedented in the history of the Connection.</p>
                <p>To furnish an opportunity to the members and friends
of Zion Church to appropriately express thanks to God
and show their loyalty and devotion to His cause, we
have deemed it fitting to ask a Centennial THANK
OFFERING to enable us to go forward in the work of
church extension with renewed confidence at the
beginning of the new century.</p>
                <p>Knowing the devotion of the churches, and their
interest and enthusiasm in this celebration, it is believed
that each interested person will gladly embrace this
opportunity to consecrate not less than ONE DOLLAR
to this cause; and we also look to the generous spirit of a
confiding public who have never withheld assistance
when fairly and earnestly appealed to for aid.</p>
                <p>And upon the celebration and the work of the church
generally we invoke the Divine blessing.</p>
                <closer>Signed for the Centennial Committee by the
Committee on Special Appeal: G. W. Offley, W. H.
Goler, T. Thomas Fortune, J. S. Caldwell, J. H.
Anderson, H. W. Smith, R. S. Rives, Jehu Holliday, F. A.
Clinton.</closer>
                <signed>Bishop A. WALTERS, <hi rend="italics">Chairman;</hi>
Rev. G. W. CLINTON, <hi rend="italics">Secretary;</hi>
Rev. E. GEO. BIDDLE, <hi rend="italics">Treasurer;</hi>
Hon. J. C. DANCEY, <hi rend="italics">Manager.</hi></signed>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
        <pb id="walt93" n="93"/>
        <p>This Centennial was a success in point of attendance,
excellency of program and large financial results. It
attracted the attention of the American people which no
similar race event up to this time had ever attracted in this
country. The fame and prominence of those who
contributed to its proceedings were world-wide.</p>
        <p>The opening sermon was preached by Bishop
Charles H. Fowler, LL.D., of the M. E. Church, and the
anniversary sermon by Bishop J. W. Hood, D.D., LL.D.,
the Senior Bishop. Among the prominent men who
delivered addresses were Dr. Alex. Crummel, Dr.
William Hayes Ward, Rev. Hutchins Bishop, T. Thomas
Fortune and a host of others.</p>
        <p>Total receipts by Conferences:</p>
        <list type="simple">
          <item>New York Conference . . . . . $1,318.51</item>
          <item>New England Conference . . . . . 939.77</item>
          <item>New Jersey Conference . . . . . 369.99</item>
          <item>Philadelphia and Baltimore Conference . . . . . 640.63</item>
          <item>Genesee (Western N. Y.) Conference . . . . . 309.39</item>
          <item>Central N. C. Conference . . . . . 595.07</item>
          <item>North Carolina Conference . . . . . 76.18</item>
          <item>Alabama Conference . . . . . 463.37</item>
          <item>Georgia Conference . . . . . 7.75</item>
          <item>Michigan and Canada Conference . . . . . . 10.00</item>
          <item>West Tennessee and Mississippi Conference . . . . . 36.00</item>
          <item>Missouri Conference . . . . . 62.00</item>
          <item>Florida Conference . . . . . 87.78</item>
          <item>Louisiana Conference . . . . . 92.05</item>
          <pb id="walt94" n="94"/>
          <item>California Conference . . . . . 25.25</item>
          <item>Arkansas Conference . . . . . 80.00</item>
          <item>Ohio and Alleghany Conference . . . . . 344.45</item>
          <item>Kentucky Conference . . . . . 42.25</item>
          <item>Tennessee Conference . . . . . 61.00</item>
          <item>Western N. C. Conference . . . . . 278.18</item>
          <item>Blue Ridge Conference . . . . . 135.45</item>
          <item>Virginia Conference . . . . . 281.00</item>
          <item>Centennial Meeting, Asbury Park . . . . . 78.00</item>
          <item>Centennial Bazaar . . . . . 80.55</item>
          <item>Received from Carnegie Hall Concert . . . . . 533.84</item>
          <item>Collection Mother Zion Church . . . . . 150.00</item>
          <item>Sale of Souvenirs . . . . . 200.00</item>
          <item>Received from Mr. Dancey . . . . . 254.35</item>
          <item>Total . . . . . </item>
        </list>
        <p>Expenditures were equal to the receipts. Of this
amount two thousand and twenty-three dollars
($2,023.00) was paid to Bishop T. H. Lomax to be
applied on the Varick Memorial Building, Charlotte, N. C.
Several churches were aided out of the net proceeds.</p>
        <p>Too much praise cannot be given to Bishop J. W.
Hood, whose district reported the largest amount of
money raised and who helped in many other ways to
make the Centennial a success. Honorable J. C. Dancey
also deserves to be commended for his valuable
assistance.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt95" n="95"/>
        <head>XII<lb/>
THE AFRO-AMERICAN COUNCIL</head>
        <epigraph>
          <p>“We hold these truths to be self-evident,—that all men are 
created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with 
certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness.”—<hi rend="italics">Declaration of Independence.</hi></p>
        </epigraph>
        <p>“WHAT must we do to be saved”?</p>
        <p>This was the serious inquiry proposed
at the close of the Civil War.
The answer came quickly and decisively—Educate—
Improve our morals—Get money—and the
Party of Lincoln that has added the thirteenth,
fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the
Federal Constitution will see that we get our
Civil and Political Rights. For it had promised
them to us. We forthwith proceeded to educate;
to improve our morals; and to get money. And
we, indeed, made astonishing progress.</p>
        <p>In the midst of this progress, we were suddenly
awakened to the fact that the party of
Lincoln had sold us out in 1876 in order to secure
the presidency. The protection which had been
given us in the South and without which it was
utterly impossible for us to retain our Civil and
<pb id="walt96" n="96"/>
Political rights, had been withdrawn; hence we
were left exposed to the wrath of our enemies.</p>
        <p>It was apparent to all that something must be
done by way of organization, if the race was to
be saved. Mr. T. Thomas Fortune, one of the
ablest and bravest of our leaders, in a series of
articles in the New York <hi rend="italics">Freeman</hi> (now <hi rend="italics">Age</hi>),
called attention to the deplorable state of affairs
and urged the Negroes to organize for their self-protection.</p>
        <p>He finally issued the following Appeal:</p>
        <q type="letter" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="letter">
                <salute>To the Colored Citizens of the Republic:</salute>
                <p> Being convinced
that the time is ripe for the organization of
the National Afro-American League, proposed by me
two years ago, to successfully combat the denial of our
Constitutional and inherent rights, so generally denied
or abridged throughout the Republic, and being urged
to do so by members of branch leagues all over the
country, I, by these presents, issue a call to all the
branches of the Afro-American League, and invite
all clubs and societies organized to secure the rights of
the race, to meet by their representatives in National
Convention at Chicago, Ill., Wednesday, January 15 ,
1890, for the purpose of organizing a National Afro-American
League; the basis of Representation to be
four delegates for every one hundred members, or one
delegate for every twenty-five members, constituting the
branch league, club or society, desiring to co-operate in
the movement for National organization.</p>
                <p>Correspondence from all organizations desiring to 
join in this movement is requested.</p>
                <closer><salute>Very respectfully,</salute>
<signed>T. THOMAS FORTUNE.</signed><dateline>New York, November 4,1889.</dateline>
<pb id="walt97" n="97"/>
<salute>Concurring in this call:</salute>
<signed>Alexander Walters, of New York.</signed><signed>J. Gordon Street, of Massachusetts.</signed><signed>W. A. Pledger, of Georgia.</signed><signed>Robert Pelham, Jr., of Michigan.</signed><signed>Edward E. Cooper, of Indiana.</signed><signed>H. C. Smith, of Ohio. </signed><signed>John Mitchell, Jr., of Virginia.</signed><signed>Magnus L. Robinson, of Virginia.</signed><signed>J. C. Price, of North Carolina.</signed><signed>John C. Dancey, of North Carolina.</signed><signed>Thomas T. Symmons, District of Columbia.</signed><signed>F. L. Barnett, of Illinois.</signed><signed>Z. T. Cline, of New Jersey.</signed><signed>Van N. Williams, of Alabama.</signed><signed>B. Prillerman, of West Virginia.</signed><signed>Wm. H. Heard, of Pennsylvania.</signed><signed>R. K. Sampson, of Tennessee.</signed><signed>H. M. Morris, of South Carolina.</signed><signed>James G. McPherson, of Mississippi
and others.</signed></closer>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
        <p>The reader will observe that my name appears
first on this call, showing my complete sympathy
with Mr. Fortune in the organization.</p>
        <p>In accordance with the call, the league convened
in Chicago, January 15, 1890, and was an
enthusiastic gathering. There were twenty-one
States represented by a convention of one hundred
and forty-one delegates. A national organization
was effected, with Rev. J. C. Price, D.D.,
of Livingstone College, president; T. Thomas
Fortune, Esq., editor of New York <hi rend="italics">Age,</hi> secretary;
Lawyer E. H. Morris, Chicago, and George
H. Jackson, Esq., treasurer.</p>
        <pb id="walt98" n="98"/>
        <p>For above informations, see <hi rend="italics">The Afro-American 
Press,</hi> pages 530, 531, 532.</p>
        <p>At the meeting held at Knoxville, Tenn., in
1891, Dr. Price was succeeded in the presidency by
Mr. Fortune, but for lack of interest on the part
of the masses as well as leaders of the race, there
was not another meeting of the league called.</p>
        <p>On the 10th of March, 1898, I sent the following
appeal to the New York <hi rend="italics">Age:</hi></p>
        <q type="letter" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="letter">
                <salute>Fellow Citizens:</salute>
                <p> The late outrages perpetrated
against Postmasters Loften of Hogansville, Ga., and
Baker of Lake City, S. C., for no other reason than
their race and color, and having no reason to believe
from past experience that the perpetrators will be
brought to justice; and further, because there is a determined
effort on the part of the white labor unions
of the country to exclude the Negro from the industrial
avenues in which he can make an honest living, it becomes
absolutely necessary that we organize for self-protection.</p>
                <p>I therefore move that T. Thomas Fortune, president
of the National Afro-American League, call a meeting
of the leaders of the race at an early date, to take in
consideration the present condition of affairs and suggest
a remedy for the same. All who will unite with
me in this request please send their names to this paper.</p>
                <closer><salute>Respectfully,</salute>
<signed>A. WALTERS,
Bishop of A. M. E. Zion Church.</signed>
<salute>The following joined in the call:</salute>
<signed>S. L. Corrothers, Elmira, N. Y.</signed>
<signed>Edward U. A. Brooks, L.L.M., Elmira, N. Y.</signed><signed>D. W. Jones, Illinois.</signed>
<pb id="walt99" n="99"/>
<signed>Alexander Davenger, Pennsylvania.</signed>
<signed>Lewis Black, Pennsylvania.</signed><signed>Frank Wheaton, Minnesota.</signed><signed>John Sims, Iowa.</signed><signed>S.P. Livingstone, Florida.</signed><signed>Roger S. Thompson, Arizona.</signed><signed>William S. Scott, Washington.</signed><signed>William DeCapter, New Mexico.</signed><signed>L. Xavier, New Mexico.</signed><signed>D. W. Wisher, Jersey City, N. J.</signed><signed>C. H. J. Taylor, Atlanta, Ga.</signed><signed>P. Butler Thompkins, A.M., New York City.</signed><signed>A. L. Askew, New York City.</signed><signed>Wm. J. Kelley, Port Jervis, N. Y.</signed><signed>H. T. Johnson, D.D., Philadelphia.</signed><signed>J. W. Smith, D.D., Charlotte, N. C.</signed><signed>J. S. Caldwell, D.D., Philadelphia.</signed><signed>W. H. Davenport, Camden, N. J.</signed><signed>M. L. Blalock, Paterson, N. J.</signed><signed>J. M. Gregory, Principal Industrial School, Bordentown, N. J.</signed><signed>A. J. Warner, D.D., Birmingham, N. J.</signed><signed>J. C. Temple, Jersey City, N. J.</signed><signed>M. R. Franklin, D.D., New York.</signed><signed>F. M. Jacobs , D.D., Brooklyn, N. Y.</signed><signed>J. H. White, D.D., Trenton, N. J.</signed><signed>L. J. Wheeler, Paterson, N. J.</signed><signed>H. L. Jones, Editor of the New York<hi rend="italics"> Pilot.</hi></signed><signed>James M. Henderson, A.M., D.D., Pres. Morris Brown Col., Atlanta, Ga.</signed><signed>Edward W. Crosby, Buffalo, N. Y.</signed><signed>J. W. Hood, Bishop A. M. E. Zion Church, Fayetteville, N. C.</signed><signed>James H. Matthews, New York City.</signed><signed>Jas. E. Mason, Rochester, N. Y.</signed><signed>John W. Thompson, Rochester, N. Y.</signed><signed>Ida B. Wells Barnett, Pres. Anti-Lynching League, Chicago, Ill.</signed>
<pb id="walt100" n="100"/>
<signed>John Caldwell, Albany, N. Y.</signed><signed>T. T. B. Reed, M.D., Ridgewood, N. J.</signed><signed>Stanley Ruffin, Boston, Mass.</signed><signed>J. R. Robinson, St. Paul, Minn.</signed><signed>A. G. Plummer, Editor of <hi rend="italics">World,</hi> St. Paul, Minn.</signed><signed>Earnest Lyon, Baltimore, Md.</signed><signed>T. B. Morton, of the Afro-American League of California.</signed><signed>Frederick L. McGhee, attorney at law, St. Paul, Minn.</signed><signed>Judson W. Lyons, Register of the Treasury, Washington, D. C.</signed><signed>William A. Pledger, Georgia.</signed><signed>John W. Cromwell, District of Columbia.</signed><signed>George W. Murray, South Carolina.</signed><signed>R. K. Washington, South Carolina.</signed><signed>James H. Roston, Connecticut.</signed><signed>James A. Wilkins, Connecticut.</signed><signed>Frank Jones, Connecticut.</signed><signed>H. C. Denney, North Carolina.</signed><signed>James E. Hunt, Maryland.</signed><signed>Thomas E. Stevens, Virginia.</signed><signed>William H. Nelson, Virginia.</signed><signed>Charles Turner, Missouri.</signed><signed>Nelson Crews, Missouri.</signed><signed>Henry Bridgewater, Missouri.</signed><signed>William Dye, Missouri.</signed><signed>R. A. Dawson, Illinois.</signed><signed>Robert Davis, 138 Fifth Ave., New York City.</signed><signed>John Mitchell, Jr., Editor of Richmond <hi rend="italics">Planet.</hi></signed><signed>J. H. Brice, Richmond, Va.</signed><signed>A. W. Harris, Petersburg, Va.</signed><signed>D. F. Batts, Petersburg, Va.</signed><signed>J. J. Adams, Petersburg, Va.</signed><signed>G. W. Clinton, Bishop A. M. E. Zion Church, Charlotte, N. C.</signed><signed>A. J. Tolbert, Catskill, N. Y.</signed><signed>S. E. Hatton, Binghamton, N. Y.</signed>
<pb id="walt101" n="101"/>
<signed>J. T. Wilkins, Ravenswood, N. Y.</signed><signed>J. H. Washington, Port Jervis, N. Y.</signed><signed>J. B. S. Capponi, Pres. of American Negro Union, Texarkana, Tex.</signed><signed>J. P. Peaker, Pres. of Sumner League, New Haven, Conn.</signed><signed>James A. Ross, Buffalo, N. Y.</signed><signed>John Quincy Adams, Harrisburg, Pa.</signed><signed>Edwin J. Watkins, Auburn, N. Y.</signed><signed>Prof. W. F. Johnson, Brooklyn, N. Y.</signed><signed>Wm. H. Ferris, Harvard Divinity School, Cambridge, Mass.</signed><signed>Henry A. Spencer, Pres. Douglass League, Rochester, N. Y.</signed><signed>S. P. W. Drew, Long Island City, N. Y.</signed><signed>T. W. Johnson, Brooklyn, N. Y.</signed><signed>Moses Sterrett, Shreveport, La.</signed><signed>F. S. McKeel, Shreveport, La.</signed><signed>Horatio Nelson Rankin, Memphis, Tenn.</signed><signed>Robert B. Robinson, Alexandria, Va.</signed><signed>I. B. Scott, New Orleans, editor <hi rend="italics">Southwestern Christian Advocate.</hi></signed><signed>Ethelbert Evans, Troy, N. Y.</signed><signed>Mrs. N. F. Mossell, Philadelphia, Pa.</signed><signed>George H. Wilson, West Asbury Park, N. J.</signed><signed>W. H. Brown, Towanda, Pa.</signed><signed>John C. Dancey, Collector of Customs, Wilmington, N. C.</signed><signed>G. Grant Williams, Hartford, Conn.</signed><signed>John H. True, Goshen, N. Y.</signed><signed>Charles H. Flint. Los Angeles, Cal.</signed><signed>William M. Prime, Buffalo, N. Y.</signed><signed>E. R. Spaulding, Owego, N. Y.</signed><signed>C. C. Crocket, Albuquerque, New Mexico.</signed><signed>George H. Emanuel, Albuquerque, New Mexico.</signed><signed>Wm. B. Bowens, Troy, N. Y.</signed><signed>E. B. Burroughs, Darlington, S. C.</signed><signed>J. P. Sampson, D.D., Philadelphia, Pa.</signed>
<pb id="walt102" n="102"/>
<signed>Magnus L. Robinson, editor of <hi rend="italics">Leader,</hi> Alexandria, Va.</signed><signed>G. Harold Smith, editor <hi rend="italics">Public Record,</hi> Atlantic City, N. J.</signed><signed>J. N. Johnson, financial secretary of the Negro
National Protective Association of the United States,
Washington, D. C.</signed>
<signed>F. Z. S. Peregrino, editor of Buffalo <hi rend="italics">Spectator.</hi></signed><signed>W. N. Walker, New York City.</signed><signed>W. Bishop Johnson, Washington, D. C.</signed><signed>John A. Andrew, Post 234, G. A. R., Commander </signed><signed>Samuel E. Sexton, New York City.</signed><signed>J. W. Oscar Garrett, Athens, Tenn.</signed><signed>James T. Gaskill, Tarrytown, N. Y.</signed></closer>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
        <p>I was informed by Mr. Fortune that he would
make the call, if I secured one hundred names
to my petition, which I did. On August 24, 1898,
Mr. Fortune issued the following call:</p>
        <q type="letter" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="letter">
                <opener>To Bishop Alexander Walters, Jersey City, N. J.:</opener>
                <salute>My dear Sir:</salute>
                <p>On the 10th of March last you did me the honor to
suggest that I issue, as president, a call for the resurrection
and rehabilitation of the Afro-American League,
which was organized at Chicago, Ill., January 15, 1890,
the second and last annual meeting of which was held
at Knoxville, Tenn., in 1892. Since the first publication
of your request in the <hi rend="italics">Age,</hi> March 10th, last,
numerous persons, to the number of one hundred fifty,
have joined in the request, and their names have
been published from time to time, attached to your
request, and have therefore become a part of it, attaching
national importance to the desire for some
organized expression of Afro-American opinion of the
conditions which confront the race and which differ
but little from those stated by me in 1890, as a sufficient
<pb id="walt103" n="103"/>
provocation for calling the Afro-American
League at Chicago.</p>
                <p>I have given your request long and faithful consideration,
and have reached the conclusion that the popular
sentiment behind the request does not justify me
in acceding to it. There is just as much need of the
Afro-American League to-day as there was in 1890;
there is even more need for such an organization; but
I do not believe that the masses of the race are any
more ready and willing to organize local and State
Leagues of the National League and to sustain them
by moral and financial support than they were in 1890
and 1892. I am therefore not willing to take the responsibility
of undertaking the resurrection of the
Afro-American League when the chances of effecting
a permanent organization are so very doubtful.</p>
                <p>But, in deference to the desires of yourself and the
persons who have joined you in the request, and after
consultation with responsible men and women in all
parts of the country, who feel with me that something
of an organized nature should be done to stem the tide
of wrong and injustice of which the race is made victims,
I have decided to call a conference at Rochester,
New York, September 15, 1898, to consider existing
conditions and to take such action as may be wise,
loyal and patriotic for the future, the conference to be
composed of those who have joined in the request for
the resurrection of the Afro-American League, and who
shall determine upon the admission of such others as
may appear at Rochester and desire to participate in
the work of the conference.</p>
                <p>My excuse for calling the conference at Rochester
is to take advantage of the race sentiment which will
be invoked by the unveiling of a monument to Frederick
Douglass, in Rochester, September 14, a city in
which Mr. Douglass spent some of the best and happiest
and most fruitful years of his life, and one of
the freest and most tolerant cities in the Republic,
<pb id="walt104" n="104"/>
whose hotels and homes and press will receive the
conference with open arms and generous hospitality.</p>
                <p>Persons desiring to attend the conference should write
to Mr. John W. Thompson, P. O. Box 493, Rochester,
New York, for railroad rates and hotel accommodations.</p>
                <p>Invoking the Divine blessing on the proposed
conference, and thanking you, Bishop Walters, and your
co-signers for the honor you have done me in your
request, I am, with sentiments of high regard,</p>
                <closer><salute>Yours truly,</salute>
<signed>T. THOMAS FORTUNE.</signed>
<dateline>New York, August 24, 1898.</dateline></closer>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
        <p>The delegates assembled at Rochester on the 15th of
September, and the following is a synopsis of the
proceedings:</p>
        <p>Pursuant to a call of a hundred and fifty prominent
representatives of the negro race in the United States, a
Conference was held yesterday in the common council
chambers to consider the advisability of reviving the old
Afro-American League, which was first organized in
Chicago early in 1892, but which afterward went out of
existence. Two sessions were held yesterday. After
thoroughly discussing the need of the organization in order
to fight everything that is antagonistic to the race, it was
decided not to reorganize the old league, but to form a
new one under the name of the National Afro-American
Council. Rochester, then, has the distinction of being the
birthplace of what may prove a potent factor in the great
social problems of this country.</p>
        <p>T. Thomas Fortune, having been president of
<pb id="walt105" n="105"/>
the old league, called the Conference to order. Among
those present were: Mrs. Helen Douglass, widow of the
late Frederick Douglass, and other members of the family;
Mrs. Emily Howard, Mrs. Sarah E. Blackall, Mrs. Ida B.
Wells Barnett, Chicago; Mrs. L. C. Smith, Washington;
Mrs. Jeffreys, president of the Rochester Colored
Women's League; Miss Susan B. Anthony; T. Thomas
Fortune, editor of the New York <hi rend="italics">Age;</hi> John H. Smyth, ex-minister to Liberia; Chris J. Perry, editor of the
Philadelphia <hi rend="italics">Tribune;</hi> Bishop Alexander Walters, D.D., of
New Jersey; Collector of Customs J. C. Dancey,
Wilmington, N. C.; Joseph Dixon, Buffalo; Rev. W. B.
Bowens, Troy; John W. Thompson, Rev. A. Alonzo
Scott, Rochester. After the Conference had been called to
order, Mr. Thompson introduced Mayor Warner, who
delivered the address of welcome.</p>
        <p>Upon motion of Bishop Walters, Mr. Fortune was
made chairman, and Mrs. Barnett, secretary of the
meeting. All who wished to become members of the
conference were asked to step within the railing, there
being no restriction as to color. A brief address was made
by Miss Susan B. Anthony, after which the chair
appointed the following committees:</p>
        <p>Organization: Bishop A. Walters, Charles R. Douglass,
John W. Thompson, Mrs. Jeffreys, Rev. W. E. Bowen.</p>
        <p>Resolutions: John C. Dancey, Mrs. Sprague, C. J.
Perry, Mrs. Ida Wells Barnett, F. S. Cunningham.</p>
        <pb id="walt106" n="106"/>
        <p>The report of the organization committee, as finally
adopted, was to the effect that the new organization
should be called the National Afro-American Council; that
its object should be the amelioration of the colored race,
as set forth in the address of the committee to be
presented later; that the officers should consist of
president, vice-president, secretary and treasurer, with an
executive committee of seven; that the national council
should consist of five representatives from each
State, two of whom should be women; that wherever
ten or more persons should be found in sympathy
with the objects of the council, they could
organize a State council. That the annual fees
should be not less than $5.00.</p>
        <p>The chair appointed as a committee on nominations,
Bishop Walters, W. E. Bowen and Mrs. 
Jeffreys. They reported in favor of T. Thomas 
Fortune for president, but Mr. Fortune acknowledged
that he had not confidence enough in the
race to carry the council on to success, and consequently
his name was withdrawn. The officers as
finally agreed upon were: President, Bishop
Alexander Walters, Jersey City, N. J.; Vice-President,
J. C. Dancey, Wilmington, N. C.; Secretary,
Mrs. Ida B. W. Barnett, Chicago; Treasurer,
John W. Thompson, Rochester.</p>
        <p>Executive Committee: John C. Dancey, Mrs. J. W.
Barnett, John W. Thompson, Bishop B. W.
Arnett, Joseph P. Peaker, Chris Perry, H. T.
Kealing.</p>
        <p>The committee on address then presented the
<pb id="walt107" n="107"/>
following, which represented the objects of the
council, and which was adopted in totum:</p>
        <q type="text" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>LYNCHINGS</head>
                <p>The lynching evil is still with us, the most grievous
ill to which our race is subjected. Added to the 10,000
victims of mob law, who have been hanged, shot and
burned to death without judge or jury within the last
twenty years, the year 1897 gave 167 victims. The
present year averages about the same number. For the
first time in the lynching history this year has furnished
a case which will permit action by the United
States Government. Reference is made to the case of
Postmaster Baker, who was shot and burned to death in
Lake City, S. C., because he accepted the office of
postmaster in his town. Men have been apprehended
and charged with being participators in that dreadful
crime, but they are out on bail. We recommend that
the executive committee be empowered to carry on the
agitation against lynch law throughout the length and
breadth of the land and Postmaster Baker's case in
particular.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>THE CONVICT LEASE SYSTEM</head>
                <p>The second greatest infamy from which the race most
largely suffers is the convict lease system, in vogue in
many of the States of the Union. Men, women and
children are slaves to the State, rather than to the
individual, with all the horrors of the slave system
intensified a hundred fold. We recommend that Mrs.
Clarissa O. Keeler of Washington, D. C., be empowered
to gather statistics and facts on the subject and present
them to this body at its next annual sitting. We 
especially demand a reformatory for youthful criminals
to avoid the prevailing contact of boys and girls with
the hardened criminals.</p>
              </div1>
              <pb id="walt108" n="108"/>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>THE SEPARATE CAR LAW</head>
                <p>We earnestly recommend that the race, newspapers
and ministers of the gospel join hands with us in the
crusade against the separate car law, and urge the race
to do no traveling, more than is absolutely necessary,
in the States where this law obtains. The dollars
thrown away in the excursions gotten up too often
by our ministers, will go a long way toward fighting this
evil.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>LABOR COMMISSION</head>
                <p>In view of the oppressive discrimination against the
Negro in almost all lines of industrial work, it becomes
a matter of keenest regret that upon a committee formed
to consider industrial questions the colored people
should be wholly ignored, and refused all representation.
In the North we are barred out of most of the
labor organizations, and in the South we are gradually
being driven from skilled industries as rapidly as labor
unions extend their membership. We are refused the
advantages of apprenticeship, denied admission to mercantile
establishments; in a word, circumscribed, discriminated
against and cruelly oppressed by labor on
one hand and capital on the other; the Negro more
than any other class of citizens should have its cause
heard before the bar of public opinion.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>THE PARIS EXPOSITION</head>
                <p>We commend to the colored people of the country
the efforts now being made to secure for America a
worthy exhibit in the Paris Exposition. We would
urge hearty co-operation with the plans now being
prosecuted to make that Exposition a success, for we
recognize that the world will want to see what the
<pb id="walt109" n="109"/>
Negro has done in his thirty years of freedom. In
order that the best success in this work may be secured,
we ask that our race be not ignored in the formative
stages of the Exposition work, but that some representative
place be accorded us in which efficient, intelligent
and patriotic service can secure for the race the
best showing which lies in our power to make. If in
the plans of Exposition work already made there exists
no opportunity for the special effort here suggested,
we recommend that a committee be appointed by this
conference to present the matter to Congress, for the
purpose of securing a stated appropriation in order
that the progress of the race may be shown in the Paris
Exposition.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>CUBAN IMMIGRATION</head>
                <p>We recognize the possibilities which open up to
American enterprise and energy in Cuba and the
newly-acquired territory of our nation. We believe
that special facilities exist there for rapid development
and substantial success of plans and purposes prosecuted
by colored Americans, and we commend an intelligent
survey of the field and prompt action in taking
front place with other Americans who shall seek fortune
in that new territory.</p>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
        <p>The executive committee was empowered to
draw up the Constitution and by-laws and agreed
upon a place for the next meeting. Adjournment
was taken after the adoption of resolutions thanking
the common council for the use of the rooms
and the people and press of Rochester for the
cordial welcome extended to the members of the
conference.</p>
        <pb id="walt110" n="110"/>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>THE WASHINGTON, D. C., MEETING</head>
          <p>Owing to the fact that the meeting at Rochester
was not largely attended, and the organization not
fully completed, it was thought advisable to call
another meeting in the near future to finish the work.
Therefore the following call was issued, November
1, 1898:</p>
          <q type="letter" direct="unspecified">
            <text>
              <body>
                <div1 type="letter">
                  <p>To the members that were enrolled at the formation
of the Council at Rochester, N. Y., September 15,
1898, and all the signers of the call for said meeting,
and all who are in sympathy with the object
of the Council which is the amelioration of the condition
of the Afro-American race, and are willing
to contribute $5.00 annually towards carrying out
of the purposes of the Council:</p>
                  <p>You are hereby requested to meet at Washington, D. C.,
on Thursday, December 29, 1898. If any
apology is needed for the issuing of this call of the
Afro-American Council so soon after its formation, I
hope the following reasons will be satisfactory:</p>
                  <p>First: A large number of the leaders of the race
who were anxious to attend the convention held at
Rochester were prevented from doing so because of the
limited time between the issuing of the call (August 24)
and the date of the convention (September 15).</p>
                  <p>Second: The place of meeting (Rochester, N. Y.) was
considered by many as too far removed from the
masses of our people, where the majority of our leaders
reside, necessarily entailing considerable expense. Mr.
Fortune, who issued the call for the Rochester meeting,
recognizing this fact, gave the following as his
reason for doing so:</p>
                  <p>“My excuse for calling the meeting at Rochester is
to take advantage of the race sentiment which will be
 invoked by the unveiling of the monument of Frederick
<pb id="walt111" n="111"/>
Douglass in Rochester, September 14, a city in
which Mr. Douglass spent some of the best and happiest
and most fruitful years of his life and one of the freest
and most tolerant cities in the Republic, whose hotels,
homes and press will receive the conference with open
arms and generous hospitality.”</p>
                  <p>Third: We will not have sufficient time to finish up
the business of the Council as satisfactorily as desired.
These reasons make it necessary that another meeting
be called in a more central locality to consummate the
work so auspiciously begun at Rochester, giving ample
time between the issuing of the call and the date of the
meeting for all needed preparation.</p>
                  <p>The continuation of brutal lynchings, unjust discriminations 
on railroads and in hotels, restaurants and labor
unions, the attempted disfranchisement of Afro-Americans
in several of the Southern States and a host of
other obstacles which are thrown in the way of our
moral, financial and educational progress, make it absolutely
necessary that we organize and perpetuate an
organization for self-protection.</p>
                  <p>The Afro-American press is almost a unit in its demand
for a national organization which has for its
objects a fair representation in the government of the
country, local, state and national; to resist by all legal
and reasonable means mob and lynch law, of which we
are made the principal victims, and to insist upon the
arrest and punishment of all such offenders against
our legal rights; to resist the tyrannical usages of railroads,
steamboats and other corporations, and the violent
and insulting conduct of their employees; to labor
for the reformation of our penal institutions, where
barbarous, cruel and unchristian treatment of convicts
is practiced; to secure a more equitable distribution
of school funds; to insist on a health emigration from
terror-ridden districts to other and more law-abiding
sections; to encourage all kinds of business enterprises,
etc.</p>
                  <pb id="walt112" n="112"/>
                  <p>My reason for calling the National Council during
holiday week is that the delegates may take advantage
of the reduced rates made during that time.</p>
                  <p>All communications must be addressed to Edward E.
Cooper, president of the District of Columbia Branch
of the National Afro-American Council, 459 C Street,
North West, Washington, D.C..</p>
                  <closer>
                    <signed>(Signed) A. WALTERS,
<lb/>President.</signed>
                    <lb/>
                    <dateline>Jersey City, N. J., Nov. 1, 1898.</dateline>
                  </closer>
                </div1>
              </body>
            </text>
          </q>
          <p>In pursuance of the above call, on December 29,
at 11 A.M., the Afro-American Council assembled
at Metropolitan Baptist Church, R Street, between
12th and 13th Streets, Washington, D. C., with
Bishop Walters, who presided. A very large congregation
was present. After the devotional
exercises the presiding officer stated the object of
the meeting. Several committees were appointed;
chief among them was the committee on “Address
to the Country,” which consisted of T. Thomas
Fortune, Bishop A. Grant, Hon. H. P. Cheetam,
recorder of deeds, District of Columbia; Judson
W. Lyons, Register of Treasury; J. W. Shay,
Alabama; Mrs. Ida B. Wells Barnett, Illinois;
W. A. Pledger, Georgia; John Mitchell, Jr.,
Virginia; J. P. Peaker, Connecticut; Bishop G. W.
Clinton, North Carolina; R. H. Terrell, District
of Columbia.</p>
          <p>The following objects were adopted as principles
of the Council:</p>
          <pb id="walt113" n="113"/>
          <list type="simple">
            <head>OBJECTS<lb/>
ARTICLE II.<lb/>
The object of this organization shall be:</head>
            <item>(1) To investigate and make an impartial report
of all Lynchings and other outrages perpetrated upon
American Citizens.</item>
            <item>(2) To assist in testing the constitutionality of laws
which are made for the express purpose of oppressing
the Afro-Americans.</item>
            <item>(3) To promote the work of securing legislation which
in the individual States shall secure to all citizens
the rights guaranteed them by the 13th, 14th, and 15th
Amendments of the Constitution of the United States.</item>
            <item>(4) To aid in the work of Prison Reform.</item>
            <item>(5) To recommend a healthy migration from
terror-ridden sections of our land to States where law is
respected and maintained.</item>
            <item>(6) To encourage both industrial and higher education.</item>
            <item>(7) To promote business enterprises among the
people.</item>
            <item>(8) To educate sentiment on all lines that specially
affect our race.</item>
            <item>(9) To inaugurate and promote plans for the
moral elevation of the Afro-American people.</item>
            <item>(10) To urge the appropriation for School Funds by the
Federal Government to provide education for
citizens who are denied school privileges by discriminating
State laws.</item>
          </list>
          <p>One of the main features of the Convention was the
following address by the Presiding Officer:</p>
          <q type="speech" direct="unspecified">
            <text>
              <body>
                <div1 type="speech">
                  <head>THE TRIALS AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE 
AFRO-AMERICAN RACE</head>
                  <p>It is our misfortune to live among a people whose
laws, traditions and prejudices have been against us
<pb id="walt114" n="114"/>
for centuries. Indeed, it has ever been the policy of
a certain class of Americans to keep the Negro down.</p>
                  <p>As far back as Revolutionary times, when the nation
was struggling for its independence from Great
Britain, when help was needed and should have been gladly
accepted from any source, especially from the free
blacks of the country, their enlistment as soldiers was
bitterly opposed by the army officers as well as civilians.
In October, 1775, General Thomas wrote the following
letter to Mr. John Adams:</p>
                  <p>“I am sorry to hear that any prejudices should take
place in any Southern colony in respect to the troops
raised in this. I am certain that the insinuations you
mention are injurious, if we consider with what precipitation
we are obliged to collect an army. We have
some Negroes; but I look on them, in general, as equally
serviceable with other men for fatigue; and in action
many of them have proved themselves brave.”</p>
                  <p>As to the slaves, they were not allowed to enlist in the
army at that time. Before the first great battle of
the Revolution had been fought, the following resolution
was adopted by the Committee of Safety:</p>
                  <p>“Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee,
that as the contest now between Great Britain and the
Colonies are determined to maintain, that the admission
of any persons, as soldiers, into the army now
raising, but such as are Freemen, will be inconsistent
with the principles that are supported, and reflect dishonor
on this Colony; and that no Slaves be admitted
into this army upon any consideration whatever.”</p>
                  <p>This policy was followed until General Washington
and other officers discovered that they were unnecessarily
prolonging the war, thus increasing loss of life
and treasures.</p>
                  <p>The British promised freedom to all slaves who would
enlist in their ranks and 30,000 enrolled under their banner;
it was only their great desire for freedom
that caused them to do so. The Americans enlisted
<pb id="walt115" n="115"/>
in all only about five thousand; they excluded from
their ranks thousands of able-bodied men who were
willing and anxious to help them. Those who were
allowed to enlist did yeoman service for the cause of
independence, and won distinction at Boston Common,
Bunker Hill and Yorktown. It is to the everlasting
shame of the Revolutionary Fathers that after these
men had fought so nobly to achieve the independence
of their country, many of them were re-enslaved and
oppressed by the very people who themselves had struggled
so bravely to free themselves from oppression.</p>
                  <p>Thus you see the Negro was not treated fairly, but
every possible effort was put forth to keep him down.</p>
                  <p>Strenuous efforts were also made to keep the Negro
out of the war of 1812, and were successful until General
Jackson saw the necessity of enlisting them in
1814. The following Proclamation explains itself:</p>
                  <q type="letter" direct="unspecified">
                    <text>
                      <body>
                        <div1 type="letter">
                          <opener><dateline>Headquarters, Seventh Military District,
<lb/>Mobile, September 21, 1814.</dateline>
<salute>To the Free Colored Inhabitants of Louisiana:</salute></opener>
                          <p>Through a mistaken policy you have heretofore been
deprived of a participation in the glorious struggle
for national rights in which our country is engaged.
This no longer shall exist. As sons of freedom you
are now called upon to defend our most inestimable
blessing. As Americans your country looks with confidence
to her adopted children for a valorous support,
as a faithful return for the advantages enjoyed under
her mild and equitable government. As fathers, husbands
and brothers, you are summoned to rally around
the standard of the Eagle, to defend all which is dear
in existence. To assure you of the sincerity of my
intentions and my anxiety to engage your invaluable
services to our country, I have communicated my wishes
to the Governor of Louisiana, who is fully informed
<pb id="walt116" n="116"/>
as to the manner of enrollment, and will give you every
necessary information on the subject of this address.</p>
                          <closer><signed>ANDREW JACKSON,</signed>
<lb/>Major-General Commanding.”
(Niles Register, vol. vii, p. 205.)</closer>
                        </div1>
                      </body>
                    </text>
                  </q>
                  <p>Again, every plan that ingenuity could devise was
inaugurated to keep the Negro from becoming a soldier in
the late Civil War, but God had decreed that he
should be given an opportunity to fight for his freedom;
therefore Mr. Lincoln and all the officers of the Union
Army, sustained by the most bitter protests of the 
South, could not keep him out of the War.</p>
                  <p>On the 8th of July, 1862, the Committee of Military
Affairs, through its chairman, Senator Henry Wilson,
of Massachusetts, reported from that committee a bill
authorizing the arming of Negroes as a part of the 
army; the bill finally passed both houses and received
the approval of the President on the 17th of July, 1862.
In discussing this bill, Mr. Sherman (Rep.) of Ohio,
said:</p>
                  <p>“The question arises whether the people of the
United States, struggling for national existence, should
not employ these blacks for the maintenance of the
Government. The policy heretofore pursued by the
officers of the United States has been to repel this class
of people from our lines, to refuse their services. They
would have made the best spies, and yet they have been
driven from our lines.”</p>
                  <p>Mr. Fessenden (Rep.) of Maine, said:</p>
                  <p>“I tell the President from my place here as a senator,
I tell the generals of our army, they must reverse their
practices and their course of proceeding on this subject.
I advise it here from my place—treat your enemies
as enemies, as the worst enemies, and avail yourselves
like men of every power which God has placed
in your hands to accomplish your purpose within the
rules of civilized warfare.”</p>
                  <pb id="walt117" n="117"/>
                  <p>Mr. Rice (War Dem.) of Minnesota declared that:</p>
                  <p>“Not many days can pass before the people of the
United States. The North must decide upon one of two
questions; we have either to acknowledge the Southern
Confederacy as a free and independent nation and
that speedily; or we have as speedily to resolve to use
all the means given us by the Almighty to prosecute
this war to a successful termination. The necessity
for action has arisen. To hesitate is worse than
criminal.”</p>
                  <p>Mr. Wilson said:</p>
                  <p>“The senator from Delaware, as he is accustomed to
do, speaks boldly and decidedly against the proposition.
He asks if American soldiers will fight if we organize
colored men for military purposes. Did not American
soldiers fight at Bunker Hill with Negroes in the ranks,
one of whom shot down Major Pitcairn as he mounted
the works? Did not American soldiers fight at Red
Bank with a black regiment from New Jersey? Did
not they fight on the battlefield of Rhode Island with
that black regiment, one of the best and bravest that
ever trod the soil of this continent. Did not American
soldiers fight at Fort Griswold with black men? Did
they not fight with black men in almost every battlefield
of the Revolution? Did not the men of Kentucky
and Tennessee, standing on the lines of New Orleans,
under the eyes of Andrew Jackson, fight with colored
battalions whom he had summoned to the field, and
whom he thanked publicly for their gallantry in hurling
back a British foe? It is all talk, idle talk, to
say that the volunteers who are fighting the battles of
this country are governed by any such narrow prejudices
or bigotry. These prejudices are the result of the teachings
of demagogues and politicians, who have for years
undertaken to delude and deceive the American people,
and to demean and degrade them.” (See Black
Phalanx.)</p>
                  <p>As a result of this able discussion the bill was passed
<pb id="walt118" n="118"/>
and the Negroes were enlisted as soldiers. We are all
acquainted with their deeds of valor. The silent monuments
at Miliken's Bend, Fort Wagner, Port Hudson
and Petersburg speak more eloquently than I can of
the bravery and faithfulness of our men. It is evident
to any one who will give consideration to this question
that it was the Lord who opened the way for the Negro
to fight for his freedom.</p>
                  <p>Our next great achievement was that of our emancipation.
The opposition to our emancipation was still
greater than the opposition to our enlistment as soldiers.
All kinds of compromises were enacted in order to placate
the South and enable them to retain their slaves.
The greatest intellects of that time were enlisted on
the side of the perpetuation of slavery. Good men at
the North said during the days of the anti-slavery agitation
that it was best for the Negroes and all concerned
that the institution of slavery be let alone. They declared
that the development of the slaveholder's conscience
would finally reach a point where he would of
his own accord liberate the slaves.</p>
                  <p>William Lloyd Garrison, Phillips, Douglass, John
Brown and a host of others saw it in a different light,
and continued amid howling mobs to agitate the immediate
abolition of the slaves. Mr. Lincoln, himself the
great emancipator, said, if he could save the Union
without freeing the slaves, he would do so. But God
had ordered differently, and to the surprise and astonishment
of friends and foes and to the great joy of the
Negro, this very President, who had been so reluctant
to make the Negro a soldier, as a war measure, emancipated
him; and to confirm him in his citizenship the
13th Amendment was passed, December 18, 1865,
which reads as follows:</p>
                  <p>Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude,
except as a punishment for crime whereof the party
shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the
<pb id="walt119" n="119"/>
United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.</p>
                  <p>Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this
article by appropriate legislation. It does not take a
philosopher to discover the hand of God in it.</p>
                  <p>Our next victory was our enfranchisement. When this
was mooted it created a storm of opposition. The white
men of the South and their sympathizers held up their
hands in holy horror; they said it meant the placing
of the Negro's heel on the white man's neck. The
Southern press and a great many influential papers of
the North were loud in their protests against the enfranchisement
of the Negro; but to the far-seeing, the
prognosticators of the signs of the times, it was discovered
that “The Eternal Powers” had decided that
the Negro should be further elevated: hence his enfranchisement,
which was accomplished by the passing
of the Fifteenth Amendment, adopted March 30, 1868,
and which reads as follows:</p>
                  <p>Section 1. The right of the citizens of the United
States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the
United States or by any State on account of race, color
or previous condition of servitude.</p>
                  <p>Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce
the provisions of this article by appropriate legislation.</p>
                  <p>In this achievement the favor of God towards us is
plainly seen. Everything imaginable has been done
in the Southland to defeat the purpose of this enactment.
When mild intimidation failed, they have terrorized
Negro neighborhoods by parading with shotguns,
Winchesters and lately with Gatling guns. When
these measures failed they have resorted to wholesale
murder. The absurd cry of “White supremacy” and
“Negro domination,” of which we hear so much, has
been raised for political purposes only. General Wade
Hampton, of South Carolina, said in a speech a few
years ago:</p>
                  <p>“I have no fear of Negro domination—a cry used
<pb id="walt120" n="120"/>
only to arouse race prejudice and to put the coming
convention under control of the ring which now dominates
our State. The Negroes have acted of late with
rare moderation and liberality, and if we meet them
in the same spirit they have shown, they will aid in
selecting good representatives for the convention. I
for one am willing to trust them, and they ask only
the rights guaranteed to them by the Constitution of
the United States and that of our own State, and that ought to be
allowed them.”</p>
                  <p>Ex-Senator Joseph E. Brown, of Georgia, speaking on
the same subject, says:</p>
                  <p>“They (the Negroes) have exercised the rights of
freemen with a moderation that probably no other race
would have done.”</p>
                  <p>The white people of the South will have a hard task
to make the world believe that it is to protect the honor
of their women and to prevent “Negro domination”
that they are obliged to resort to mob violence; and if
they think that the white people of the North sympathize
with them in their dastardly outrages on innocent
colored people, they are greatly mistaken. The
New York <hi rend="italics">Press</hi> of November 11, 1898, says:</p>
                  <p>“Office hunger seeks to cloak itself under a solicitude
for the rights of property and the good repute of
women, burning and butchering for its altars and its
fires, when it is really after nothing but political pap.”</p>
                  <p>Dr. William Hayes Ward, Editor of the New York
<hi rend="italics">Independent,</hi> one of the most influential weeklies in
America, has written several excellent and fair editorials
on the real causes of the recent race riots in
North and South Carolina. In the issue of November 24, 1898, he
says:</p>
                  <p>“For some weeks before election the politicians began
to lash the popular prejudice against ‘Negro rule’
until it reached a frenzy past belief, and against all
reason. The old oligarchy felt their power slipping
away; the ignorant whites could not endure to see a
<pb id="walt121" n="121"/>
Negro's vote counted. The sectional prejudice had been
wearing thin since the Spanish war, and something must
be done to revive it in another form.”</p>
                  <p>Speaking further of the race riots in Wilmington,
he said:</p>
                  <p>“The total officers of the county were, exclusive of the
justices of the peace, twenty-nine, twenty of whom were
white and nine colored, the Register of Deeds
and Coroner being the only important offices held by
the Negroes. It will be seen how hypocritical is the
cry of Negro domination.”</p>
                  <p>Quite a number off the most influential dailies
and weeklies of the North have through these subterfuges
(all official positions in the South for democrats,
destruction of the republican party in the South,
of which we form the major part, and antipathy towards
the Negro), and are bold in denouncing them.</p>
                  <p>Hon. Judson Lyon, Register of the United States
Treasury, in his able article in the, New York <hi rend="italics">Herald</hi>
of December 4, 1898, has shown by actual count of
the offices held by colored men in North Carolina that
Negro domination was impossible—indeed, absurd.
He says, speaking on this subject:</p>
                  <p>“We hear it all around that ‘the blacks are in control
of the State—in complete control’; it was ‘Negro
domination,’ overbearing in its insolence; it could not
be endured, and, hence, on the cry of ‘white supremacy’
white and black men alike were driven from the
State.</p>
                  <p>“In the Legislature of North Carolina there are 120
Representatives and fifty Senators, making a total of
170. I have the exact figures; there are seven members
of the House and two Senators, nine colored Representatives
all told, in those bodies, not one-eighteenth
of the members. Not one in a State office—I mean
in the Governor's cabinet or an office of that kind.
Under this showing there could be no Negro domination
<pb id="walt122" n="122"/>
at Raleigh, the capital. One man could not dominate
eighteen unless by their acquiescence.</p>
                  <p>“In the city of Wilmington, where so much innocent
blood has been spilled and so many valuable lives taken
by that furious mob, see what are the facts:</p>
                  <p>“It is said that the city never had a cleaner, more
honest and upright set of officials.</p>
                  <p>“As the crowd which calls itself the democracy, and
which made speeches with Winchesters and scattered
campaign literature with rapid-firing guns, has never
successfully denied this, it must be true.”</p>
                  <p>Says he further:</p>
                  <p>“The Charleston <hi rend="italics">News and Courier,</hi> perhaps, strikes
the nail on the head in its terrible denunciation of
the mob, when it declares that it was simply the work
of the baser elements of the community—killing and
destroying without cause, without provocation and without
any shadow of excuse.”</p>
                  <p>We are aware that there is a vicious element of poor,
thriftless and ignorant whites, who will not make any
advancement themselves and are envious of the advancement
made by the Negro, and who are determined
to retard his further progress if they can. The
following from the Greenville (S. C.) <hi rend="italics">News</hi> is painful
to the Negroes of this nation, who have done so much
to make it what it is, and whose valor in saving the
Rough Riders at San Juan and El Caney is being
heralded to the world:</p>
                  <p>“As for the Negro, we give him the same advice
we have given him for years. He has no rights in
this country when the race feeling is aroused—not
even the ordinary rights of humanity. Those of us
who want to see him have at least the protection that
is given to animals can do nothing for him and he
can do nothing for himself, for when the color line is
made and the race feeling is aroused he will find all
of us arrayed against him. For his sake and ours,
to save his life and our honor and sense of decency
<pb id="walt123" n="123"/>
and manhood, let him go somewhere, anywhere away
from us.”</p>
                  <p>All other peoples are welcome here except the ever
loyal Negro; he is wanted gone because he is black.
Shame!</p>
                  <p>Because of the antagonism of the Southern Whites
towards the Negro it has been suggested by some of
our leaders as well as some of the whites, that the
Negroes in that section withdraw from politics altogether.
In my opinion this would be a very unwise
step. The Negro is a citizen and interested in the
welfare of his country; therefore it is his duty to vote.</p>
                  <p>The Negroes in the South are accumulating property
rapidly and are therefore liable to taxation; the only
weapon which they possess to protect themselves against
unjust taxation, etc., is the franchise.</p>
                  <p>Again, it would be a confirmation of the statement
made by our enemies when we were given the right of
suffrage that we lacked manhood and hence were unworthy
of enfranchisement. To surrender our franchise
would be base ingratitude to the white heroes
now dead who labored so earnestly and suffered so much
to have it granted us. We would lose the respect of
those living who aided us in obtaining this powerful
weapon of defence. And lastly, it would be rank cowardice
in us to do such a thing.</p>
                  <p>We do not object to the franchise being limited by
educational and property qualifications, so long as the
poor and illiterate whites and blacks are equally
affected thereby, but we do object to being disfranchised
solely on account of color and race antipathy.</p>
                  <p>It is unreasonable and unchristian to debar the Negro
from holding office on account of his color; therefore
it would be unwise to yield to the prejudice of our
enemies by giving up all offices to white men. Then
in the majority of cases Afro-Americans who hold
offices in the South are mulattoes, some of them so
white that you can hardly distinguish them from the
<pb id="walt124" n="124"/>
whites, so all this hue and cry about “big, black, burly
Negro officials dominating over the whites” is bosh.</p>
                  <p>Senator McLaurin, of South Carolina, and a number
of others assert that the Negro should not hold
office because he is not a large taxpayer. They forget
that a large majority of officials who hold minor offices
in our larger cities, both North and South, pay but a
small fraction of the taxes; this is especially true of
the Tammany Hall officials of New York City. A
little consideration of the matter will convince any
one that our taxes are commensurate with the offices
which we hold; hence the argument of excluding us
from office because we are non-taxpayers falls to the
ground. Race antagonism, and not taxes, is the thing
that keeps us out of office.</p>
                  <p>There are a great many white people in this country
who believe that anything above a menial position is
too good for a Negro; as to wages, it is thought by
them that any amount above $1.00 per day is too much
for him.</p>
                  <p>The greatest care should be exercised on our part
in the selection of men to fill public positions; we
cannot afford to nominate inefficient men for office;
deficiencies which are tolerated in white men will not
be tolerated in black ones, and in order to succeed we
must put forward only the capable. Our future success
as office-holders depends upon our courage and
discretion along this line.</p>
                  <p>After all, the real question which confronts us is,
shall the Negro be granted equal rights in the United
States of America? I believe that he will, but it will
take him a long while to gain it. It took 240 years
for his complete personal emancipation and a hundred
years to secure his standing as a soldier; it is nonsense
to think he can obtain his complete political, civil and
social rights within thirty-five years, or even fifty
years; if he receives them in a hundred years he will
do well.</p>
                  <pb id="walt125" n="125"/>
                  <p>Let us improve our morals, educate ourselves, work,
agitate and wait on the Lord.</p>
                  <p>Since the Lord has brought us face to face with
this great question of equality, and since “premonitory
mutterings,” indeed, all the indications from the Divine
side convince us that He is leading on in this as in
the other great events through which He has so
miraculously and triumphantly brought us after a long
and severe struggle, it is our duty to follow where He
leads.</p>
                  <p>There has always been confusion, strife and often
bloodshed just before the successful consummation of
great movements, but the leaders did not back down;
indeed they could hardly have done so had they desired.
When Moses went to Pharaoh and said to him, thus
saith the Lord, let my people go, instead of harkening
to the command he increased their burdens, thinking
it was the proper thing to do to defeat the purpose
of the Almighty. The Hebrews murmured and were
ready to stone their leaders because their burdens were
increased. They desired to be let alone, as did their
oppressors; just as many of the colored and white people
in the South are wishing to-day. But such a thing
was impossible, the time for deliverance had come, the
issue was on, and God carried it to a successful finish.</p>
                  <p>Christianity met with the same opposition. The
stake, the rack and every other means of torture that
wicked ingenuity could devise were inaugurated to stop
its onward march, but it availed nothing, as the great
Jehovah was leading it on.</p>
                  <p>The entire Roman Catholic Church endeavored
to retard the Protestant movement inaugurated by Luther,
but was unable to do so because it was under Divine
control.</p>
                  <p>All sorts of obstacles were employed to hinder the
progress of the anti-slavery movement, but did the leaders
abandon the field? No.</p>
                  <p>Mr. Douglass relating his experience said:</p>
                  <pb id="walt126" n="126"/>
                  <p>“I was doomed by an inveterate prejudice against
color to insult and outrage on every hand; denied the
privileges and courtesies common to others in the use
of the most humble means of conveyance; shut out
from the cabins of steamboats; refused admission into
respectable hotels; caricatured, scorned, scoffed at,
mocked, maltreated with impunity by any one, no matter
how black his heart, so he had a white skin.”</p>
                  <p>William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips were
mobbed in liberty-loving Boston. In Cincinnati, Birney's 
printing press and type were thrown into the
Ohio River and the Negroes for days were hunted like
beasts. In Alton, Lovejoy was shot while defending
his printing press, and the cultured Sumner was assaulted
under the very dome of the Capitol. Did they
surrender, throw up their hands and say like some are
saying now, “we can do nothing to help ourselves”?
No! They dared not stop, for they were but the instruments
in the hand of God and it was His cause that
He was carrying on to success through them. Should
we through cowardice prove false to the trust committed
to our hands, we should become recipients of the 
maledictions of the heroes who so faithfully championed
our cause, instead of their blessings.</p>
                  <p>I cannot understand some of our so-called friends
who advise us to be quiet and let the white man have
his way. Shall we remain silent when the President
of the United States, who could not have been elected
without our votes, is utterly silent in his last message
to Congress concerning the outrages in North and
South Carolina and other parts of the country?
Remain silent when the Governor of Illinois threatens
to blow Negroes to pieces with Gatling guns if they
dare to take the places of white strikers who have
refused to work? Silent while the officials of the States
of North and South Carolina admit they are powerless
to protect us in our rights? Silent while Mississippi,
Louisiana and South Carolina by statutory
<pb id="walt127" n="127"/>
enactments have practically disfranchised their Negro
population, and other States are preparing to do the
same? Shall we not speak out when innocent men
and women of our race are burned at the stake,
hung to the limbs of trees and shot down like dogs?
Shall we look on indifferently while our women are
insulted and outraged by Negro-hating white men?
Shall we say nothing while thousands in the rural districts
in the South are robbed of their meagre earnings?</p>
                  <p>Were we to remain silent under such circumstances
we would be unworthy of the name freemen. While
I advise action, I at the same time advise prudent
action. There can be no real peace in America until
this problem is solved, and solved according to the
rules of equity. The South must be willing to do unto
the Negro as they would have the Negro do unto them.</p>
                  <p>This nation with all its faults is pre-eminently a
Christian nation. The leaven of Christianity (humanity)
is at work, and will not cease its work until
this whole country is permeated with the humanitarian
spirit.</p>
                  <p>The late Bishop Hayseed, of Georgia, says:</p>
                  <p>“The preponderance of Christian principle and sentiment
has done more to save us than any other characteristic
of our people or government.”</p>
                  <p>Since the American conscience has been equal to the
emergencies of the past we have every reason to believe
that it will be equal to any crisis that may come in
the future. We, your brethren in black, appeal to this
powerful, enlightened Christian conscience, to this
humanitarian spirit which has caused this nation to
do so much for Cuba, Hawaii and the Philippine Islands,
to help us to remove the hindrances which are
in the way of our fullest development.</p>
                  <p>There is no need of our despairing on account of
this problem. We have agencies in our possession that
will go a long way in the solution of it, the most important
of which is the school-house. This potent
<pb id="walt128" n="128"/>
factor has done as much, if not more, than any other
agency at our command to raise us to our present
status of power and influence. Education is the sun
whose powerful rays of character, industry, self-reliance
and patience will ultimately thaw the tremendous
iceberg of American prejudice which has chilled us
for more than two centuries. Let no one think for a
moment that we can have too much sun; the more
heat the sooner will the iceberg disappear. We should
gladly welcome all educational agencies, whether
classical, scientific, industrial or otherwise, that will
aid us in the solution of this problem.</p>
                  <p>I am aware that we have made great progress along
educational lines, as is evidenced by the high honors
taken by Afro-Americans from the wealthiest and most
influential institutions of this country, by the numerous
schools and colleges which are being efficiently managed
and taught by our colored educators, by the creditable
civil service examinations which are being passed daily
by members of our race, and by thoughtful and
scholarly newspaper and magazine articles written by
our race, which are being published continuously in the
best periodicals of the land. Still, we must not be unmindful
of the fact that the great mass of Negroes are
in ignorance, and in order to solve this problem this
mass must be reached and made intelligent.</p>
                  <p>Since the large majority of ignorance is in the
South, and the South is too poor or too selfish to appropriate
sufficient money to enlighten its great mass of
Negro voters, it is therefore the duty of the Federal
Government to appropriate money to give to this class
of people a common school education, supplemented by
an industrial education. We make this plea on the
ground that adequate provisions for our enlightenment
as voters are denied us on account of our color and
previous condition.</p>
                  <p>Another important factor in our development is industry.
Well do I remember that immediately after
<pb id="walt129" n="129"/>
the emancipation when the leaders of the race would
visit our churches and schools, they would invariably
tell the boys and girls in their lectures that they were
not to do as their fathers and mothers had done; that
they should not be content with menial positions but
aim high. The young people understood by that they
were not to do manual labor as their parents had done,
but to enter the professions; as a result the professions
are overcrowded and we have a number of idlers. “We
began at the top instead of the bottom.” Our foundation
being defective the superstructure could not be otherwise 
than defective. We must begin at the bottom—
become scientific farmers.</p>
                  <p>The moment this is suggested some one is ready to
say, “We have always been on the farm.” That is
true, but generally as the “bossed” and not the “bosses”
of the farm. The true farmer is the man who does
the thinking; as yet we have not entered largely into
that kind of business.</p>
                  <p>The Negro farmer will create a position for the Negro
merchant, and the Negro farmer and merchant will
create a position for the Negro manufacturer, etc. Support
for the Negro minister, doctor, lawyer and all professional
men will necessarily follow.</p>
                  <p>In the beginning instead of dignifying labor we degraded
it by teaching the educated boys and girls to
scorn manual labor. In my community (Louisville,
Ky.) girls without a dollar were ashamed to have young
men see them at washing and ironing, and the young
men were ashamed to have the girls see them at
manual labor. Thus you see false pride was encouraged.
Instead of taking knowledge of the Pilgrim Fathers
and starting from the bottom, where they did, we took
knowledge of the merchants, manufacturers and capitalists
who surrounded us and tried to follow them
without having laid a like foundation.</p>
                  <p>It is unfair in our white critics, however, to condemn
our educated class of thriftless who aspire to be professionals 
<pb id="walt130" n="130"/>
mechanics, etc., because do not all become
farmers. Before they censure them let them
remove the ban of prejudice, open the doors of factories,
mills and machine shops and give them a fair chance.
Then if they still remain idle their condemnation will
be just.</p>
                  <p>Let us make the very best of our opportunities along
all lines of industry. Notwithstanding all the disadvantages
under which we have labored, having been
robbed of thousands of dollars by the many unjust systems
in operation in the Southland, we have accumulated
over $400,000,000 worth of property, real and
personal. The thing for us to do is to continue to
buy land and to build and improve homes, thus becoming
more and more independent.</p>
                  <p>The next agency in the uplift of the Negro is character.
<hi rend="italics">Talks for the Times</hi> says:</p>
                  <p>“To estimate fairly their (the Negroes') improvement
in this direction it would be necessary to realize,
if possible, the depth of degradation to which two hundred
and fifty years of thraldom had sunk them, and
to take into consideration at the same time the fact
that the moral nature of man everywhere and among
all people is by far the most difficult to train. This
being so, what must be the task to repair it, after it
has been bruised and maimed and twisted and gnarled
and distorted? A crooked limb by proper application
may be straightened. A bone of the body may be broken
and set and become even stronger in the fractured parts;
but men cannot sin and be strong. The violation of
the moral law means in every instance the sapping
of moral foundations, the weakening of the moral
nature. When, therefore, I consider by what process
during two centuries the moral groundwork of my people
was undermined and shaken, it is no wonder that
to-day many of them are found immoral. The greater
wonder is that their moral perception has not been
entirely swept away. Many people, however, and those
<pb id="walt131" n="131"/>
especially who stigmatize us as a race peculiarly immoral,
do not reason in this way. They do not seem
to realize that slavery was a school ill adapted to the
producing of pure and upright characters. Can you
rob a man continually of his honest earnings and not
teach him to steal? Can you ignore the sanctity of marriage
and the family relations and not inculcate lewdness?
Can you constantly govern a man with the lash
and expect him always to speak the truth? If you
can do these things then, verily, are my people dishonest,
impure and untruthful. But our enemies demand
of us perfection. They are unreasonable. They
require among us in twenty short years a state of moral
rectitude which they themselves, with far more favorable
opportunities, have not realized in one hundred
times twenty. They are unphilosophical, for they do
not perceive that diseases are more quickly contracted
than cured.”</p>
                  <p>It is our imperative duty, notwithstanding the bad
examples which have been set by some of the whites
in this country, to eliminate as far as possible all the
immoralities of our race. We should create a healthy
public sentiment among us on this line; this can be
done by refusing to support immoral ministers, teachers,
politicians and all other leaders. Let us raise the
standard of morality among us. The following is
from the late Dr. Alexander Crummell of our own
city:</p>
                  <p>“Now, if the Negro race in this nation wish to
become a people; if they are anxious to prove themselves
a stable, saving and productive element in this
great Republic; if they are ambitious of advancement
in all lines of prosperity, of intelligence, of manly
growth and spiritual development, they must fall back
upon this grand power of human being—character.
They must make this the main and master aim of all
high endeavor. They must strive to free themselves
from false notions, pernicious principles and evil
<pb id="walt132" n="132"/>
habits. They must exert themselves to the adoption
of correct and saving ideas. They most lift themselves
up to superior modes of living. They must introduce
as permanent and abiding factors of their life
the qualities of thrift, order, discipline, virtue and
purity.”</p>
                  <p>Character when combined with intelligence is omnipotent,
and has slain more giants of prejudice than any
other agency under heaven.</p>
                  <p>Finally, at the time of our emancipation it was said
that we were not capable of providing for ourselves
and would soon die out. The wish was father to the
thought. But instead of dying out, while in 1860 there
were 4,449,201 Negroes, to-day we number 10,000,000,
having more than doubled our population in forty
years. It is apparent to all that we are not dying out.</p>
                  <p>Again it was said at the time of our emancipation
that we would never accumulate property; we have
been a sore disappointment to our enemies along this
line, as it has already been stated that we have accumulated
over $400,000,000 worth of property.</p>
                  <p>Again, it was said that the Negro mind was not
susceptible of intellectual development, and this in the
face of the fact that he was debarred from intellectual
opportunities for centuries; indeed, in some parts of
the country it was a crime, punishable by law, to even
teach the Negro to read. His intellectual achievements
during the last thirty-five years have given the lie to
that statement.</p>
                  <p>Dr. Gregg, in his discourse at Lafayette Avenue
Presbyterian Church on Sunday, December 18th, said:</p>
                  <p>“I hear it said that the weakness is inherent in the
black race; that Anglo-Saxons could not have been kept
in subjection for two centuries and a half. Yet history
shows that for five successive centuries the Anglo-Saxons
were in slavery in Europe and their freedom
finally came from outside. Only one race won its freedom
unaided, by its own sword, and that was the black
<pb id="walt133" n="133"/>
race of San Domingo. We have abolished personal
slavery. Let us in no form nullify our act by fraud;
let us not rob our black citizen of his rights.”</p>
                  <p>Bishop Haywood, speaking of the treatment of the
white men to the Negro, says:</p>
                  <p>“I must teach the Negro to respect my rights; I do
this best by respecting his. I must teach him to respect
and keep his contracts; to do this I must respect and
keep mine. I must teach him to obey law and to respect
authority; to do this I must set the example.
I must teach him to ‘rule well his own house’; to do
this I must show him, not simply teach him, how.
I must teach him to speak the truth; to do this I must
speak the truth to him; I must teach him honesty;
to do this I must be honest. I must teach him purity
in his own life and in all his family relations; to
do this I must let him see that I respect and keep the
law of chastity. I must teach him the sin and ruin
of drunkenness; to do this I must keep the demon
from my own lips and from my house. I must teach
him the sanctity of a freedman's ballot; to do this I
must myself vote as an honest man upon my conscience,
only for good men, only for good measures, neither
buying or selling votes, not cheating in any way, by
terror, by violence, by ‘ballot stuffing,’ by false counting,
by false returns or by any method known to demagogues
of any land or race.”</p>
                  <p>With this I submit the case.</p>
                </div1>
              </body>
            </text>
          </q>
          <p>This address was enthusiastically received.
After much discussion, the following address to
the country was adopted and issued:</p>
          <p>Your committee, to whom was referred the question
of considering the present status of the Afro-American
race and of making recommendations therefor, for
the consideration of the Afro-American people and the
<pb id="walt134" n="134"/>
people of the United States in general, beg leave to
report as follows:</p>
          <p>In the present condition of the race, which is abnormally
disturbed in one section of the country and
comparatively composed in the other three, it is easy
to reach the conclusion that we cannot arrive at the
desired ends wholly through any one method. There are
certain things which those of us  who live in the South
can accomplish and certain other things which those
of us who live in the North can accomplish. We may
take different methods to reach the same ends, but the
results will be for the common advantage.</p>
          <p>In the North the work of agitation, of protest and
petition and of political conduct is essential to the cause.
The Northern and Western mind needs to be constantly
agitated upon our grievances and accurately informed
as to their nature and extent. In the South the work
of education and internal development can best be determined
and carried on by the wise men of us in the
Southern States who have done so much since the War
of the Rebellion to pave the way for our future status
as men and citizens in all the walks of life. We think
that it is important that this view of the matter should
not be lost sight of for a moment.</p>
          <p>We must be broad and liberal in our policy and interpretation
of the intentions of all members of the
race who have capacity and probity, and who are working
for the general good.</p>
          <p>The vast extent of our country and the multiplicity
of interests and the local prejudices of any sort, outgrowing 
from phenomenal ethnic differentiations,
which must have proper time for inevitable assimilation,
makes imperative a broad toleration among us
of the difference of opinion as to the best ways and
means to secure the best results in given localities,
which must determine the final result for weal or woe.</p>
          <p>So much of a general character may be accepted
without sacrificing one principle of manhood or citizen
<pb id="walt135" n="135"/>
right, for that would be repugnant to our sense of absolute
justice, to which we adhere without deviation or
quibble.</p>
          <p>As a fair statement of our convictions, we affirm it
that there is no manhood or citizen right guaranteed
to us by the Federal Constitution which <sic corr="repetition">which</sic> we do
not claim and denial of which by State Constitutions
against which we do not protest.</p>
          <p>Passing from abstract statement of sentiment to concrete
statements of fact, we have to congratulate ourselves
that the race has everywhere grown stronger and
stronger in all the elements of Christian morality, of
thrift and intelligence. There is no contention here.
Friends and foes alike admit it. Those who predicted
that we should starve in a condition of freedom have
lived to see us produce more and consume more than
in a condition of slavery; those who prophesied that
we were incapable of mastering the rudiments of education
have lived to see us fill 200 colleges in the South
with anxious students and to supply 25,000 competent
teachers in the public schools of the South, upon whose
competency white superintendents of education passed
judgment; while our ignorant ministry has been transformed
into one of the strongest and most intelligent
forces for good in the Republic, and the high professions
of law and medicine and journalism have competent
representatives in every considerable community
in the Republic which command the respect and confidence
of their fellows.</p>
          <p>We affirm it as a matter of fact, which cannot be
refuted, that the Afro-American race is stronger and
better to-day than ever before in its history; that it
is more hopeful, more moral, more religious, more intelligent;
that it has larger bank deposits, owns more
real and personal property, and lives in better homes.
As ex-Governor R. B. Bullock of Georgia recently
expressed it in the New York <hi rend="italics">Sun,</hi> no people have
ever made greater progress in a given length of time.
<pb id="walt136" n="136"/>
Where it was confidently expected and predicted that
we would become a dependent, pauper race in a condition
of freedom, we have proved ourselves a self-sustaining
race, producing more cotton and corn and other wealth
as freemen to the enrichment of the commerce
of the States of the South than was ever dreamed of
in the philosophy of the slave-master. We appeal
to the statistics of cotton and cereal and mineral production
before and since the war to sustain our contention.
We have not produced all the wealth of the
South since the war—we have produced our honest
share, produced vastly more as a freeman than we produced 
as a slave—and instead of becoming public
charges have become self-sustaining and reliant citizens,
who share in the wealth we have produced and rejoice
in it and in the strength, the expansion and glory of
the Republic, of which we are, as Dr. David Gregg of
Brooklyn recently affirmed, among the first families,
and in whose past achievements and present glory, in
war and in peace, we claim by right of honest labor
and sacrifice and devotion, a co-equal share and participation.</p>
          <p>It seems to us strange and unnatural that we should
have to turn from the magnificent record we have made
as slaves and freemen, in peace and in war, to specific
grievances which go at the very roots of our citizenship,
and to appeal from the injustice and inhumanity
of a portion of our fellow-citizens to the justice and
fairness and Christian Charity inherent in the heart
and the soul of the great American people. But we
have to do so. We do it with a confidence born of
Christian faith and 250 years of education in American
law and precedent that we shall not appeal in vain.
We have lived in darker hours than those of to-day;
we have seen American justice and fair play go
through fire and death and devastation and come out
purified by the faith that abides in the God of Destiny,
and we expect to see it do so again. Our optimism
<pb id="walt137" n="137"/>
is as expansive as American love of justice and fair
play. And when properly appealed to, when properly
aroused, we do not believe that the world can furnish
a sublimer reply than it can and will give. And we
do not look to one section for a response, but to all
sections, and especially to the South, where we know
that we have friends who have been tried in the furnace
of experience and found true, and who will be
faithful in the future as they have been in the past,
if we shall be true to ourselves, true to the God who
brought us out of Egypt of slavery into the Judea of
freedom.</p>
          <p>But no race has ever risen out of the shadows into
the sunlight without fierce opposition. We have been
no exception to the rule. And all the way to the top
of the ladder, where Daniel Webster declared there
was plenty of room, however long it takes—and time
is the most important factor in the economy of God
in working out the destiny of races and nations—we
shall encounter fierce antagonism, but we shall win in
the end, for we shall have God and justice and fair
play on our side.</p>
          <p>In view of the present condition of affairs in which
we find ourselves we beg to direct attention to the following
facts:</p>
          <p>1. Since 1868 there has been a steady and persistent
determination to eliminate us from the politics of the
Southern States. We are not to be eliminated. Suffrage
is a federal guaranty and not a privilege to be
conferred or withheld by the States. We contend for
the principle of manhood suffrage as the most effective
safeguard of citizenship. A disfranchised citizen is a
pariah in the body politic. We are not opposed to
legitimate restriction of the suffrage, but we insist that
restrictions shall apply alike to all citizens of all States.
We are willing to accept an educational or property
qualification, or both; and we contend that retroactive
legislation depriving citizens of the suffrage rights is
<pb id="walt138" n="138"/>
a hardship which should be speedily passed upon by the
courts. We insist that neither of these was intended
or is conserved by the new constitutions of Mississippi,
South Carolina or Louisiana. Their framers intended
and did disfranchise a majority of their citizenship
because of “race and color” and “previous condition,”
and we therefore call upon the Congress to reduce the
representation of those States in the Congress as provided
and made mandatory by Section 2 of Article
XIV of the Constitution. We call upon Afro-Americans
everywhere to resist by all lawful means the determination
to deprive them of their suffrage rights.
If it is necessary to accomplish this vital purpose to
divide their vote in a given State we advise that they
divide it. The shibboleth of party must give way to
the shibboleth of self-preservation.</p>
          <p>2. The increase of mob and lynch law in the Republic
must be a source of regret and grief to every law-abiding
citizen. It has become a source of reproach at home
and abroad. We feel that this cancer on the body
politic is breeding a contempt for law which will
spread over the whole body of the nation unless a stop
is put to it. The recent outbreaks of it in Illinois,
North Carolina and South Carolina have shocked and
disgusted the Nation. We regret that the President
of the United States saw fit to treat with silence this
vital matter in his second Annual Message to Congress,
and yet we indulge the hope that the President will
adjust the matter affecting the outrages in the Carolinas
to the satisfaction of all fair-minded men and
to the honor and glory of the Nation.</p>
          <p>3. The separate car laws have grown to such provoking
proportions, and they are so unjust, degrading and
oppressive in their operations, that we deem it urgent
to direct attention to them here. We urge and advise,
in the interest of justice and decency, that the graduated
passenger rate prevailing in North Carolina be
substituted for the infamous system now in force in
<pb id="walt139" n="139"/>
most of the other States of the South. It is a principle
of the common law that a man shall pay for what he
wants and get what he pays for. Under the prevailing
system a contract made in New York with a railroad
or other common carrier is not worth the paper it is
written on south of North Carolina. Is this fair or just,
or in accordance with common or statute law
practice in the United States? A contract valid in one
State of the Republic should be valid in every State.
With all citizens than Afro-Americans, it is.</p>
          <p>4. In the interest of humanity we request that the
penal institutions of the South be reformed. The horrors
of them, depicted by Geo. W. Cable years ago,
instead of growing better have grown worse, as Governor
Atkinson of Georgia showed in the last days of
his conscientious administration of his office. The indiscriminate
herding of males and females and juveniles
in the convict camps of the South constitutes one
of the most glaring scandals in the administration of
justice in the Republic. The horrors of Siberia as
depicted by George Kennan and Stepniak are humane
in comparison with these horrors within our own land.
Read the reports of Governor Atkinson's special commissioners
on the Georgia convict camps! And this
is only one of eleven similar conditions. Separate the
males from the females; give the juveniles an asylum
of their own and an opportunity to reform. The other
States of the Union do it, why can't the South? It
has wealth enough, it only needs inclination. We
appeal to its inclination. As a matter of fact there
must be no less than 500,000 Afro-Americans in the
Southern States who are held to involuntary service,
contrary to the XIIIth Amendment to the Constitution
of the United States and the peonage statutes
thereof.</p>
          <p>5. Intelligent citizenship is the strongest safeguard
of the State, and as the people have decided, in the
failure of the passage of the Blair Educational Bill,
<pb id="walt140" n="140"/>
that each State must tax itself to educate its own citizens,
a principle entirely just, and as the taxation for
school purposes in the Southern States is wholly inadequate
to obliterate the abnormal illiteracy of those
States—due in large part to the maintenance of separate
schools for the two races, necessitating a double
expenditure of moneys raised by taxation for school
purposes, we suggest that a part of the public domain
of each of the Southern States be devoted to the schools
of higher learning and industrial training and for a
more effective maintenance of the public school system
of those States, for each race, share and share alike,
to be controlled and apportioned to the schools by the
Honorable Secretary of the Interior.</p>
          <p>6. We feel that a more general distribution of the
Afro-American race throughout the States of the Union
and the new territories of the Republic, in order to
reduce the congested population of the Southern
States, would do much to simplify the race problem
in those States, and we urge that such distribution
should be encouraged in all reasonable ways. We have
no sympathy whatever with the schemes of those who
wish to have the race leave the United States for foreign
countries. We shall remain here and fight out our
destiny in the land of our fathers.</p>
          <p>7. We favor both higher and industrial education,
and are gratified at the splendid growth of the love
of education manifested by the eagerness with which
our people fill the avenues of education open to them.</p>
          <p>8. We are gratified at the development of business
enterprises of all sorts among us and we wish to encourage
all such, as being among the strongest levers
in the uplift of the race.</p>
          <p>9. We submit our cause to the fair-minded men of
our own land and of the world at large, and invoke
the Divine interposition in our behalf.</p>
        </div2>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt141" n="141"/>
        <head>XIII<lb/>
GENERAL CONFERENCES</head>
        <p>THE first General Conference of which I was
a member and one of the secretaries met
in Mother Zion Church, New York City,
1884. I represented the California Annual
Conference.</p>
        <p>It was at this General Conference I met for the
first time that matchless orator of the race in the
person of Dr. J. C. Price, founder of Livingstone
College, Salisbury, N. C. A man of pleasing personality,
handsome in appearance, symmetrical in
form, uncompromising in attitude on all questions
affecting his race. I considered him the noblest
production of the A. M. E. Zion Church. It was
at this same General Conference I met for the
first time the eloquent G. W. Clinton and versatile
J. C. Dancey. All three were young men
full of life and ambition with a bright future, and
each made himself felt at this great gathering.</p>
        <p>It was at this General Conference that Bishop
Hillary was deposed for immoral conduct. Considerable
and helpful legislation was enacted; our
divorce laws were strengthened, Children's Day
inaugurated and the fifty cents general assessment
was made mandatory. Quite a number of the
<pb id="walt142" n="142"/>
young men of the conference were in favor of
the One Dollar assessment, but were unable to get
it through.</p>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>THE GENERAL CONFERENCE OF 1888</head>
          <p>It was at this General Conference, which met
at Newbern, N. C., 1888, that Dr. Price did his
most effective work. It was his eloquence that
won for us the day in our struggle to have the
A. M. E. Zion Church to give up her position of
Ultra-Conservatism and assume a progressive
attitude, which it has retained ever since.</p>
          <p>After a five days' struggle on the part of the
progressives to increase our episcopal force we
won, largely through the wonderful speech of Dr.
Price, the finest I have ever heard him make.
Dr. C. C. Petty and C. R. Harris were elected
Bishops.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>THE GENERAL CONFERENCE OF 1892.</head>
          <p>At the General Conference, which met in Pittsburg,
Pa., myself and I. C. Clinton were elected
Bishops. (See report above.)</p>
          <p>At this General Conference the following Commission
was appointed on organic union of the
Colored Branches of Methodism: Bishops C. R.
Harris, C. C. Petty, A. Walters, Revs. N. J.
Green, G. W. Offey, W. H. Goler, J. C. Price, M.
F. Jacobs, A. J. Warner, Hon. J. C. Dancey, Rev.
E. H. Curry and F. Killingsworth. The Commission
met a similar commission from the A. M.
E. Church at Harrisburg, Pa., May 20,1892. They
<pb id="walt143" n="143"/>
agreed on a name and bases of union, but the
matter was never consummated.</p>
          <p>Other helpful legislation was enacted.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>THE GENERAL CONFERENCE OF 1896.</head>
          <p>The General Conference of 1896 met at State
Street Church, Mobile, Ala. The battle between
the Conservatives and Progressives on the increase
of Bishops was renewed. The Progressives
won out and three Bishops were elected. Drs. G.
W. Clinton, J. B. Small and J. H. Holiday were
elected.</p>
          <p>At this General Conference a strenuous effort
was made by the Progressives to increase the
General Funds to One Dollar per member. In
this matter the Progressives failed.</p>
          <p>The back salaries of the Bishops were stopped
and they were made preferred payments on the
General Funds. Our educational work was
strengthened, and because of the success of the
General Conference many thought that a new
epoch had dawned upon the church.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>WASHINGTON, 1900</head>
          <p>At Washington a heated debate was waged on
the question of increased Episcopal supervision.
It resulted in the adoption of a motion providing
for the election of one Bishop. Dr. J. W. Alstork
of Montgomery, Alabama, was elected by acclamation.
It was here that the Connectional Council
<pb id="walt144" n="144"/>
was created on motion of the writer. (See General
Conference Manual for 1900, page 82.)</p>
          <p>Some notable addresses were delivered. Those
by Rev. A. P. Miller, of Lincoln Memorial Church;
Mr. Robert H. Terrel, Judge Gibson, Congressman
from Tennessee, were pleasing and inspiring.</p>
          <p>Remarkably clear, pungent, illuminating and
suggestive was the Quadrennial Address. On
racial, sociological, ecclesiastical and connectional
matters it took high and advanced ground. The
old church again unfurled to the breeze the banner
of higher education supplemented by ministerial
efficiency. On these two kindred subjects
there have always been men of forward looking
who constitute the vanguard. These have stood
like “Stoics of the woods,” contending for an
educational propaganda. To-day it is evident
that the rear is resting where the vanguard of
yesterday camped.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>ST. LOUIS, MO., 1904</head>
          <p>Here again a titanic struggle ensued over the
election of men to the high and holy office of the
Bishopric. The outcome was the election of Dr.
J. W. Smith, editor of the <hi rend="italics">Star of Zion,</hi> and Dr.
J. S. Caldwell, financial secretary.</p>
          <p>It was here in the tower of the historic Washington
Chapel, at the hour of midnight, when
vigilant spirit was ensconced in tired flesh, that
I prevailed on the senior bishop, Right Rev. J. W.
Hood, to agree to the recommendation of increasing
of the General Claims to one dollar per capita.
<pb id="walt145" n="145"/>
Heretofore it had ranged from fifty to eighty
cents. This has meant much to the progress of
the church. It really marked a new epoch
in our history.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>PHILADELPHIA, PA., 1908</head>
          <p>This was a General Conference of singular
force and startling initiative on the part of the
trenchmen, both ministerial and lay.</p>
          <p>A struggle, fierce and absorbing, raged between
the radical-progressives and the more conservative
forces. The fortunes of battle favored first
one and the other side. Finally, all the progressives
rallied to the charge and in a brilliantly-executed 
flanking movement drove the conservatives
from their trenches, capturing strongly defended
positions, compelling a grand retreat and
emerging victorious, shouting over the election of
Drs. M. R. Franklin, G. L. Blackwell and A. J. Warner.</p>
          <p>The General Conference here formulated the
boards which are now in operation and made still
more distinctive the several departments of the
Church.</p>
          <p>The outstanding features of this General Conference
were the wave of Missionary enthusiasm
which engulfed the delegates and the high pitch
of religious enthusiasm, which resulted in a large
contribution for the purchase of the Varick Memorial
Church. The securing of this edifice was
especially fitting, for in the years to come, when
our children ask, “what mean ye by this building”?
we can reply that it is a monument to the
<pb id="walt146" n="146"/>
first Negro, who, believing in the self-reliance and
ability of the Negro, launched his bark on the sea
of ecclesiastical independence.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>CHARLOTTE, N. C., 1912</head>
          <p>At Charlotte the battleground was marked by
the first defeat suffered by the radical-progressives
since 1888. Having felt the sting of defeat
for five successive times, the Conservatives rearranged
their battle lines and sent wave after
wave, by way of assault against the “impregnable”
wall of defence constructed by the Progressives.
The plan of warfare was well conceived
and brilliantly executed. Day after day
the lines held against repeated and determined
assaults. Advance was impossible, retreat unthinkable.
It became apparent that no decisive
result could be achieved. A draw was inevitable.
Bishop J. S. Caldwell here loomed up as the
pacificator of the Church. The candidates were
induced to tarry a while in the prayerful retreat
of the upper room. Here they poured out strong
supplications with tears. Here they finally rose
on stepping stones of their suppressed ambitions
and consented to retire from the race. Thus the
struggle ended, or was postponed to nineteen hundred
and sixteen. The prominent candidates
subscribing to this compact were Drs. Geo. C.
Clement, J. S. Jackson, R. B. Bruce, S. L. Corrothers,
W. L. Lee, R. S. Rives and J. B. Colbert.</p>
          <p>Little legislation was enacted here because of
the time devoted to futile balloting for the election
<pb id="walt147" n="147"/>
of chief pastors, and the defiant “No's” of
the protesting delegates. The united “135” will
never be forgotten. Thus the General Conference
held in the Queen City of the South, thus this Conference
passed into history. “God moves in a
mysterious way.”</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>LOUISVILLE, KY., 1916</head>
          <p>Here again after the lapse of forty years came
the men and women of Zion in General Conference
assembled, overshadowed by the spirit of the
fathers and clothed in the mantle of their proficient
and valuable services. In an address delivered
at Gaiety Theatre the writer thus expressed
himself: “Forty years ago this very month
the General Conference of our church met in this
city, in the little frame church on 15th St. I was
present as a boy. I sat around the altar, looked
into the faces of the splendid men and women
who composed that august body. At that time
I never dreamed that I would be thus honored by
my church as I have been, or that I would live
to see such a body as is gathered here in this
great city. What strides of progress in these
forty years! Many problems were awaiting solution.
Firm determination characterized the
delegates. They had determined that for Zion
they would do and for the conservation of her
paramount interests they would dare. Financial
irregularities had to be straightened out, and the
diplomatic way in which the matters of the financial
department were approached and handled
<pb id="walt148" n="148"/>
speaks volumes for the sagacity and balance of
the leaders of the church. Again came a gigantic
struggle between the ancient rivals—progressives
and conservatives—the situation was more complex
than ever. To carry out their program the
radical-progressives had to overcome the scruples
of the conservative among them. Between them
and the consummation of the things in their heart
loomed up the stalwart figures of the Nestor of
Zion Methodism. Retirement was recognized
tacitly as the need of the hour. But the esteem
in which both Bishops Hood and Harris were
held made the attempt seem ludicrous and impossible.
The progressives hesitated. There was
perceptible faltering in their ranks. But, like the
Germans at Verdun, the conservatives themselves
opened the attack. In a characteristic assault on
Dr. J. J. Smyer, Bishop Hood in his Episcopal
address advanced to what proved to be a veritable
Waterloo. The reply by Dr. Smyer will rank as
a classic. The progressives then took the offensive
and made a terrific onslaught on the conservatives,
which resulted in the election of four
Bishops.</p>
          <p>At this General Conference Bishop Hood and
Bishop C. W. Harris were retired. The financial
plan was revised at this session. An assessment
made of $115,000 per annum, a sufficient amount
to pay off the budget of the church. The financial
plan was revised appropriating 25 per cent of the
General Fund or one-fourth of the amount raised.
The total appropriation, $120,000.</p>
        </div2>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt149" n="149"/>
        <head>XIV<lb/>
MY TRIP TO WEST COAST OF AFRICA</head>
        <epigraph>
          <lg type="verse">
            <l>“Shall we, whose souls are lighted</l>
            <l>With wisdom from on high,</l>
            <l>Shall we to men benighted</l>
            <l>The lamp of life deny?”</l>
          </lg>
        </epigraph>
        <p>IN accordance with the demands of my Church
and in company with Bishop I. B. Scott of
the M. E. Church, resident Bishop of Monrovia,
Liberia, and Mr. Philip Payton, real estate
dealer of New York City, I sailed on the 26th
of January, 1910, for West Africa.</p>
        <p>After a pleasant sail of seven days we reached
Liverpool, England. We had to wait over for a
week in order to catch a fast steamer for Monrovia.
Mr. Payton remained in Liverpool two
weeks awaiting the arrival of United States Minister
Lyons, who he hoped would join him from
America, but Mr. Payton was disappointed and
had to make the journey to Monrovia alone.</p>
        <p>Bishop Scott and I left Liverpool on the 9th
of February for Monrovia. We were fortunate
in securing passage on the steamer <hi rend="italics">Dakar,</hi> one
of the fastest vessels of the Elder Dempster Line.</p>
        <p>The first five or six days of the voyage were
<pb id="walt150" n="150"/>
rather rough; on the sixth day we reached Las
Palmas, and we were glad to have the opportunity
to send off mail to relatives and friends in
America. Las Palmas is a Spanish city of the
Canary Islands. It has a healthy climate. Many
English and Americans who do business in Africa
have their residences in these islands.</p>
        <p>Six days' sail from here brought us to Sierra
Leone. Freetown, the chief city of the colony,
is a beautiful place of 40,000 inhabitants; it is
situated on the side of a mountain. Here I found
black men in charge of all kinds of governmental
positions. The bankers are black, the men in
charge of the boats are black; all except the high
government officials are colored.</p>
        <p>It is the first great Negro city I ever saw.</p>
        <p>There are forty churches in the city owned
and controlled by black men.</p>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>LIBERIA</head>
          <p>I left Sierra Leone on Sunday, the 20th. I was
up early Monday morning, February 21, and on
deck to get the first sight of Liberia. I did not
have to wait very long ere I got a glimpse of
the mainland, and soon we were in sight of
Monrovia, the Capital of the little Black Republic,
founded in 1847, colonized by free Negroes in
1821. We cast anchor about a mile from the
shore, fired a signal to inform the Liberians that
a vessel was in the harbor. The regular mail-boats
do not stop at Monrovia, so we were not
expected until the 26th of February. It was
<pb id="walt151" n="151"/>
but a short while before we saw the little boats
coming out to meet us; first, the diving boys, who
are experts at seeing money under water and
catching it ere it reaches the bottom; next came
the government officers, a fine set of young looking
Negroes, as gallant looking as any set of
officers I over saw. We with our luggage were placed
aboard the boats; we waved a farewell to
the officers and fellow passengers of the ship,
<hi rend="italics">Dakar,</hi> and were off to shore, while the ship
started to the far south. A kind of bond of friendship
had sprung up between crew and passengers
while aboard; hence I was a little sorry to leave
them, but at last we waved the final farewell
and became interested in our own skilled oarsmen.
Why, what master strokes! And now we
are at the wharf at Monrovia. A thrill of joy
possessed me as I stepped from the boat on to
the shores of my fatherland.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>THE DARK CONTINENT</head>
          <p>Africa is next in area to Asia, approaching
twelve million square miles, with about two hundred
million people, with an area large enough
to take in Europe with her three million seven
hundred and ninety-five thousand seven hundred
and eighty-eight square miles; India with one million
seven hundred sixty-six thousand six hundred
forty-two square miles; China with one million
five hundred thirty-two thousand four hundred
twenty square miles; United States with
three million ninety-two thousand six hundred
<pb id="walt152" n="152"/>
seventy-nine square miles, all can be placed in different
parts of Africa and room left for more.
Africa has fifty-five million Mohammedans, one
hundred million pagans and less than nine million
Christians.</p>
          <p>It has a number of diamond mines. About
twenty million dollars' worth of diamonds are
taken annually from the Kimberley Mines, $350, 000,000
worth being the output of the uncut stones
(doubled in value when cut) since 1868.</p>
          <p>It has also a number of gold mines. A total of
two hundred million dollars' worth of gold has
been exported from the Gold Coast. The present
annual production of gold of South Africa is fifty
million dollars.</p>
          <p>In palm oil exportation two hundred million
five hundred thousand dollars was the figure
reached in 1900 from the British Nigeria alone.
Besides this there is a large trade in ivory and
an increasing trade in rubber, mahogany, ebony,
wool and other articles.</p>
          <p>Africa's foreign commerce, exports and imports,
amounted in 1901 to a grand total of seven
hundred million dollars.</p>
          <p>The continent of Africa contains some of the
highest mountains in the world. The Kenia mountains
have a peak 19,000 feet high. </p>
          <p>The Ruwensori group has two peaks over 14,000
feet high. Africa has some of the greatest rivers
and lakes of the world. Tanganyika Lake is 400
miles long. Lake Nyassa is about the same length.
The Nile, 4000 miles long; the Congo, the Niger
<pb id="walt153" n="153"/>
and Gambesi are among the greatest rivers in the
world. England, France, Germany, Portugal and
Belgium are the countries which have the largest
possessions in Africa.</p>
          <p>Liberia owes its existence to the National Colonization
Society of America, which was organized
in 1816 for the purpose of settling in Africa the
free Negroes of the United States. After an unsuccessful
attempt to establish a colony south of Sierra Leone,
1820, a tract of land was acquired about Cape Mesurado.
The Republic is the outgrowth of this colony.</p>
          <p>We had a pleasant and profitable session of the
conference. I was greatly assisted by Revs. Taylor
and Pearce, and since it has been reported in
the <hi rend="italics">Star of Zion,</hi> I need not speak of it in detail
in this address.</p>
          <p>Sir Harry Johnston in his history of Liberia
says: “Liberia is a portion of the West Coast
lands between Sierra Leone and the Ivory Coast,
which may be styled the end of Northern Guinea.
Its most easterly point on the coast is the mouth
of the Cavalla River, just beyond Cape Palmas;
it is in longitude 7° 33’ W. of Greenwich; the
westernmost point of Liberia (at the mouth of
the River Mano) lies in about latitude 6° 55’ N,
and in west longitude 11° 33’.</p>
          <p>“In the interior Liberian territory extends
northwards to about 80° 50’ N. latitude. It has
three hundred miles of coast land with one or two
fairly good harbors.”</p>
          <p>Sir Harry Johnston further says: “The political
<pb id="walt154" n="154"/>
geography of Liberia at the present day makes
it out to be a territory approximately forty-three
thousand square miles in extent; bounded on the
west by the British Colony of Sierra Leone, on
the north and east by the French possessions in
the Niger Basin and on the Ivory Coast. The
southern boundary, of course, is the Atlantic
Ocean.”</p>
          <p>Liberia has four counties and one territory.
The counties are Montserrado, Grand Bassa,
Sinoe and Maryland; territory, Grand Cape
Mount. Its principal cities are Monrovia, Robertsport,
Buchanan, Edina, Greenville and Harper.
The principal river is the St. Paul, a most
beautiful stream, on which it was our good pleasure,
through the kindness of Bishop Ferguson, to
have a sail of fifteen or twenty miles out to his
Girls' Industrial School, the cost of which was
°30,000. Next of importance is the Cavalla, Mano,
St. John, Junk and Cestos Rivers.</p>
          <p>The Principal offices of the Government are the
President, Secretary of State, Secretary of the
Treasury, Secretary of War and Navy, Secretary
of the Interior, Postmaster General, and Superintendent
of Education. Various Courts ending
with the Supreme Court of three Judges. The
present form of government has been in existence
sixty-three years and the chief executive office has
been filled by some very able men, such as Hon.
J. J. Roberts, S. A. Benson, G. W. Gibson, J. J. Cheeseman
and the present incumbent, President
Arthur Barclay.</p>
        </div2>
        <pb id="walt155" n="155"/>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>THE LATE TROUBLE</head>
          <p>Because of the encroachment of France and
England upon the territory of Liberia, which
threatened its existence and final 
absorption—France having already taken a large
slice of its territory—the financial embarrassment of the
country, due to its inability to meet a loan advanced
by an English Syndicate, decreased revenues,
owing to the cheapening in price of coffee
and other articles of export.</p>
          <p>The policing of the frontiers became a great
drain upon the revenues of the country—all these
troubles paralyzed business and caused universal
discouragement.</p>
          <p>In the hour of this crisis it was thought wise
to appeal to the Government of the United States
to intervene and give financial assistance.</p>
          <p>“That Liberia,” says the Chicago <hi rend="italics">Record
Herald,</hi> “is in pressing need of a reorganization
of its finances is apparent when it is considered
that the British Government has been pressing
for some readjustment of the situation regarding
the loan, now amounting to about $455,000, including
interest; the debt was incurred in 1871,
through British financiers.”</p>
          <p>There is a further customs loan of $480,000 and
an internal debt amounting to about $300,000.</p>
          <p>For a population of 2,000,000 this would not
seem to make a formidable grand total of indebtedness.
According to reports of recent years the
country has great natural resources, if they can
<pb id="walt156" n="156"/>
be developed properly. How to bring about the
development of these natural resources is a problem
more perplexing to Liberian statesmen than
is the handling of the existing indebtedness.</p>
          <p>The <hi rend="italics">Cornhill Magazine</hi> of June, 1890, speaking
of the partitionment of Liberia among the powers
mentioned, says: “The territory now known as
Liberia should be divided among the powers and
governed as a Protectorate in the ordinary manner
unless, indeed, the United States themselves
were disposed to take the whole.”</p>
          <p>“It is improbable that such a proposal would
meet with serious opposition by England, France
or Germany. Although it might not be exactly
greeted with enthusiasm, provided that freedom
of commerce were guaranteed, no differential
tariffs set up and no monopoly created in Kru
labor.</p>
          <p>“Many people outside of official circles would
cordially welcome the advent of the United States
as an African Power. In the absence of any such
professed desire on the part of the United States,
the natural inheritors of the territory would be
France and England, whose possessions run
parallel with it.</p>
          <p>“France would extend her Ivory Coast and
Western Sudan possessions to incorporate a portion
of it, and England might be disposed—the authorities
of Sierra Leone would favor the course—to
a further portion. Both powers, however, England
especially, would be wise in making it possible
for Germany to participate on equal
<pb id="walt157" n="157"/>
terms in the settlement, which would give her the
chance, if it proved attractive in her eyes, to
found in this section of Western Africa another
such small Protectorate as ‘Toga,’ which she
governed so admirably and the prosperity of
whose inhabitants she has so materially
increased.”</p>
          <p>In 1908 a deputation was sent from Liberia to
the United States to appeal to the Government at
Washington for help, especially for intervention
on the part of the United States Government.
After due consideration in 1910, the Government
at Washington decided to aid the black Republic
through a million dollar loan from American,
British, French and German bankers, through the
good offices of Secretary Knox, so as to put it on
a sound financial basis, which has seemed impossible
of attainment. President Taft, soon after 
his inauguration, sent a commission of investigation
to the country on the petition of the Liberians
for a treaty, under which the United States,
through a protectorate, might act the part of the
big brother to the struggling Republic. Neither
the President nor Secretary Knox, according to
the advices from Washington, is in favor of an
open and declared protectorate. But they hold
that by the very terms of Liberia's existence the
United States has a moral obligation toward the
country, and cannot afford to see the struggling
Negro republic gobbled up by Great Britain,
France or some other European power. With a
stable government and good public schools the
<pb id="walt158" n="158"/>
future of Liberia is assured. Our first work is to
establish a good school with an industrial department.
I am convinced that if a permanent work
is to be done in Africa its basis must be laid in
education, and by all means Christian education.
The church must be the outgrowth of the school.</p>
          <p>On our part there must be more definite training
given the men and women we purpose sending
to Africa. In the past we did things in a haphazard
way by sending men and women illy prepared
to do this stupendous work—this must
cease, and systematic efforts must be taken in
its place. Men and women must be trained for
work in Africa.</p>
          <p>Liberia presents splendid opportunities for our
missionary activities. (We are in a position to
do as much for the country as any other colored
church.) What is needed is aggressive measures
and that immediately, for there is no time to be
lost.</p>
          <p>The opportunities are great for young men of
training, who have a little capital and who are
willing to work. Public roads, railways of all
kinds are to be constructed; manufactories and
steamboats are to be built; indeed, the whole
country is to be opened up to commerce.</p>
          <p>Men are needed of the highest technical training.
Mr. Falkner, a young man of this country,
went to Liberia and started an ice factory, built
a telephone line, and he is doing well—bids fair
to become one of Liberia's wealthiest citizens.</p>
          <p>I arrived at Cape Coast, Wednesday, March
<pb id="walt159" n="159"/>
16, at 5 P.M., five days ahead of time. I had written
Rev. Arthur Pinanko that my ship, according to
published schedule, would arrive March 21, 1910,
but catching the <hi rend="italics">Falaba</hi> at Monrovia, March 14,
I was enabled to come in on the 16th of March.</p>
          <p>On the night of my arrival, at about 8 P.M.,
a delegation, consisting of the pastor, Rev. Brown,
and officers of the church, called, and through an
interpreter informed me that arrangements had
been made to meet me at the Custom House and
welcome me to the city; that a dozen or more
banners had been made at great expense for the
occasion; “and now,” said the interpreter, “we
desire your Lordship to meet the members and
friends at the Custom House at 8 A.M., and allow
us to escort your Lordship to your headquarters.”
I consented, but had to change the program next
morning, owing to the fact that I did not feel
well. However, the procession was formed and
marched in the following order:</p>
          <p>First Division—The day school with three banners,
 inscribed, “Welcome to Cape Coast”;
“Search the Scriptures”; “Labore et Honore.”</p>
          <p>Second Division—The Sunday School, with
three banners inscribed, “Welcome,” “Feed My
Lambs,” and “Star of Zion; Shine on, Little
Star!”</p>
          <p>Third Division—Varick Christian Endeavor
Society, with three banners inscribed, “For
Christ and His Church,” “Satisfy us early with
Thy Mercy,” and “If the Cross we bear, the
Crown we will wear.”</p>
          <pb id="walt160" n="160"/>
          <p>Fourth Division—Church members, with three
banners inscribed, “Welcome,” “God shall supply
all your need,” and “I will guide thee with mine eye.”</p>
          <p>The company filled the space in front of the
Prospect House. It was truly an inspiring scene.
Several native airs were sung to my great delight.
One of the things of interest to me was
to see so many people in their native dress. Presiding
Elder Pinanko, on behalf of the assembly,
gave a short address of welcome from the piazza
of the Prospect House. In my reply I said: “I am
glad to be here to meet you, and I most heartily
thank you for your cordial welcome; I feel to be
one of you, bone of your bone, and flesh of your
flesh. I bring you greetings from the Mother
Church; she wishes you great success. I congratulate
you on the splendid work that you have accomplished
here in the past six years, and trust it
is but the beginning of a greater work for the Master.
We had a splendid session of the Conference.
I have heard a great deal of Cape Coast
and its Castle. I have seen it for myself, and I
assure you that I am delighted. I am pleased
with your beautiful banners. Again God bless
you all.”</p>
          <p>While in Monrovia I made my home with Hon.
F. E. R. Johnson, LL.D., Secretary of State. His
residence is the handsomest in the city.</p>
        </div2>
        <pb id="walt161" n="161"/>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>REPORT OF CAPE COAST</head>
          <p>The city of Cape Coast is about seven hundred
miles from Monrovia, Liberia, and is considered
the most beautiful in appearance from the sea
of any of the stations on the Gold Coast. It has
a population of over ten thousand. Like Rome,
it is situated on seven hills. The famous Cape
Coast Castle is the largest and most imposing
of the many castles along the West Coast of
Africa, and has an interesting history. I was
surprised to see so many beautiful public buildings
and fine private dwellings here.</p>
          <p>Our school building, which is being used for
Church services, will accommodate five or six hundred.
It is built with cement and it presents a
clean and healthful appearance. I had no idea
that we had such a large and substantial
building in Africa.</p>
          <p>As usual, our ship anchored about a half mile
from the shore, and I was again forced, against
my will, to take a small boat for the land. We
had ten boys set on the edge of the boat, and
how they did sing and paddle as our boat rode
the mighty waves.</p>
          <p>There is no wharf or dock at Cape Coast to
which even the little boats can tie up, so when
we got as near land as possible, two strong fellows
took me on their shoulders and carried me
to shore—how I did rejoice that I had made the
journey safely. It was soon known that the
African Bishop from America had arrived. I
<pb id="walt162" n="162"/>
sent for Rev. Arthur Pinanko, but ere he arrived
some female members of the mission came and
took my luggage on their heads (where everything
is carried from a cup to an iron bar weighing
a ton) and started for the Parsonage. I had
fourteen pieces of luggage, which furnished the
opportunity for quite a procession. We had
hardly gotten out of the gate of the Custom House
before I met two of our preachers, Brothers
Brown and Sackay, and soon afterward saw the
smiling face of Rev. Arthur Pinanko rushing to
meet me. My, but I was glad to see him. Had
he been a woman I would have kissed him. He
led the procession to the Parsonage, which is a
fine building in a good locality. I was informed
that I was to rest a while there; that headquarters
had been arranged at a place on one of the Hills
of Cape Coast—Prospect House. I had never
occupied in America such a place. The position
of the building is a commanding one—away above
the houses in the valley. On three sides is a splendid
view of the ocean and on the north a view
far back into the hinderland. This is the property
we hope to secure for our College. Rev.
Pinanko and his wife were with me and we had
servants galore. How I wish all our Bishops
could visit this place and see this situation—meet
these grandees. The men are tall, straight as an
arrow, symmetrical in form , comely in appearance;
for a head dress they coil a handkerchief
with different colors round their heads; they wear
a cloth one side thrown over the shoulder coming
<pb id="walt163" n="163"/>
down to about a foot of the ground; the well-to-do
wear sandals, but the majority go barefooted.
The women wear a piece of cloth from the breast
down to about half a foot from the ground. I
was agreeably surprised with the modest style
of the dress of the young women. The little children
wear very little clothes, some of them none
at all. The professional and the merchant class
are Europeanized; they dress very much like the
English or the American, but they form the small
minority.</p>
          <p>The whole Gold Coast is under the English rule,
with a Governor at Accra, and a Deputy Governor
(Commissioner) at Cape Coast. Still, the local
King Kodwo Morah is in charge of the natives.
He is the first black King that I ever saw. It
was my pleasure to meet him twice, and I consider
him a fine old man. He is over ninety years
old. He was present at my reception at Cape
Coast and made an address. Chief W. Z. Coker,
commander (General) of the warriors, is a colored
man. He delivered the welcome address on behalf
of the City—at our reception.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>KWITTAH</head>
          <p>I left Cape Coast on March 28 for Kwittah, our
last station on the West Coast of Africa, in company
with Presiding Elder Frank Pinanko and
Rev. Harold N. Kwaun, a delegate from Kwittah
to the Conference held at Cape Coast. We arrived
Wednesday, March 30, 1910, and were met at the
<pb id="walt164" n="164"/>
shore by Rev. W. E. Shaw and J. D. Taylor; the
latter and his wife preceded me here from Monrovia
by twelve days. A special boat was sent
out to our ship to convey us to the land.</p>
          <p>The church, school and citizens with beautiful
banners were on hand to escort us to the parsonage;
most of the people were in their native dress.
On all sides could be seen flags with the word
Welcome inscribed on them. It was truly a royal
welcome. The scene was an inspiring one not
soon to be forgotten by me.</p>
          <p>I found Rev. Shaw in perfect health and as
happy as it is possible to be. He seems delighted
with his work, and the people are exceedingly
pleased with him. In the short time he has been
there he has transformed things, both in the church
and school. We have a very good school building,
40 by 60, which we use for church services. I
am told that it is usually filled each Sabbath. A
short distance from Kwittah, at Payie, we have
here a young Tuskegee, organized by Rev. J. J.
Pearce. I am told that it is a great plant. Rev.
Shaw has promised to send to the <hi rend="italics">Star</hi> a full
account of this remarkable work.</p>
          <p>Kwittah is a town of ten thousand inhabitants
on a plain; unlike Cape Coast, seated on seven
hills. It is a clean city with fine private and public
buildings.</p>
          <p>Considerable cotton is raised near here. The
chief planter is Mr. Dawson, a member of our
church. He is intelligent, thrifty, and a public-spirited
young man. I feel proud of him and of
<pb id="walt165" n="165"/>
his achievements. He presented me two pillows
made of the cotton grown on his place.</p>
          <p>The first session of the East Gold Coast Conference
of the A. M. E. Zion Church convened at
Kwittah, Thursday, March 31, at 10 A.M., with five
ministers and nine lay delegates present. Rev.
Harold N. Kwaun was chosen secretary and Presiding
Elder Shaw compiler and reporter to the
<hi rend="italics">Star of Zion.</hi></p>
          <p>On Thursday night, March 30, Welcome exercises
were held at the school building. The place
was packed and there were as many on the outside
as there were within. Able addresses were
made by the secretary of the trustee board, Revs.
Arthur Pinanko, J. D. Taylor and W. E. Shaw.
I made a response.</p>
          <p>The sessions of the Conferences were interesting.
Brother Harold N. Kwaun and G. A. Tay
were ordained deacons and three other young men
of our teaching force were admitted to the Conference.
The Conference settled an old dispute
about the land which is in our charge. It was
given to the connection by Chief Acolatse. It was
afterwards discovered that he did not own all
the land included in the deeds given us, but that
a part of the land was owned by Chief Ocloo. During
a visit here of Rev. Pinanko to settle the
matter Chief Ocloo agreed to give a deed for his
part of the land, and since the land had been
properly surveyed and Chief Acolatse was willing
to make another deed, the matter was settled
without much trouble.</p>
          <pb id="walt166" n="166"/>
          <p>Splendid sermons were preached during the
Conference by Revs. Pinanko, Taylor and Shaw.
Of course, the Bishop had to preach</p>
          <p>On Thursday, Friday and Saturday nights and
Sunday hundreds came forward for prayer. I
never saw anything like it in my life. Forty
joined the church and as many were baptised.
We have a membership here of over three hundred,
and in the day school we have two hundred
and seventy scholars, with seven instructors. The
following is the report of our work here at
Kwittah. If our great Bishop Small was alive,
who laid the foundation of this work, how his heart
would rejoice, and I dare to think that he does
know of the work, and that he does rejoice at
the wonderful progress made. Bishop Small built
wiser than he knew.</p>
          <p>The important question with our Church to-day
is, shall we commence a more aggressive work in
Africa? This question can best be answered by
asking another—are we prepared to do aggressive
work in Africa? I answer unhesitatingly,
yes. Since its origin the Zion Church has been
known for its independence—race pride and true
patriotism. No Negro Church has produced a
greater galaxy of heroic leaders than the A. M. E.
Zion Church. When the future historian shall
make up his roll of honor of the Negro leaders
of America in the Church, high on that scroll will
appear the names of James Varick, Christopher
Rush, Jackson J. Clinton, John Jamison Moore,
J. W. Loquen, Singleton T. Jones, Calvin Petty,
<pb id="walt167" n="167"/>
Frederick Douglass, J. B. Small, William Howard
Day, Joseph C. Price, J. W. Hood and J. C.
Dancey.</p>
          <p>In the dark days of slavery when a platform
was needed for the Negro to plead his own cause,
notwithstanding the threatening of slave-holders
and their sympathizers in the North and South,
Zion Church gave to the anti-slavery advocates
a platform. The very genius of the Church is one
of independence. There is not a Bishop alive today
who is not filled with an aggressive spirit
and who is not manly and courageous. I know
the men of my Church, and no matter what men
may say and think to the contrary, they are for
the noblest and best there is for their race, and
this is the spirit they are prepared to carry into
Africa.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>SECOND.—HAS THE A. M. E. ZION CHURCH MEN AND
WOMEN QUALIFIED TO DO EFFECTIVE WORK IN
AFRICA?</head>
          <p>Again I answer in the affirmative. We have in
our ranks men from some of the best schools in
the nation. Not long ago we sent to Africa a
man eminently prepared by literary training and
experience to give splendid service in the redemption
of that dark continent. He is a trained physician,
Rev. W. E. Shaw. At Cape Coast we have in
the person of Frank Arthur a man trained in our
own Livingstone, a person of deep Christian piety.
At Brewerville we have Rev. J. J. Pearce of Fiske
University, a man not only of training, but of
<pb id="walt168" n="168"/>
experience and in every way prepared to advance
the work. At Monrovia we have J. D. Taylor, the
dean of our missionary corps in Africa.</p>
          <p>Doubtless there are many in our own schools
to-day that are being prepared for service in
Africa. Thus we see that from an intellectual
standpoint our Church is prepared to do effective
work in Africa.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>THIRD.—HAS THE A. M. E. ZION CHURCH THE MONEY
SUFFICIENT TO CARRY ON THE WORK IN AFRICA?</head>
          <p>Again we say yes. We have the same kind of
people and with just about as much money as
any other Negro Church in America. If the A.
M. E. Church can carry on work in Africa so can
we.</p>
          <p>I have nothing but words of commendation for
this great Church and its work in Africa. I rejoice
in the fact that Bishops Turner, Grant,
Smith, Derrick and Coppin have visited that far-off
land, touched and inspired its people. I am
glad that Bishop Heard is the resident Bishop of
Liberia and that Bishop Johnson is the resident
Bishop of South Africa. And I am sorry that
we have not done as much, and I serve notice
to-day that Zion is alive to the missionary interest
of Africa, and from now on proposes to be an
active factor in the redemption of that land.</p>
          <p>I rejoice in the splendid work done by the Baptist
Churches of Color in the redemption of Africa.
They have done and are doing a magnificent
work, and I believe that we are as well prepared
<pb id="walt169" n="169"/>
as they are, according to our numbers, to do
effective work in Africa.</p>
          <p>All admit that the world must be converted to
God, and the A. M. E. Zion Church must do its
part or else prove recreant to its trust. The
Church that is foremost in the missionary endeavor
will be the Church to receive the largest
blessing from God, for the promise is to those
who will spread the word of God and teach all
nations.</p>
          <p>To do this the first requisite is an experimental
knowledge of Jesus Christ the Lord, and in proportion
as this is genuine and deep will we desire
to communicate His fire to others. The same is
true of the Church. Propagation is the law of
the natural world. When we have a delightful
experience we feel like making it known to others,
so when we have the gift of the Holy Ghost and
know of the love of God, we must communicate
it to others.</p>
          <p>“People who say that they do not believe in
foreign missions are usually quite unconscious of
the indictment which they bring against their own
spiritual experience. The man that has no religion
of his own that he values, of course is not
interested in the effort to make it known to others.
One may simply be ignorant of the contents of his
faith or the real character of the missionary
movement, but as a rule those who have the real
Christian experience are conscious of an overmastering
impulse to communicate it to others.”</p>
          <p>When Andrew had found the Christ had come in
<pb id="walt170" n="170"/>
touch with His charming personality, had listened
to His burning words of eloquence and had been
mightily wrought upon by His wonderful love,
he ran off to inform his brother Simon, and said
to him, “We have found the Messiah.” The
woman of Samaria who conversed with Christ at
Jacob's well became enthused over the words of
the Master, and finally returned to the village of
Sychar and said, “Come see a man which told
me all the things whatever I did; is not this the
Christ”? The four men who forcibly carried the
leper into the presence of Jesus did so because
they had themselves been healed of their
maladies.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>THE WORLD'S NEED OF CHRIST</head>
          <p>In setting forth the needs of the world, St. Paul
has declared: “We have all gone astray, sinned
and fallen short of the glory of God.” Isaiah
declared: “The whole world is sick and the heart
faint, from the sole of the foot even to the head,
there is no soundness in us, wounds and bruises
and putrefying sores.”</p>
          <p>If such is the condition with enlightened people,
how much more are the heathens in need of the
Saviour, who are without enlightenment.</p>
          <p>Says Rev. Arthur Brown: “He who has knowledge
that is essential to his fellowmen is under
obligation to convey that knowledge to them.”
It makes no difference who those men are or
where they live, or whether they are conscious
<pb id="walt171" n="171"/>
of their need, or how much inconvenience or expense
he may incur in reaching them; the fact
that he can help them is the reason why he should
help them. This is an essential part of the foreign
missionary impulse. We have the revelation
of God which is potential of a civilization that
benefits man; an education that fits him for
higher usefulness, a scientific knowledge that enlarges
his power, a medical skill that alleviates
his suffering, and above all, a relation of Jesus
Christ that not only lends a new dignity to his
earthly life, but that saves his soul and prepares
him for eternal companionship with God. “In
none other is there salvation.” Therefore, we
must convey this gospel to the world. There is
no worthy reason for being concerned about the
salvation of the man next to us which is not
equally applicable to the man five thousand miles
away.<sic corr="punctuation error">”</sic></p>
          <p>The imperative command, “Go ye therefore,
and teach all nations”; the little word “go” in the
sentence just quoted may be applied to us all,
not only to the minister in the pulpit, the young
man or woman in our schools having a course of
preparation for the mission work, but to us all.
Some of us are to go in person to the yet far-off
mission fields, they are to labor in word and
doctrine, to suffer for the Master. Others are to
go by giving their means, and in order to do this
make sacrifices to carry out the commission; and
still others go by earnest and prevailing prayers
for the mission cause. While we have accomplished
<pb id="walt172" n="172"/>
much, still, it must be apparent to all
that we could have done a great deal more.</p>
          <p>My main object is to have our men help to
civilize and Christianize heathen Africa, and this
must be done quickly or Mohammedanism will
overrun the country. The question is, which will
conquer Africa—Islam or Christianity? Some
very intelligent people think that Islam is better
for Africa as a religion than Christianity, since
it so completely emphasizes and practices the
fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man.</p>
          <p>They say the Christian religion teaches the
fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man,
but the white missionary studiously avoids it in
practice. I am sorry this is true, but this does
not destroy the fact that the Christian religion
is the best in the world.</p>
          <p>Mohammedanism encourages polygamy, which
means the destruction of the home. Christianity
stands for purity, which means the stability of
the home and the nation. Now is the time for the
Christian world to awake to the seriousness of
this conflict and do all in its power to win Africa.
I do think, however, that there is a great need of
the principles of true Christianity everywhere:
<hi rend="italics">God's purpose in allowing the natives to be
brought to these shores.</hi></p>
          <p>For what other purpose were the natives
brought to America and caused to pass through
the crucible of slavery and now to be Christianized
and trained in the best schools of the nation but
to aid in the redemption of Africa. More emphasis
<pb id="walt173" n="173"/>
should be placed in such meetings as this
on the part the American Negro should take in
the evangelization of Africa.</p>
          <p>Out of our meagre means we are doing what
we can to establish schools to prepare missionaries
for this work, and I am glad to say that a
number of the white boards of America and
Europe have opened the doors of their schools
to admit men to be prepared for this work. But
money is needed to establish schools on the
grounds for the training of native workers, and
I appeal to you to-day to aid us in the establishment
of educational institutions.</p>
        </div2>
        <div2 type="subchapter">
          <head>MATERIAL DEVELOPMENT OF AFRICA</head>
          <p>I am of the opinion that our Church should
give all the encouragement possible to the material
development of Africa, and especially of
Liberia. I believe that America is to furnish the
Negro Cecil Rhodes to Liberia, the man who is
to develop the resources of Africa and to start
a line of steamships between that country and
ours. Untold wealth and glory await such a
financial genius.</p>
          <p>I am of the opinion that the Negroes of
America should lend their influence to help in
the political development of Liberia. The men
who compose this historic Republic are our
brothers, bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh.
Therefore, they have a right to expect encouragement
from us.</p>
        </div2>
        <pb id="walt174" n="174"/>
        <div2>
          <head>OUR CONTRIBUTION TO AFRICA</head>
          <p>While Scotland can boast of her David Livingstone,
who stands at the head of all African explorers;
indeed, who is majestic in his loneliness
and was so lofty in his purpose, so superb in his
devotion, and who said when dying, “All that I
can add to my loneliness is, may heaven's richest
blessing come down on every one—American,
Englishman, Turk—who will help heal this open
sore of the world.” And while the Methodist
Episcopal Church can boast of her Melville Cox,
who was so able and saintly, and who laid down
his life for Africa's redemption, our Zion can
boast of her rugged old hero, Andrew Cartright;
Dudley, Mesdames Arthur and Wright; nor can
we forget their services, who are the connecting
links between our Church and Africa. Their departed
spirits whisper to us and urge us on to
play our parts in the redemption of this great
continent.</p>
          <p>All honor to Bishop Small, my predecessor,
who felt the burden of African redemption as no
other man felt it in his day in our Church. I am
afraid that there is not enough said about the
work of Bishop Small; what we have in Africa
today is largely due to the efforts in the interest
of Africa by this sainted hero.</p>
          <p>It is known to a good many of us that out of
his own private purse he aided Frank Arthur and
other African students who matriculated at Livingstone
College. Several of them he kept in his
<pb id="walt175" n="175"/>
home, providing liberally for their physical needs.
I consider it an honor to succeed such an eminent
scholar, such an enthusiastic advocate of African
redemption.</p>
          <p>And now may I add to this closing word, I
do hope that our Church will rise to the present
situation and meet the present opportunity which
is presented to it in Africa.</p>
          <p>“If the situation now confronting the Church
throughout the world does not move to a larger
consecration and prompt an aggressive effort, it
is difficult to imagine what more God could do
to move the Church, unless it be to bring upon it
some great calamity. To know the awful needs
of the non-christian world, to have available a
Gospel abundantly sufficient to meet that need, to
be fully able to carry that Gospel to those who
are in need of it, and not to do so, will inevitably
promote unreality and hypocrisy throughout the
Home Church. It is an inexorable law of Christianity
that no Christian can keep spiritual life
and blessing to himself, but must communicate
to those in need. Not to do so damages the character
of the Christian himself, promotes like
hypocrisy among other Christians who are influenced
by him, leads unbelievers around him to
lose confidence in the reality of Christianity and
leaves in outer darkness multitudes of souls in
non-christian lands who, were it not for such sham
profession, would be ushered into the marvellous
light and liberty of Christ. The present halting
and seeming inaction of the Church is bringing
<pb id="walt176" n="176"/>
discredit on the name and power of
Christianity.”</p>
          <p>Let us up and be doing. Every member of the
Church and race should make an annual subscription
to our African Fund. It is a shame the little
we give to Foreign Missions. Who will be the
first to hand in his name for an annual subscription
to this fund?</p>
        </div2>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt177" n="177"/>
        <head>XV<lb/>
INDEPENDENCE IN POLITICS</head>
        <epigraph>
          <q direct="unspecified">
            <p>“He serves me most who serves his country best.”
<bibl>—POPE.</bibl></p>
          </q>
        </epigraph>
        <epigraph>
          <q type="verse" direct="unspecified">
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“I breathe Heaven's air, and Heaven looks down on me,</l>
              <l>And smiles at my best meanings, I remain</l>
              <l><hi rend="italics">Master</hi> of mine own self and mine own soul.”</l>
            </lg>
          </q>
          <bibl>—TENNYSON.</bibl>
        </epigraph>
        <p>GREATLY to the surprise of my lifelong
friends and to the consternation of the
conservative members of my race in politics,
both in the campaign of 1908 and again in
1912, I not only voted the Democratic ticket, but
took an active part in the campaign for the election
of the national Democratic ticket. Much
censure was bestowed upon me, both privately
and publicly, for thus deserting the party to which
the colored man by tradition and general consent
of both the great political parties considered himself
bound. In response to the publicly expressed
criticism, I issued the following defence of my
independence in politics, being at this time President
of the Colored Democratic League:</p>
        <pb id="walt178" n="178"/>
        <q type="text" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>REASONS WHY THE NEGRO SHOULD VOTE THE<lb/>
DEMOCRATIC TICKET</head>
                <p>In advocating a division of the Negro vote I have
met with severe criticism from some people who ought
to know better. However, much of the criticism is the
result of selfishness; it is the same old cry heard in
other days, “Our raft is in danger.”</p>
                <p>Since I have nothing but the good of my people
at heart, I have nothing to fear nor need I be disturbed
by the unjust criticism so freely indulged in in some quarters.</p>
                <p>It has been said that I desire all the Negroes to vote
the Democratic ticket. I want nothing of the kind,
nor have I ever by speech, letter or otherwise advised
such a course; we would be as bad off politically as
we are now if all the Negroes entitled to the franchise
were to go over to the Democratic Party.</p>
                <p>Our present political ills have largely come through
the solidarity of the Negro vote.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>PRINCIPLES OF DEMOCRACY</head>
                <p>If Democracy stands for anything at all, it stands
for the brotherhood of man, and the rule of the people.
And the principles of Democracy will triumph ultimately.
It is the light in our Republic that is to shine
more and more unto the perfect day. Its growth is
continuous.</p>
                <p>The Negro being a member of this great Republic
will be a recipient of its blessings.</p>
                <p>Gov. Folk of Missouri says: “Democracy would
have all unite in enforcing the laws and in counteracting
any attempt to defy them. It would not array
class against class, but would protect the rights of all
by having each respect the rights of the other.</p>
                <p>“It would not attack wealth honestly acquired, but
would wage unending war against the privileges that
<figure id="ill5" entity="baw178"><p>NEW CHURCH TO WHICH BISHOP WALTERS CONTRIBUTED THE FIRST $ 25</p></figure>
<pb id="walt179" n="179"/>
produce tainted riches on one side, and undeserved
poverty on the other side.</p>
                <p>“It would protect property rights, but would recognize
that property rights are best protected by preserving
inviolate the public rights.</p>
                <p>“It would not combat men but the evil men do. It
would seek as a remedy for existing evils not less government
by the people, but more government by the people.</p>
                <p>“It would place conscience above cunning and the
public good above private greed. It would not offer
a man an advantage, in the way of subsidy, or bounty,
or protective tariff, enabling him to make money at the
expense of his fellow men, but it would assure him that
it would give no one else such a special privilege over
him.</p>
                <p>“It would guarantee to all an equal opportunity to
live and labor and enjoy the gains of honest toil.”</p>
                <p>I admit that so far as the Negro is concerned the
Democratic Party has not lived up to its high principles.</p>
                <p>Human slavery has been the great stumbling block
for which the Democratic Party was not wholly responsible.
Long, long before any Democratic party was
formed in this country, slavery existed here, and it
was the economic value of the slave that caused the
perpetuity of the institution.</p>
                <p>The Southern climate, so much like the native habitat
of the African, was suited to him and he to it; it
responded to his touch, producing in abundance cotton,
tobacco, rice, sugar cane, etc.</p>
                <p>He lived, thrived and made the Southland
blossom like a rose.</p>
                <p>He was considered a necessity and schemes were devised
to enslave him for ever. Neither Federalists,
Democrats, Whigs nor Republicans were responsible
for its beginning, but rather the rulers of England, who
permitted the slave trade, thus enriching themselves.</p>
                <p>For a time slavery existed both North and South—the
<pb id="walt180" n="180"/>
cold climate of the North made slavery unprofitable
in that section, while the Southern States formed a suitable
field for slave labor in the production of its staple
products.</p>
                <p>With this discovery came the defence of the system.
And on and on it went until the system was hedged about
with laws enacted by State Legislature and the National
Congress.</p>
                <p>Next came the agitation against slavery by those who
perceived the iniquity of the institution and that slavery
was a menace to the continuation of the Republic.</p>
                <p>The next act in the drama was the Civil War, which
resulted in the overthrow of the system. The party
which accomplished this wonderful feat was the party
of Lincoln, Seward, Sumner, Stevens, Grant and others—the
Republican Party.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>THE NEW ADJUSTMENT</head>
                <p>The Republican Party having freed the slaves, there
was nothing else for it to do but to make them secure
in their freedom; this was done by the passage of the
Thirteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution,
which reads as follows:</p>
                <p>Section 1: “Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude,
except as a punishment for crime whereof the
party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist in the
United States, or in any place subject to their jurisdiction.”</p>
                <p>The wise statesmen who had led the party so far in
legislation in the interest of the black man saw that it
was necessary to go a step further and make the Negro
a full-fledged citizen; this was accomplished by the passage
of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to
the Federal Constitution, which reads as follows:</p>
                <p>Section 1: “All persons born and naturalized in the
United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof,
are citizens of the United States, and the State wherein
they reside. No State shall make or enforce any laws
<pb id="walt181" n="181"/>
which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of
any citizen of the United States; nor shall any State
deprive any person of life, liberty or property, without
due process of the law, nor deny to any person within
its jurisdiction the equal protection of its laws.”</p>
                <p>Section 2: “Representatives shall be apportioned
among the several States accorded to their respective
numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each
State, excluding Indians not taxed; but whenever the
right to vote at any election for the choice of electors
for President and Vice-President of the United States,
representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial
officers of the State or members of the legislature
thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of
such State, being twenty-one years of age and citizens
of the United States, or in any way abridged, except
for participating in rebellion or other crime, the basis
of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion
which the number of such male citizens shall bear
to the whole number of male citizens, twenty-one years
of age in such State.”</p>
                <p>The Fifteenth Amendment reads as follows:</p>
                <p>Section 1. “The rights of citizens of the United
States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the
United States or by any State on account of race, color
or previous condition of servitude.”</p>
                <p>As was expected, the South opposed this legislation;
its training and tradition were all against the political
equality of the black man and it found it difficult to
adjust itself to the new condition. Notwithstanding
the opposition the good work continued—public and
private schools were established, and the black man
encouraged to protect himself by the use of the ballot.</p>
                <p>I might add here in support of the enfranchisement
of the freedman that a voteless citizen is a greatly
handicapped one—a pariah in the community; especially
is this true when such a citizen is a member of a
weaker race.</p>
                <pb id="walt182" n="182"/>
                <p>This state of affairs continued until 1876, when a
change came about—the Republicans had nominated
Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio, for the Presidency and
the Democratic party had nominated Samuel J. Tilden,
of New York, for the same office—the election was in
doubt and it was finally settled by a commission of
fifteen—five Justices of the Supreme Court, five Senators
and five members from the House of
Representatives.</p>
                <p>The dispute was settled in favor of Rutherford B.
Hayes and he was declared President of the United
States.</p>
                <p>It was asserted that a deal had been made between
the North and the South by which President Hayes
was to withdraw the troops from the South, permitting
home rule to obtain.</p>
                <p>The Negroes were loud in their protest against the
dicker; they saw in it great sorrow and tribulation to
the freedmen. The Federal troops in the South had
been their protection and guarantee in the use of the
ballot, etc., their removal meant the overthrow of the
Republican administration in the South. It was the
beginning of the end of the Republican rule in the
lately enfranchised States.</p>
                <p>Viewing it from this distance, it was the best thing
that could have been done under the circumstances;
while it was true that this act entailed hardships upon
the Negro for a while, it was the only way to bring
about a readjustment of affairs which would lead finally
to the permanent enfranchisement of the race.</p>
                <p>The intelligence, wealth and influence were with the
white people of that section and coercion could not last
forever.</p>
                <p>Things were in a chaotic state for a while, Ku-Kluxism
was rampant; but gradually this state of things
passed away, and when lynchings shall have been a
thing of the past, the last vestige of this régime shall
have disappeared.</p>
                <pb id="walt183" n="183"/>
                <p>It came our turn to protest against restrictive legislation
such as the curtailment of political power, the
nullification of the War Amendments, the introduction
of Jim Crow Laws, etc.</p>
                <p>The Republican Party had gone as far as it thought
it wise to go in the way of legislation; hence it looked
on with indifference while the Negro was being stripped
of the privileges and immunities which the Grand Old
Party had given him.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>CHANGED ATTITUDE OF THE REPUBLICANS</head>
                <p>The great champions of human liberty who had found
the Republican Party had either died, left it or become
a silent minority. Lincoln, Greeley and Sumner were
dead.</p>
                <p>The death of Stevens in 1868, and Sumner in 1874,
left the radicals without a leader, and amidst the clamor
for amnesty and general forgiveness the radical element
was totally eliminated as a factor of the Republican
Party.</p>
                <p>The last radical act that Congress ever passed on the
Negro question was the Civil Rights Bill, enacted as
a compliment to the immortal Sumner, then dead, and
which was afterward declared unconstitutional by a
Republican Supreme Court.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>THE REPUBLICAN PARTY STEADILY DRIFTING</head>
                <p>Since 1880 the Republican Party has steadily drifted
away from its humanitarian principle, for which, in the
popular mind, it is supposed to have stood.</p>
                <p>For thirty years the Grand Old Party has not only
been permitting, but it has actually encouraged, the
nullification of all the radical legislation for which it
was held responsible.</p>
                <p>It has ceased to make the Negro question a party
issue—in this respect the Republican and the Democratic
party are one and the same.</p>
                <pb id="walt184" n="184"/>
                <p>The Republican Party has not only stood by and seen
the Negroes of the South deprived of their rights as
citizens, but for the past decade has been actually engaged
in the construction of a party organization in
that section that stands for the elimination of the colored
man in politics. This is evidenced by the position
taken by ex-President Roosevelt in his late pronunciamento
on the Negro question. The dullest mind can
see at a glance the difference between the party as
represented by Charles Sumner in 1870 and Theodore
Roosevelt and William Howard Taft in 1912.</p>
                <p>The thinking Negroes who understand the trend of
things see that if the inimical legislation enacted against
the Negro is to be repealed it must be done by the
Democratic Party, which is now willing to accept the
Negro vote and guarantee it a fair deal.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>NEW ADJUSTMENT BY DEMOCRATS</head>
                <p>The American Republic can never be an ideal one
while some of its native born and worthy citizens are
denied the political rights guaranteed them by the
Constitution.</p>
                <p>The tendency of the age is toward Democracy—true
Democracy, the Democracy that recognizes no color nor
creed, but worth only.</p>
                <p>This leaven is at work and is as sure to result in the
political emancipation of the black man as the sun
shines.</p>
                <p>The late Justice Brewer said: “The Negro will
surely come into possession of the franchise in all
sections of the country.”</p>
                <p>Mr. Henry Watterson, editor of the <hi rend="italics">Courier-Journal,</hi>
Louisville, Ky., and one of the foremost leaders of
the Democratic Party, in fact its oracle, says: “A new
generation of blacks has come upon the scene and they
will finally be allowed their political rights.”</p>
                <p>A distinguished Democrat said the other day: “The
Democratic party is prepared to give to the black man
<pb id="walt185" n="185"/>
all he merits.” The Negro is in possession of intelligence,
property and character; surely these entitle him
to the ballot.</p>
                <p>Congressman Sulzer of New York, in a letter said:
“Equal rights to all and special privileges to none is
the fundamental principle of Democracy, and the application
of this principle to questions as they arise
will solve them all in the interest of the plain people
of our country; it seems to me it should be the constant
effort of the men of your race, in season and out
of season, to keep this great principle to the front, so
that all the people, without regard to race, religion or
previous condition, shall be equal before the law; and
the door of opportunity under the star of hope of free
America ever remain open. The sentiment in favor of
this idea is growing apace throughout the country and
means much for the future welfare of America.
Democracy has no prejudice against any race, but wants
to help all sorts and conditions of people to rise step
by step to higher levels in the onward march of civilization.”</p>
                <p>If time would but permit I could give lengthy quotations
from leaders of the Democratic Party in the
North and in the South who declare that the time has
come that the party is willing to treat with the black
man.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>A FREED CONSCIENCE</head>
                <p>By education, material advancement and political
independence the Negro has reached the place where
the right-thinking, fair-minded white men of the South
are willing to accord to him his political rights, and
many see the necessity of so doing if the highest ideals
of this Republic are to be realized.</p>
                <p>With a division of the Negro vote the so-called black
menace will be removed and the conscientious white
Democrat of the South can look his industrious, intelligent
and honest black neighbor squarely in the eye with
<pb id="walt186" n="186"/>
the knowledge and satisfaction that he has not denied
to him any of his rights, but on the contrary has made
it possible for him to cast his ballot unmolested.</p>
                <p>With a division of the black vote we will have political
friends in both parties.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>AN ERRONEOUS IDEA</head>
                <p>It has been said that when the Democratic Party gets
into power that disfranchisement of the Negro would
be made universal throughout the Nation. I do not
believe a word of it. In order to do this, the Fifteenth
Amendment would have to be repealed and this would
require a three-fourths vote of all the States in the
Union, and, because of the many things involved in
such an action, this impregnable rock will not be removed
should the government of the country be passed
next year to the Democratic Party.</p>
                <p>This argument is a cunningly devised piece of
sophistry to deceive the unwary for the purpose of keeping
a few office-holders in office, but which in the end
will keep our people longer in political bondage.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>AN INVITATION</head>
                <p>Much is being said about the Democratic Party not
wanting the vote of the Negro. This is true of the
radical element in both parties. We all know that in
the convention held of late by Republicans, in most
of the Southern States the Negroes have been shut out.
The last Negro has been put off the Republican National
Committee. It will be seen by such actions that
the Republicans do not want the Negro either, only
as the Negro is useful to them. We have been of no
use to the Democrats politically, and hence they have
had nothing for us to do. There is an element in both
parties that gladly welcomes the black man.</p>
                <p>Again Mr. Watterson says: “A new generation of
blacks has come upon the scene. These blacks are
better educated. In the North they understand the situation.
<pb id="walt187" n="187"/>
What do they owe the Republicans? In my
opinion, nothing. If they ever expect to help their
brethren in the South, this is a good chance to do it,
because to the white people in the South they must
look for substantial help and real advantage, and everything
which allays race prejudice and brings the two
people nearer together in friendly and neighborly intercourse
will inure to the profit of the weaker in the
life struggle. The <hi rend="italics">Courier-Journal</hi> has never sought
to make a party profit out of the Negro. It is his friend
and his neighbor, his fellow citizen, and his fellow
Christian. The whites cannot prosper if the blacks
languish. We are, whites and blacks, in the same boat,
and we must sit fair and row steady if we expect to
be happy and make progress.</p>
                <p>“The white man should want nothing of the benefits
of government for himself and his children which he
is not willing to allow the black man for himself and
his children. We are mutually dependent. We are
bound to live together, we cannot get away from one
another, hence a good working and living understanding
is the basis of the common interest.</p>
                <p>“The black people long ago learned that the Republican
Party had no use for them except to vote them.
Through forty years they have been paying a debt but
half owed. In the meantime the whites of the South
have been aiding them in substantial ways. If they
should turn about now and vote the Democratic ticket
in the North, or divide their vote, they would be pursuing
a wise policy by rebuking the Republicans, making
fair weather with the Democrats, and asserting at
once their intelligence and their independence.”</p>
                <p>The Columbia <hi rend="italics">State</hi> of South Carolina opens its
doors and invites us in and says in doing so it follows
the advice of Alexander Stephens, General Gordon,
Senator Zeb Vance and Matt Ransom of North Carolina,
and others. There is nothing new or strange in
the opposition we are meeting with in our effort to ally
<pb id="walt188" n="188"/>
ourselves with the Democratic Party. We have always
met with strong opposition in our endeavors to better
our condition. When the Negro asked for admission
into the army at the beginning of the Civil War, he
was told that he was not wanted, that it was a white
man's war. Even the great Lincoln, at first, threw his
weight against allowing the Negro to fight, bleed and
die to save the Union, and break the shackle from his
own ankles and wrists. Did the Negro give up because
he was not wanted?</p>
                <p>No. He was told that he was making a fool of
himself to offer himself to the Nation, to enter the
army, to die to help a people who did not want him.
He was driven like a dog from the Union camp, but
the Negro had sense enough to know that he would
better his condition by being admitted to the army,
allowed to fight for his country, and his freedom, so
he persisted in his efforts and he was admitted, and
what a boon has come to him!</p>
                <p>We know that we will better our condition if we
finally get a permanent foothold politically in the South
by allying ourselves with the Democrats, and this is
the only way we are going to do it.</p>
                <p>The old master class is too proud to take the initiative,
and we need not wait for an invitation on a silver
platter. Had we waited for an invitation into the army
we would have been waiting until now, and if we wait
to be invited by all its leaders into the Democratic
Party we will have to wait a long time. No, no; we
must so act to induce that party to open the door and
let us in, because we will be useful to them as well as
help ourselves.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>REPUBLICAN PARTY INDIFFERENT TO THE RACE AND<lb/>
INDORSES LILYWHITEISM</head>
                <p>The Republican Party has shown itself impotent to
enact further legislation in our interest. This is evident
by its failure to have Congress pass a bill to have lynchers
<pb id="walt189" n="189"/>
tried in the Federal Courts. Nor has the Republican
Party done anything to prevent hostile legislation on
the part of the Southern States, enacted against us
chiefly because we, as a race, have voted solidly with
the Republican Party.</p>
                <p>The Negro has been the ally of the Republican Party
for nearly a half century; he has been cuffed and kicked
about because of his loyalty to that party; especially
is this true of the Southland, and the G. O. P. has
looked on with indifference and has not lifted a finger
to correct the evil.</p>
                <p>We have prayed and we have made appeal after
appeal to a Republican Congress for relief, only to be
told that we had made our appeal to the wrong place;
that we should go to the Supreme Court for redress;
but when we knocked at the door of the Supreme Court
and asked for relief, we were told to go back to Congress;
that the matter was out of the jurisdiction of
the court. Thus we have been sent by the President
to the Court, from the Court to Congress, and from Congress
back to the Court, and relief is about as near in
sight as when we started. This but shows the impotency
and unwillingness of the Republican Party to give
the Negro the desired relief.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>PRESIDENT TAFT'S BID FOR SUPPORT OF THE SOUTH</head>
                <p>Ever since his election, President Taft has been flirting
with the Democrats; first by the appointment of a
Democrat to his cabinet and later by the appointment
of a Democrat Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of
the United States, and to other offices Democrats galore.
Yet in the face of all this, it is considered an unpardonable
sin for a Negro to affiliate with the Democratic
Party, from which this man was taken and exalted by
a Republican President. I have no objection to this;
all I want is an opportunity to make friends with the
same people.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <pb id="walt190" n="190"/>
                <head>THE NEGRO NATURALLY A DEMOCRAT</head>
                <p>The Negro is naturally a Democrat and with an open
political door and all unfavorable restriction removed,
the South would soon see on which side the Negro
would vote.</p>
                <p>Politically, the attitude heretofore of the South has
been such a hostile one towards the Negro that he found
it utterly impossible to vote the Democratic ticket. It
is hard to support a party that is continually striking
you hard blows in the face by enacting laws to humiliate
you and doing but little, if anything, to stop outrages
perpetrated against you because of your color.</p>
                <p>But since all of this is changing and we behold a rift
in the clouds and a slow but surely rising tide of favorable
sentiment to the Negro in the South, it is our duty
to hail it, to fix the price the producer or farmer is to
receive for his stuff. A majority of us are farmers;
and ought to vote for and encourage the Democratic
Party.</p>
                <p>I appeal to that class of Democrats who are still
hostile to the political aspirations of the Negro to put
aside their prejudices, stop trying to disfranchise us,
as has been done in Maryland again and again, and
give us a chance to help you into national power. The
wise men of both parties declare that the qualified Negro
is sure eventually to be allowed the ballot. Why not
accept his help now? He is the best friend the South
has ever had or will have, outside of the native white
Americans.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>THE NEGRO AND THE GREAT POLITICAL ISSUES</head>
                <p>On the great questions of tariff and the curbing of
trusts, the interest of the Negroes is on the Democratic
side.</p>
                <p>It is considered that most farmers and producers of
raw material are against a high tariff, because a high
<pb id="walt191" n="191"/>
tariff means a restricted market. And while a restricted
market is bad enough, the situation becomes
particularly grave when combinations and cliques of
manufacturers and capitalists may corner markets and
manipulate affairs so as to enable them a continuance
of a high tariff. Even if the mechanic and the mill
hand feel the effects of the tariff on their wages, the
Negro who is shut out from factory and mill is affected
but remotely, if at all.</p>
                <p>But what of the control of these trusts and combinations
which have resulted from high tariff ? To those
who reason that these combinations or monopolies are
bad whether connected with the tariff or not, and conceding
that they have grown up and flourished under
Republican Administrations, must be inclined to put
more faith in the promise of Democrats to correct the
evil than in Republicans, under whose régime trusts
have sprung up and flourished. Only one has to consider
whether or not trusts are undesirable and bad,
and there seems to be but one opinion as to this, both
Republicans and Democrats agreeing that they are
harmful and vicious. Everybody remembers how
rapidly trusts multiplied immediately after the election
of McKinley, in 1896; practically every important industry
in the country went into or formed some sort of
trust within a year after November, 1896.</p>
                <p>The Republican Party, then, is directly and absolutely
responsible for these evils. Year after year this
party has been put into power; it has had the chance
to prevent the conditions now complained of, or to
remedy the evils. The fact that these unhealthy conditions
exist is proof that they have not been prevented.
Year after year they have promised reforms before
election, but have stood pat and defied all after being
put into office. They have never kept faith with any
but the capitalist, who put up the money to secure their
election, and Mr. Harriman did not think the Administration
kept faith with him.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <pb id="walt192" n="192"/>
                <head>RADICALS IN BOTH PARTIES</head>
                <p>The foolish cry that the Negro cannot go into the
Democratic Party because of its firebrands loses its
weight when it is remembered that Mr. Vardaman has
again and again denounced, vilified and abused a Republican
President, sometimes in terms unfit for publication,
but none of this has prevented our Republican
President front appointing Democratic Judges, Cabinet
Officers, Civil Service Commissioners, political referees
and Democrats to every office within his gift.</p>
                <p>If Democrats are good enough to be appointed by a
Republican President, are they not good enough to be
voted into office by Negroes?</p>
                <p>I cannot see for the life of me why it is so highly
commendable in the President to do everything that is
in his power to win over Southern Democrats to the
support of his policies, and, on the other hand, it is
reprehensible and downright treachery on the part of
Negroes to vote with the Democratic party in order
to have that party change its policy and its attitude
toward the Negro. It is the only party that can change
the discriminatory legislation which has been enacted
against us without a great political upheaval, amounting
to almost a revolution.</p>
                <p>Now comes forward the leader of the new Democratic
Party and many of his supporters offering to help us
if we will help them, and since the President of the
United States is not afraid of Southern Democrats,
surely we ought not to be afraid to reach out and take
the hand that is extended to us.</p>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
        <p> Both the President and the Secretary of State
had promised that the post of Minister to Hayti
and the position of Recorder of Deeds in Washington
would be given to a colored man, as had
been the practice for many years. Upon the President's
<pb id="walt193" n="193"/>
refusal to make good his promise, I published
the following open letter:</p>
        <q type="letter" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="letter">
                <opener>
                  <salute>Honored Sir:</salute>
                </opener>
                <p> In this open letter I desire to thank
you most heartily for audiences granted and favors
given me since your election as President of the United
States; and, further, I thank the heads of the departments
for appointments and promotions made in their
several bureaus. There is a sentiment abroad that
it is not the policy of the national Democratic Party
to appoint and confirm Negroes to prominent offices.
In the light of the following letter and the nominations
of Mr. Patterson, Judge Terrell and Mr. Curtis, it is
hard to believe that your excellency shares in this opposition.</p>
                <p>Certainly the hostile Negro sentiment of some who
occupy high places in the Democratic Party cannot be
considered as expressing the attitude of the party toward
us. If Democracy means anything at all it must mean
the sharing in the government of every honest, intelligent
taxpaying citizen, without regard to creed or color.</p>
                <p>Surely this is eminently true at a time when every
man of every race in our beloved country is expected to
serve the colors in case of a crisis and is needed to insure
“preparedness” for our national defence. It does appear
to me that it should be the aim of the national government
to inspire and intensify the warmest patriotism
rather than discourage and repress the love and zeal
of all citizens.</p>
                <p>To be officially informed that Negroes cannot be confirmed
in high federal positions, such as they have held
under former administrations, no matter how worthy,
is, to say the least, discouraging. We have waited long
and patiently to know what our political status under
the Democratic rule is to be in all parts of this country.
In certain parts of the Southland a property qualification
was demanded, and we met that, but to no avail;
<pb id="walt194" n="194"/>
then the educational test was required, and when our
illiteracy was decreased 70 per cent. and when we had
met the educational qualification, we were bidden to
stand aside and wait a little longer, instead of being
encouraged to register and vote.</p>
                <p>In many places where we presented ourselves for
enrollment we were ruthlessly turned down. It is well
to understand that the Democratic Party cannot have
the support of the Negro vote in the North, East and
West while it denies the ballot to the members of our
race in the South. For a national party to take such
a position is unfair, unreasonable and untenable. As
to the position of Recorder of Deeds, it has become a
test case, and we are not now contending so much for
the office as we are for the principle involved—namely,
the right of Negroes to be nominated and confirmed in
important offices.</p>
                <p>We do hope, Mr. President, that you will not hesitate
to make the nomination of a colored man to the office
of the Recorder of Deeds or to one of equal importance
where senatorial confirmation is required, for we desire
to know whether it is to be the policy of the Democratic
Party to accord to Negroes the same rights and recognition
granted to other citizens of the nation, or, in
other words, can the Democratic Party afford to ignore
a half million voters on account of their color who are
constantly increasing in numbers.</p>
                <closer><salute>Most respectfully yours,</salute>
<signed>ALEXANDER WALTERS.</signed></closer>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
        <p>During the campaign of 1912, in response to an
invitation to be present at a mass meeting at
Carnegie Hall, under the auspices of the National
Colored Democratic League, of which I was president,
I received the following letter from Hon.
Woodrow Wilson, then Democratic candidate for
President:</p>
        <pb id="walt195" n="195"/>
        <q type="letter" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="letter">
                <opener><dateline>38 W. State St., Trenton, N. J.</dateline>
<salute>My dear Bishop Walters:</salute></opener>
                <p>It is a matter of genuine disappointment to me that I
shall not be able to be present at the meeting on Saturday
night, but inasmuch as I am cancelling every
possible engagement, in view of the distressing assault
upon Mr. Roosevelt, I do not feel that I can properly
add others. I am fulfilling only those to which I have
been bound for many weeks.</p>
                <p>It would afford me pleasure to be present, because
there are certain things I want to say. I hope that it
seems superfluous to those who know me, but to those
who do not know me perhaps it is not unnecessary for
me to assure my colored fellow-citizens of my earnest
wish to see justice done them in every matter, and not
mere grudging justice, but justice executed with liberality
and cordial good feeling. Every guarantee of our
law, every principle of our Constitution, commands this,
and our sympathies should also make it easy.</p>
                <p>The colored people of the United States have made
extraordinary progress towards self-support and usefulness,
and ought to be encouraged in every possible
and proper way. My sympathy with them is of long
standing, and I want to assure them through you that
should I become President of the United States they
may count upon me for absolute fair dealing and for
everything by which I could assist in advancing the
interests of their race in the United States.</p>
                <closer><salute>Very cordially yours,</salute>
<signed>WOODROW WILSON.</signed></closer>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
        <p>Personally, Mr. Wilson, since becoming President,
has been very kind to me, as will be seen
by further reference in this chapter. But so far
as my race is concerned, I regret to say that he
has failed to realize any of the expectations raised
by his fair promises and sweet-sounding phrases
<pb id="walt196" n="196"/>
about justice and equal opportunity uttered in
pre-election days. His “New Freedom,” it seems,
has been all for the white man and little for the
Negro. One can hardly reconcile his resentment
of the manly presentation of the Negro's cause
by Mr. Monroe Trotter, editor of the Boston
<hi rend="italics">Guardian,</hi> with the liberal sentiments toward the
colored man quoted in the above letter.</p>
        <p>Contrary to the precedent established by former
Presidents of either party, Mr. Wilson has up to
this writing never visited any colored school,
church or gathering of colored people of any
nature whatever. It has been the custom of the
President of the United States to be present at
the commencement exercises of Howard University
and the Washington Colored Schools at some
time during his administration; the administration
of President Wilson, in spite of his assurance
of sympathy with the race and the fact that they
could “count upon him for everything by which
he could assist in advancing the interests of the
race,” has been a notable exception to this pleasant
custom.</p>
        <p>Regarding the personal favors shown me by
President Wilson, I may mention that in September,
1915, I was offered by him the post of Minister
to Liberia, as is evidenced by the following letter:</p>
        <q type="letter" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="letter">
                <opener><dateline>Department of State,<lb/>
Washington,<lb/>
September 28, 1915.</dateline>
<salute>Dear Bishop Walters:</salute></opener>
                <p>The President is disposed to offer you appointment
<pb id="walt197" n="197"/>
as Minister to Liberia in succession to Dr. George W.
Buckner, lately accredited to that post, and desires me
to inquire whether this appointment would be agreeable
to you. In doing so I would ask you to bear in mind,
in connection with your reply, that the tenure of office
of diplomatic offices is only during the pleasure of the
President of the United States for the time being.</p>
                <p>I shall be glad to receive a reply at your earliest
convenience, and remain, my dear Bishop Walters,</p>
                <closer><salute>Very faithfully yours,</salute>
<signed>(Signed) FRANK L. POLK,<lb/>
Acting Secretary of State.</signed>
<dateline>Bishop Alexander Walters,<lb/>
208 West 134th Street,<lb/>
New York City.</dateline></closer>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
        <p>In my reply to this letter I stated that it was
utterly impossible to accept this appointment,
since I had decided not to give up my ministerial
work for any outside position, no matter how
great the honor or emolument. Again, I had
recommended Counsellor James L. Curtis for the
position, and I would consider it treachery on my
part should I accept the position, were it possible
for me to do so. I thanked the President for the
honor and later Mr. Curtis was appointed to the
post. And now that Mr. Wilson is re-elected to
the Presidency, it is hoped that he will be able to
make good to the colored people his pre-election
promises made in the year 1912.</p>
        <q type="text" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>SPECIAL HONORS</head>
                <p>1. February 16, 1915; appointed as member of
Administrative Committee of the Federal Council
<pb id="walt198" n="198"/>
of the Churches of Christ in America. This Board
represents thirty denominations and seventeen
millions of church members in America.</p>
                <p>2. June, 1916; election as honorary vice-president
of the World Alliance for Promoting International
Friendship through the Churches. The
letter informing me of this honor read as follows:
“I have the honor to inform you of your election
as honorary vice-president of the American Council
of World Alliance for Promoting International
Friendship through the Churches.”</p>
                <p>3. February 12, 1916; election as Trustee of
Howard University to fill vacancy caused by death
of Dr. Booker T. Washington.</p>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt199" n="199"/>
        <head>XVI<lb/>
WORK IN THE UNITED SOCIETY OF<lb/>
CHRISTIAN ENDEAVOR</head>
        <epigraph>
          <q type="verse" direct="unspecified">
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>“Go, then, and like the daybreak on the ocean</l>
              <l>Whose roaring waves, tempestuous and grand,</l>
              <l>Beneath that glory cease their wild commotion,</l>
              <l>And turn to kiss with peace the wave-washed land.</l>
              <l>Shine on the sea where human fates are drifting,</l>
              <l>Till storm of tongue and social strife shall cease;</l>
              <l>And in your light the Christ, with hand uplifted,</l>
              <l>Shall walk the waves and say to tempests, ‘Peace!’ ”</l>
            </lg>
          </q>
          <bibl>—REV. SHURTLEFF.</bibl>
        </epigraph>
        <p>NO religious organization of the Nineteenth Century has
progressed so rapidly as the Christian Endeavor Society,
which was organized in Portland, Maine, Feb. 18, 1881. Starting
with a few members, it has increased within twenty-five years to
nearly 4,000,000; from one society in 1881 to over 77,766
societies in 1916. Indeed, its growth has been marvelous.</p>
        <p>It was my good fortune in December, 1894, to be elected a trustee
in this great organization (United Society of Christian Endeavorers),
and from then until now (1916) I have been on the board.
My association with Father Francis E. Clarke, the Founder;
Mr. Willis Baer, first general
<pb id="walt200" n="200"/>
secretary; Mr. William Shaw, Treasurer, and the other trustees have
been to me both profitable and pleasant.</p>
        <p>In 1895 the National Convention met in Boston, Mass. It was
an immense gathering. I was told by the officers that there
were 42,000 visitors who had come to the convention.
Besides the great Mechanic Building, which held fifteen
or seventeen thousand people, two large tents were
erected for the accommodation of the people who desired to
attend the services.</p>
        <p>On Saturday morning, July 11, I spoke at Mechanics' Building,
which was filled to its utmost capacity, over 15,000 being present.</p>
        <p>The first address of the morning was made by Rev. C. H. Southgate,
of Worcester, Mass. This address was followed by Hon. Elijah
A. Morse, a very popular Congressman of Massachusetts. At the
close of his address, Madam Selika sang, “Nearer, my God, to Thee.”
Then followed my first address before a National Convention of
Christian Endeavorers. Subject, <hi rend="italics">“The Responsibility of the Afro-American in America.”</hi></p>
        <q type="speech" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="speech">
                <salute>Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen:</salute>
                <p>There exists such a variety of colors among us that we have had
considerable difficulty in selecting a suitable ethnological term
which will take them all in. The terms “black” and “colored”
have been found inadequate to exactly meet the case. There are
other people in this country who are so deeply colored that they
might with equal propriety be called “colored” Americans. Some
who are forced into our ranks are so slightly colored that they can
scarcely be distinguished
<pb id="walt201" n="201"/>
from the pure white The term “Negro” has been so perverted
(some calling us “Ne-gar,” others “Nigger,” by way of derision)
that it has become distasteful to us.</p>
                <p>Some years ago Mr. T. Thomas Fortune, editor of the New York
<hi rend="italics">Age,</hi> the leading journal of the race, adopted the term Afro-American
as a compromise term, which was at once accepted and is now in general
use. The coinage is on the same principle as the term “Anglo-Saxon.”</p>
                <p>By the phrase “Afro-Americans” we mean Americans by way of
Africa, or Americans whose ancestors came to this country from
Africa nearly 300 years ago. The term is in no sense new; it was
used by Rollins in describing the Afro-Assyrians. As a matter of
fact it is the only proper term to use to rightly designate people of
African and American parentage. Why should this whole race be
designated by a term which defines color alone? Men and races are
designated by the term which defines the country, the race to
which they belong, and not by the color which distinguishes them
from the rest of mankind. We are Afro-Americans—not colored
Americans or Negro Americans.</p>
                <p>The subject which I am to discuss is an important one, especially
so in the face of the efforts to disfranchise the Afro-American in
South Carolina, Virginia, Florida, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi,
Louisiana and other Southern States. The all-important question
in the Southland is: “What is to be done with the Negro”?</p>
                <p>There is a base element of untutored whites in this
country that say, “Kill him out”! “Trump up false
charges against him and lynch him without giving him
the opportunity to prove his innocence, because he is
becoming too strong numerically, intellectually and
financially.”</p>
                <p>Others, a little better than the class mentioned above, say: “No,
don't kill him; that will bring down upon
<pb id="walt202" n="202"/>
us the opprobrium of all good people here and elsewhere;
and again, the wrath of God will surely overtake us.
But disfranchise him by legal enactments.”</p>
                <p>They have done this in Mississippi, where the law
is that no one is allowed to vote except he can read
the Constitution or understand it when read to him.
The judges of election are the persons appointed to read
the Constitution and to decide whether it is properly
interpreted. Of course, that means the disfranchisement
of the Afro-American, for no matter how correctly
he may interpret it, it will be considered incorrect.</p>
                <p>They are about to adopt a little different method
from this in South Carolina. The declaration has
been made that the whole race of that State shall be
disfranchised by constitutional enactment; how this is
to be accomplished remains to be seen. The present
registration and election laws, which favor all the
people, regardless of color, have been waived.</p>
                <p>There are others whose consciences are too sensitive
to approve of this plan, and they say: “Transport him
to Africa.” But after careful consideration of the ten
million to be transported, the expense, etc., together
with their unwillingness to be transported, they have
come to the conclusion that this plan is impracticable;
hence they are at sea as to what is best to be done;
they would transport him if they could.</p>
                <p>Thank God there is a class of right-thinking white
people in the North and in the South who believe in
fair play; believe in treating the Afro-American right,
regardless of consequences, and leaving the result with
God.</p>
                <p>General Wade Hampton, of South Carolina, in a
recent speech said:</p>
                <p>“I have no fear of Negro domination, a cry used
only to arouse race prejudices and to put the coming
convention under control of the ring which now dominates
our State. The Negroes have acted of late with
<pb id="walt203" n="203"/>
rare moderation and liberality, and if we meet them
in the same spirit they have shown they will aid in
selecting good representatives for the convention. I
for one am willing to trust them, and they ask only the
rights guaranteed to them by the Constitution of the
United States and that of our own State, and that ought
to be allowed them.”</p>
                <p>I feel assured that every fair-minded person will agree with the ex-Senator.</p>
                <p>The following appeared some time ago in the Richmond, Va., <hi rend="italics">Star:</hi></p>
                <q type="article" direct="unspecified">
                  <text>
                    <body>
                      <div1 type="article">
                        <head>“A NEGRO STENOGRAPHER.”</head>
                        <p>“In our last issue reference was made to the Negro stenographer employed
by Messrs. Christian &amp; Christian, attorneys-at-law, Chamber of Commerce
Building, Richmond, Va. They may term themselves progressive by employing
a Negro stenographer, but in a Southern community which is endeavoring to
maintain the supremacy of the Anglo-Saxon race, especially when white
stenographers of character and ability can be readily secured for a fair
compensation, such action would be more properly termed ‘retrogression.’ This
may do well enough north of Mason and Dixon's Line, but in this section it is
a matter of importance to all that white labor be employed in preference to
Negro labor in every position of this character. But the saddest of all is, that
one member of this firm prides himself on his notoriety—on his standing as
an ex-Confederate, and boasts of having shed his precious blood in defence of
his country.”</p>
                      </div1>
                    </body>
                  </text>
                </q>
                <p>The firm replies as follows:</p>
                <q direct="unspecified">
                  <text>
                    <body>
                      <div1>
                        <p>“The boy referred to was employed by us about five or six years ago in the
capacity only of an office boy, for attending to our office, running errands, etc.
He had previously attended our public schools and could read, write and spell
very well. About two years ago, by his own application and diligence, practising on a
<pb id="walt204" n="204"/>
typewriter which one of our firm had procured for his own use, he first
learned typewriting and afterwards stenography, and has so far perfected
himself in both that he has gradually become able, in addition to the duties
for which he was originally employed and which he still faithfully performs,
to do most of our stenographic and typewriting work. We have found him
honest, faithful, efficient and respectful to us and to all with whom he comes
in contact. We have of our own accord increased his wages as he has advanced
in usefulness to us; and since he now suits us in all respects better than any one
we know of, and as it would be an injustice to him to discharge him for no fault
of his, we propose to continue to employ him as long as he suits us. If any one
thinks less of us for pursuing this course we regret it, but their opinion of us about
this will not affect our conduct in the slightest degree.</p>
                        <closer><salute>“Respectfully, etc.,</salute>
<signed>“CHRISTIAN &amp; CHRISTIAN.”</signed></closer>
                      </div1>
                    </body>
                  </text>
                </q>
                <p>It is useless for any one to say after the expression of such sentiments that we
have not true friends in the South as well as in the North.</p>
                <p>Another proof that we have many friends in the South is the recognition which
was given us in the Cotton States and International Exhibition, held at Atlanta, Ga.,
by the appointment of I. Garland Penn as Chief of the Afro-American Department,
and the large amount appropriated for the establishment and maintenance of that
department.</p>
                <p>I am sorry to say, however, that the predominant sentiment in the South is against
us in many respects. We are discriminated against on nearly
all public carriers; no matter how intelligent, fair or well dressed an Afro-American
may be, he is forced into what is known as the “Jim Crow Car,” which is little better
than a common smoking car. He is maligned and traduced
<pb id="walt205" n="205"/>
upon the right and upon the left. No matter how hungry or weary he may be, no
matter what his station in life is, he is not allowed to stop at a white hotel or eat
at a white restaurant. In many instances our wives and daughters are insulted
without redress at law.</p>
                <p>On the 18th of June, 1895, an Afro-American girl in Alabama resented an attack
made upon her by a white girl; the father of the white girl and some of his friends,
hearing of it, went to the home of the Afro-American girl to whip her. Her father
defended her by striking the white man with a hoe, where upon the white man shot
them both.</p>
                <p>We all remember the diabolical killing of the five Afro-American men near Memphis,
Tenn., and the shameful results of the trial. Does this show much progress in humane
treatment on the part of the white masses in the South during the last thirty-five years?</p>
                <p>We have been told that our color is the cause of the unfair treatment to which we
are subjected. This is a mistake. A large part of the race is fair; they have only
one-sixteenth part of Afro-American blood in their veins; their color is no
protection to them against outrages. It is our previous condition of servitude.
Because of this condition, caste prejudice exists. A great many people are disposed
to treat us fairly, but are afraid of the opinion of others. This is cowardice, especially
in Christians. They should endeavor to do right, no matter what the consequences
may be.</p>
                <p>In the East, West and North we are treated fairly well. We are given first-class
railroad, hotel and restaurant accommodations; indeed, we are allowed first-class
accommodation in most public places and on public carriers. We have the advantage
of mixed schools. This I consider a fundamental advantage; the coeducation of the
races is the most effectual method of eradicating race prejudice. Public sentiment in
the North in our favor is far ahead of that in the South.
<pb id="walt206" n="206"/>
It is true in some instances we are shut out of the trades unions and kept off the public
works, which is unjust, however; but this is more than overbalanced by the
recognition of our manhood. In face of the above, what is the responsibility of the
Afro-American?</p>
                <div2 type="text">
                  <head>I. UPON THE AFRO-AMERICAN RESTS THE RESPONSIBILITY<lb/>
OF PREPARING THE COMING GENERATION FOR<lb/>
WORTHY CITIZENSHIP</head>
                  <p>The indispensable qualification for worthy citizenship is intelligence. We
are laboring diligently to educate the young men of the race, in order that they
may be able to use the ballot intelligently. The perpetuity of our nation depends
upon the intelligence of its voters. We are teaching our boys and girls to love our
institutions, thus inspiring in them true patriotism.</p>
                  <p>No one doubts the loyalty of the Afro-American to the Stars and Stripes. He has been
often weighed and never found wanting. The first blood which was shed in Boston
in defence of American independence was that of an Afro-American—Crispus Attucks.
Whenever the nation has called upon us to take up arms in its defence we have gladly
responded to the call, from Bunker Hill to Appomattox. The Afro-American has
mingled his blood with the blood of loyal citizens of the North and South on a
hundred battlefields in defence of the Union. Notwithstanding the discriminations
and outrages which have been perpetrated against him, he has never been known to take
up arms against the nation which gave him birth and freedom. It is a part of the
Afro-American's makeup to be loyal. Whoever heard of his combining to destroy
property and annul law? If President McKinley in the next few days should be
forced to call for troops to whip Spain, and I read the other day where the President
and the Navy Department were considering the advisability of putting Negro
soldiers in Cuba.</p>
                  <pb id="walt207" n="207"/>
                  <p>As an illustration of the loyalty of the Afro-American, I will relate a personal incident.</p>
                  <p>While abroad in 1889 I had the good fortune to be entertained in royal style by
our European friends. One day, while sailing on the Rhine thinking about my
entertainment, so different from that to which I had been accustomed in my own
country, my attention was attracted to a beautiful castle. A few moments later a lady
came to the window with something in her hand, when, lo, to my surprise she began
to unfurl the Stars and Stripes. “Old Glory” never appeared to me so beautiful
and grand as at that moment. I forgot all the discriminations and outrages to which I
had been subjected in my own country; forgot all the magnificent entertainment of which
I had been the recipient for four months; forgot my surroundings, and, waving my hat,
I shouted at the top of my voice, “Hurrah for the Stars and Stripes”! In my heart I said:
“America, with all her faults I love her still.”</p>
                  <p>Ah, my friends, there was an outburst of genuine loyalty to the old flag.</p>
                </div2>
                <div2 type="text">
                  <head>II. UPON THE AFRO-AMERICAN RESTS THE RESPONSIBILITY<lb/> OF SECURING HIS CIVIL AND POLITICAL <lb/>RIGHTS</head>
                  <p>Our enfranchisement must be maintained. The doors of hotels, restaurants and other
public places which are now closed against us must be opened. This can be achieved
by intelligence, character, wealth and wise agitation.</p>
                  <p>1. Intelligence. No nation can be influential and great without intelligence. It has united continents, founded magnificent cities, invented machines, built railroads, tunneled mountains, bridged rivers. It teaches the minister how to properly interpret the Scriptures and win souls to Christ. It teaches the judge how to render a decision; the lawyer how to
<pb id="walt208" n="208"/>
plead a case; the physician how to cure a patient; the accountant how to keep his
books; the farmer how to till the soil. The watchword of the hour is, <hi rend="italics">Educate! Educate! Educate!</hi></p>
                  <p>It is surprising what amounts we have given out of our meagre wages to establish
educational institutions. We have contributed between four and five hundred
thousand dollars annually within the last three or four years for educational purposes.
We have 2,112,762 pupils in the common schools, colleges and other institutions of
high grade throughout the country. We have 32,000 teachers and about the same
number of intelligent preachers. Just think of these mighty hosts going forward and
doing all in their power to prepare the coming generation for usefulness.</p>
                  <p>2. Character. The most important thing with us is character. Without this as a
foundation, our superstructure will be almost useless. Our boys, and in some
instances our girls, must be saved from the dram shops, the houses of ill fame,
the gambling dens, pool-rooms and policy shops. The hope of the Afro-American
race, as of all other races, lies in its character. Education and wealth are all right,
and we must have them; but above every other qualification, if we would <hi rend="italics">command</hi>
as well as <hi rend="italics">demand</hi> respect, we must possess character. This fact must be impressed
upon the rising generation by parents, ministers and teachers. It will do more to
solve the Afro-American problem than any other thing under heaven.</p>
                  <p>“To make our people strong in Christian character is to render them invincible in the
battle of life.”</p>
                  <p>Every race of this great commonwealth needs character, but the Afro-American,
because of his unique position, needs it more than any other race. Upon us rests the
responsibility of presenting to the world, as far as the Afro-American race is
concerned, a virtuous and honest citizenship.</p>
                  <p>The work is a tremendous one when we remember
<pb id="walt209" n="209"/>
the ten million people with whom we have to do; still, we are not discouraged.
With faith in God and faith in the possibility of the moral as well as the intellectual
development of the race, we believe this work will be accomplished,
stupendous as it is.</p>
                  <p>“We are anxious that every Afro-American in every part of this country should be
made to feel, and as soon as possible, the transcendent importance of
character.”</p>
                  <p>We must change public sentiment along this line in our favor. I feel this to be our
greatest responsibility.</p>
                  <p>3. “Wealth is a most important and powerful means of extending human influence
in every direction. It is indeed a blessing to any people which will use it rightfully.
It is not to be used for selfish ends, but for the accomplishment of noble purposes.”</p>
                  <p>We are accumulating wealth rapidly. A little more frugality on the part of the race and
a fair show in the business arena will afford us sufficient wealth to wield a
mighty influence in this nation.</p>
                  <p>4. Wise Agitation. By wise agitation I mean an intelligent, reasonable, yet
manly presentation of the discriminations and outrages to which we are
subjected. We are not afraid to give credit to all who are friendly to our cause or
who aid us in any way, shape or form, whether they be in the North or South. I would
not have you think for a moment that we are unappreciative or ungrateful for past
favors; neither would I have you think that we will be contented with less than
our equal rights as guaranteed to us by the Constitution.</p>
                  <p>Agitation has been the watchword of oppressed people for the centuries; it is a cry
which the oppressor has always endeavored to stifle. If we would have our
wrongs righted we must speak out till right-minded people hear and come to our
rescue.</p>
                  <p>Panoplied with character, intelligence and wealth, coupled with wise agitation, we
will sweep the “Jim
<pb id="walt210" n="210"/>
Crow Car” out of existence, lynch law will be unheard of, and such a deed as burning
a human being at the stake will be a thing of yore. Future generations will be unable
to understand how such things could have ever occurred.</p>
                  <p>With character, intelligence and wealth we will not have to go out of our way to
demand respect, for we will <hi rend="italics">command</hi> it, especially if we exercise good judgment.</p>
                  <p>No one need fear Afro-American domination. Numbers and everything are against
that idea. Again, the Afro-American does not desire to dominate; all he wants is
fair play. The cry of domination, as General Wade Hampton has well said, is only
raised to prejudice our cause.</p>
                </div2>
                <div2 type="text">
                  <head>SOCIAL EQUALITY</head>
                  <p>As to social equality, I agree with Bishop Haygood, who says:</p>
                  <p>“The social spheres arrange themselves to suit themselves, and no law promulgated
by church or state will change the social affinities and natural selections of men.
Men choose the circles for which they have affinity; seek the companionship they
prefer and find the places suited to them. No human force or sagacity will change
the social laws which bring men together or repel them.”</p>
                  <p>I have great faith in the American conscience. It is on the side of liberty and fair play;
all it needs is to be awakened. It is our duty to arouse it; this can be done by agitation.
Once aroused it will sweep injustice into oblivion. Remember the results of the
anti-slavery agitation. Over fifty years ago there was a class of people in the country
who felt that slavery was wrong; and in my opinion the conscience of the American
people is being rapidly quickened.</p>
                </div2>
                <pb id="walt211" n="211"/>
                <div2 type="text">
                  <head>III. UPON THE AFRO-AMERICAN RESTS THE RESPONSIBILITY<lb/>
OF THE INDUSTRIAL TRAINING OF HIS RACE</head>
                  <p>One of the means to be used in order to become wealthy and influential is industry.
It is not enough to be industrious, but to be skilfully so. The demand of the hour is
for skilled labor, men and women prepared to execute their work in the most perfect
manner. As a rule the Afro-American is shut out of the great manufactories and
machine shops of our land; hence he is deprived of the practical experience which
a person receives who has an opportunity to serve an apprenticeship under skilled
workmen; and often when he has received such training he is denied an opportunity
to exercise it.</p>
                  <p>This disadvantage was discovered some years ago and in order to remedy it we
established industrial schools, where we might at least obtain theoretical training.
We must have more such schools; more assistance from our white friends is needed
in this direction than in any other. We ought to be allowed to enter all the
industrial schools in the land, and where there are no such schools supported by the
State they should be established at once.</p>
                  <p>Unskilled labor cannot compete with skilled labor, neither North nor South. In the
past we have given certain positions by our white friends as the result of sympathy  —  
not because we could perform the work as skilfully as others, but because of our
poverty and oppression. The sentiment which actuated them to help us was a noble
one; but that kind of sentiment is a thing of the past; now we are required to stand
or fall according to our merits.</p>
                  <p>When anything is to be manufactured, machines constructed, houses and bridges
built, clothing fashioned, or any kind of work performed, the most skilled workmen
are required.</p>
                  <p>There are a great many employers who care but little
<pb id="walt212" n="212"/>
about the color of the workman; with them the question is: “Can he do the work?”</p>
                  <p>In some parts of the country there is a great deal of talk of whites preferring white
labor and Afro-Americans preferring Afro-American labor, but I find in my
experience that affairs are so mixed up in this country that that rule cannot be carried
out to its fullest extent; if it was, we would often find ourselves in a pretty bad
dilemma. Again, such a course of action is a racial sin and not in accord with the
Golden Rule, which bids us to do unto others as we would have them do unto us.</p>
                </div2>
                <div2 type="text">
                  <head>IV. UPON THE AFRO-AMERICAN RESTS THE RESPONSIBILITY<lb/>
OF THE FURTHER ELEVATION OF HIS HOME</head>
                  <p>We can accomplish this by defending our homes at the cost of our lives, by honoring
our women and protecting their virtue, and by giving them more liberal education
and broader culture. Again, we can elevate our homes by strengthening and respecting
the marriage bond.</p>
                  <p>Again, we are paying more attention to the training of our children, both in the
cities and in the rural districts, than heretofore. We are teaching them to love the
good, the beautiful and the true, and I am happy to inform you that we have
made wonderful progress along this line. You would be surprised were you to enter
some of our homes and mark the change from the cabin to the mansion, and you would
be amazed at the culture and refinement displayed therein.</p>
                </div2>
                <div2 type="text">
                  <head>V. UPON THE AFRO-AMERICAN RESTS THE RESPONSIBILITY<lb/>
OF THE RELIGIOUS TRAINING OF HIS RACE</head>
                  <p>This will be consummated by well-trained, religious parents and teachers, and
educated and pious ministers. Also by taking advantage of all the new organizations,
such as the Christian Endeavor Society, Young Men's Christian Association, etc.</p>
                  <pb id="walt213" n="213"/>
                  <p>Our future happiness, usefulness and prosperity largely depend upon our loyalty to
God and strict observance of religious duties. The stability of any people rests upon
their adherence to religious principles. In Holy Writ we read: “Righteousness exalts
a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people.”</p>
                  <p>The Afro-American has always had the reputation of being religious, and this is no
mean reputation. Some of our non-religious leaders deride us because of our religious
proclivities; they claim if we had less religion it would be better for us.
This is a grave mistake. No one can have too much piety. A person can have too
much superstition, too much emotion, but not too much common-sense piety.</p>
                </div2>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
        <p>This address was well received. During its delivery I mentioned that I was a native
of Kentucky and proud of that fact. Thereupon, the Kentucky delegation arose and
tore down the flags which had been used to decorate their section and waved them
vociferously, until the entire audience seemed to catch the enthusiasm, and united
with them. It was an ovation of which any man might well feel proud. A few days
afterwards I received the following letter from Father Clarke:</p>
        <q type="letter" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="letter">
                <opener>President's Office,<lb/>
United Society of Christian Endeavor,<lb/>
Tremont Temple,<lb/>
<dateline>Boston, Mass., July 24, 1895. </dateline>
Bishop Alexander Walters, D.D.,<lb/>
228 Duncan Street,<lb/>
Jersey City, N. J.<lb/>
<salute>Dear Friend:</salute></opener>
                <p>I wish to thank you heartily for the genuine help you gave the Christian Endeavor
cause at the recent convention, and especially for your excellent address.
<pb id="walt214" n="214"/>
I am sure it will help the Afro-Americans in all parts of the country. I believe that
the far-reaching influence of these conventions will never be known in this world
and all who helped to make the Boston convention memorable will receive the
best blessing a generous heart can have—a knowledge of having helped others.</p>
                <closer><salute>Faithfully yours,</salute>
<signed>FRANCIS CLARKE.</signed></closer>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
        <p>The convention of 1896 met at Washington, D. C. I was appointed to reply to one of
the addresses of the delegates. While the convention was not as largely attended as
the one in Boston, still, about 30,000 were present.</p>
        <p>On the morning that I delivered the following address, a number of senators, federal
judges and other representatives were present.</p>
        <q type="speech" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="speech">
                <salute>Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen:</salute>
                <p>I consider myself highly honored in being appointed to respond to the eloquent
addresses of welcome to which we have listened. After the guarantee given to
us at our last session by your honored President, Mr. W. H. H. Smith, that a feast of
fat things would be spread for us in the Capitol City in 1896, we are not surprised
at the royal welcome extended to us to-day.</p>
                <p>He informed us that we were to meet in one of the most beautiful cities in the world.
Said he: “There is more than 300 miles of well-paved, broad streets and broader
avenues, shaded with 70,000 trees, thickly emeralded with more than 400 acres of
public gardens, bordered with above 2000 acres of great parks, and filled with
buildings, both public and private, illustrating every variety and combination of
architecture and decoration.” To all of which he invited us.</p>
                <p>Besides this, he mentioned the great dome Capitol,
<pb id="walt215" n="215"/>
the National Museum, Navy Yard, Arsenal, Forts, Fish Commission Buildings, and
other places of interest, and assured us that we would be welcome to them all. His
statement aroused within us high anticipations; indeed, we came here expecting
great things.</p>
                <p>We are now ready to say, as did the Queen of Sheba to Solomon: “Behold, the half
was not told us!”</p>
                <p>I am here to represent the Afro-Americans of this great Commonwealth, and more
especially the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church, with its half million
members; an organization which at its last General Conference, held at Mobile, Ala.,
in the month of May, endorsed by a unanimous vote the Christian Endeavor Society,
and elected an organizer in the person of Rev. J. B. Colbert, D.D., of Washington,
D. C., whose duty it is to see that a society is organized in every church
throughout the Connection.</p>
                <p>On behalf of the colored Endeavorers of the Nation, I thank you for your cordial
welcome. In view of the recent discriminations at St. Louis by closing the doors
against the colored delegates to the National Convention of the Republican Party,
and the decision of the Supreme Court in upholding the Separate Coach Law of
Louisiana, the welcome accorded to the colored Endeavorers and the appointment
of a colored representative to respond at this time, is highly creditable to this grand
organization; and it is gratifying to us to know that there is a great religious body
which knows no man by his race or color, and whose cardinal principle is the
Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood of Man. If political sentiment was able
to break down race prejudice and open the doors of hotels and restaurants in the
city of St. Louis, what ought a great Christian body like the United Society of
Christian Endeavor be able to do? I am glad that this Society is creating public
sentiment in favor of the rights of humanity. Since it has God, numbers, wealth and
influence on its side, it has nothing to fear.</p>
                <pb id="walt216" n="216"/>
                <p>If there is any class of citizens who are entitled to a cordial welcome to the Nation's
Capital, it is the Afro-Americans, for they have suffered most at the hands of the
lawmakers of the Nation.</p>
                <p>It was within the walls of our great Capitol that the chains of slavery were tightened
upon our wrists and ankles by legal enactments. It was here that compromises were
made in order to extend slavery. It was in this city the Supreme Court rendered a
decision that the Negro had no rights which a white man was bound to respect. It was
here that laws were enacted to increase his ignorance and degradation, and to
encourage in him immorality.</p>
                <p>Yet when the old Flag, waving from the dome of the Capitol, was in peril, and when
it appeared that the Nation would be rent in twain for ever, in that hour the Negro
rose in his might, grasped his musket, rushed to the rescue of “Old Glory,” and by
his heroism and valor saved the fortunes of the day. Have we not merited a hearty
welcome?</p>
                <p>After much blood had been shed and treasure spent, it was from the Executive
Mansion in this city that the immortal Lincoln issued his famous Proclamation
liberating 4,000,000 human beings held as chattels.</p>
                <p>After 240 years of hardships and unrequited toil I thank the Lord that it was
under yonder dome we were enfranchised and given the rights of citizenship. Since
that time we have made marvelous progress in religion, intelligence, morality and
wealth. We have erected magnificent churches, founded splendid schools, and built
handsome residences; accumulated nearly $300,000,000 worth of property, have
filled some of the most important positions in the gift of the Nation, and proved
ourselves worthy citizens.</p>
                <p>As a race we have heard your bugle call to spiritual arms, and hearing, have
come to the rescue, as we did in 1862, from the rice swamps of South Carolina,
the cotton fields of Mississippi, Louisiana and Alabama;
<pb id="walt217" n="217"/>
from the Everglades of Florida and from the tobacco plantations of Virginia; from the
East, West, North and South we come as a reinforcement, to unite with you in order
to achieve as great a victory as before, by rescuing our Sabbath from desecration, by
saving our homes from the monster intemperance, our government from the clutches
of boodlers, the ballot box from fraud and voters from intimidation.</p>
                <p>On behalf of the Trustees of the United Society of Christian Endeavor I thank you
for your royal welcome. We have gathered here from all quarters of the globe to do
honor to the King of heaven, and by our songs, prayers and addresses inspire the
citizens of Washington and the churches throughout the nation to higher aims and
nobler endeavors. We come to aid in making Washington a better city and the
officials therein, whether municipal or national, better rulers and legislators.</p>
                <p>Our mighty host, with Christ as Chief Commander, the Cross our standard, and with
our Faithful Father Clarke, loving and courageous Baer, earnest Shaw, Smith and
others as Lieutenants, will march on to victory.</p>
                <p>We have faith in the ultimate success of Christianity; faith in its power to cleanse the
heart from sin and to save to the uttermost. We believe there is power in the cross of
Jesus to overthrow all kinds of wickedness. Aye, more; we believe there is enough
spiritual dynamite in heaven's magazine to blow the rum traffic from its
entrenchments and to utterly destroy it.</p>
                <p>Let the votaries of the Lord Jesus unite against the brothels and they will discover
enough power on their side to close them up, and sufficient efficacy in the blood
of Jesus to regenerate the most abject wretch who inhabits them.</p>
                <p>We believe that Christianity has power to banish bribery and all manner of
political corruption from our fair land. We will not cease to contend for reforms in
<pb id="walt218" n="218"/>
municipal, state and national affairs until a reign of righteous government prevails.</p>
                <p>We come with torches of Godly enthusiasm, hoping to shed additional spiritual
light at the Nation's Capital. We hope while here by our inspired enthusiasm to
fan the smouldering religious fires into a mighty flame. We have come to urge
aggressive work along all religious and moral lines. We are here to speak out against
religious intolerance. Our cry is: “Down with religious tyranny! Down with
denominational bigotry! Up with United Christianity! Up with Universal Brotherhood!”</p>
                <p>Christian Endeavor stands for the church, for the
home and for the State. It stands for morality <hi rend="italics">versus</hi>
immorality; for honesty <hi rend="italics">versus</hi> dishonesty; for sobriety
<hi rend="italics">versus</hi> sensuality; for all that is grand, noble and good
in life and in death.</p>
                <p>Our principle, “For Christ and the Church,” was never more talismanic than now.</p>
                <p>Again I thank you for your warm and cordial welcome.</p>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt219" n="219"/>
        <head>XVII<lb/>
ADDRESS AT ALEXANDRA PALACE,<lb/>
LONDON</head>
        <p>SINCE 1895 I have been given a prominent
place on the program of our National
Convention. At the World's Christian Endeavor Convention held
at Alexandra Palace, London, England, in 1890, I was appointed to
deliver one of the principal addresses. Forty
thousand people were present. The subject I
chose was “The Minister's Responsibility and
Care of the Young,” and the address was as
follows:</p>
        <q type="speech" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="speech">
                <salute>Mr. Chairman and Fellow Endeavorers:</salute>
                <p>I consider myself highly honored and especially favored in being invited to deliver
an address before this intelligent body of Christians. I am very sorry that we were
delayed in getting here.</p>
                <p>We were first of all delayed in our journey by the Hoboken holocaust, in which
over three hundred lives were lost and ten million dollars' worth of property
destroyed by fire. In that catastrophe the <hi rend="italics">Scale,</hi> on which we were to have sailed,
three days after the fire occurred, was burned to the water's edge. This, as you
have doubtless already heard, upset all the transportation
<pb id="walt220" n="220"/>
plans of our managers, and forced them to make different arrangements.</p>
                <p>After taking the good ship <hi rend="italics">Vancouver,</hi> which sailed from Montreal, Canada, July 7,
and should have arrived at Liverpool on the morning of the 16th, we lost twenty-four
hours by a two days' fog. After all we are grateful to our Heavenly Father that we
have at last arrived safe and sound. While on board, we held a daily service at 3
o'clock P.M., and I am sure with profit to all on board who attended the meetings.
I was greatly benefited by the Christian fellowship of the believers who were on board.
I am glad that none of our company of ministers was so unfortunate as a minister
of whom I once heard.</p>
                <p>He had crossed to this side some time ago, and a storm arose while he was at sea.
The wind blew fiercely, the waves rose high and lashed themselves into fury.
He became alarmed and asked the captain if there was not great danger of the
loss of the ship. The captain said, “I think not; I have seen severer storms than
this.” He went to his stateroom, but soon after another wave swept the deck,
the wind roared, the lightning flashed, and the ship seemed to stand on her end;
the minister called on the captain again, and asked if they were not going down.
“I hope not,” said the captain, but to set the matter at rest for a while, and to keep
the ministers from annoying him, he said, pointing to the trap door, “Do you hear
those sailors cursing and gambling”? The minister answered “Yes.” “Well,” said he,
“as long as they continue that you are safe, but when they cease to curse and gamble
during the storm, the jig is up with you and all on board.” The minister retired.
About two o'clock in the morning, the storm grew fiercer, and the ship plunged
and creaked as if she would break amid-ship. The minister could stand it no longer;
he went to the hole, where they were cursing and gambling, put his ear down so
he could hear distinctly, and muttered
<pb id="walt221" n="221"/>
to himself, “Thank the Lord, they are at it still.” Of course, none of our party
would be guilty of such a breach of moral ethics—we had no storm.</p>
                <p>Before I discuss my subject, allow me to give a few reasons why the colored people
of America are in favor of the Christian Endeavor Society.</p>
                <p>First.—Its system of religious training is peculiarly adapted to the religious
development of our race.</p>
                <p>The emancipation proclamation which was issued by our immortal statesman
and President, Abraham Lincoln, January 1, 1863, unloosed the bonds of four
million slaves. While we marched forth freemen, we at the same time marched
out ignorant and poor. Ignorant because the light of intelligence had been denied
us, and poor, because for two hundred and fifty years we had been robbed of our
just dues. While we had many difficulties to face, we had three strong agencies
on our side—God, influential white friends in this and our own country, and our
own brawny arm. With this capital in hand we started out to make it in life. Since
that time forty-five per cent of our ignorance has been removed by education. We
have accumulated by our thrift and frugality over seven hundred million dollars
in personal property and real estate. We have greatly improved our morals, and our
mode of worship has been improved by the Christian Endeavor system of training.</p>
                <p>The Christian Endeavor Society has enabled our young people who have been trained
in the schools, and who are filled with new ideas to enter more largely into our
religious worship, and thus improve our manner of conducting religious services.
The half-singing manner of praying and preaching and the barbarous way of shouting
are rapidly passing away under the touch of our Christian Endeavor hosts. All honor to
Father Clarke, Brother Baer and other leaders of the Christian Endeavor movement.</p>
                <p>Another reason why the colored people of America
<pb id="walt222" n="222"/>
are in favor of the Christian Endeavor movement is because it is Inter-Racial. While
we have in our country some of the bravest and best white people in the world, we
have a great many who are blinded by prejudice, and the colored people are the
victims of most of these prejudices. We are disliked on account of our color and
previous condition of servitude, for neither of which we are responsible. Color
prejudice appears the more apparent when we consider that it is only displayed
toward human beings. We never hear of color prejudice against a black dress, or hat,
or coat; indeed, they are generally preferred. Black horses and dogs are considered
beautiful animals, and are generally favorites, but when it comes to a black man,
or woman, some of our folks will have none of it; but we are gradually being educated
out of such foolishness.</p>
                <p>As to our previous condition of servitude, we are not the only people who have been
slaves. The ancestors of our Anglo-Saxon brethren were once slaves. The Hebrews
were enslaved by the Egyptians for four hundred and thirty years. There are very
few nations on the stage of action today who at some time in their history were not
slaves. I am afraid that a great deal of the prejudice against us grows out of the
belief that the Negro by nature is an inferior being. They seem to have forgotten the
fact that the entire human family came from one stock, Adam and Eve being
the ancestors of the whole race of mankind.</p>
                <p>We read in the Scriptures that man called his wife's name “Eve,” because she
was the mother of all living. Again we read, “God hath made of one blood all
nations of men to dwell on all the face of the earth.” Therefore, in the language
of our Endeavor motto, “We all are brethren.”</p>
                <p>To deny this fundamental truth is to renounce the Scriptures, for they are filled with
the doctrine of the Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood of Man. Since there
can be no doubt as to our equality by nature
<pb id="walt223" n="223"/>
with the other members of the human family, we should be accorded equally with
them our God-given rights. The inculcation of this principle is what the Christian
Endeavor Society is doing on our side of the water.</p>
                <p>The United Society of Christian Endeavor knows no race or color. It can never
draw the color line. If it did it would have to exclude not only the colored people
of America, but also the dark peoples of India, Japan, China, Africa—indeed, the
dark races throughout the Universe.</p>
                <p>This cannot and will not be done. On our banner is emblazoned so that the world
can read, God our father and man our brother. It shall remain there for ever and ever.</p>
                <p>We have always had true friends among the white people of my native land. In the
dark days of slavery our cause was championed by such able and courageous men as
Abraham Lincoln, William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, John Brown, Charles
Sumner, Lovejoy, Henry Ward Beecher, and a host of others.</p>
                <p>Since our emancipation God has raised us up many friends; indeed, their names are
legion.</p>
                <p>Foremost among them are Father Clarke and Mr. Baer. The white people, North
and South, have contributed millions of money for our education. They have given
our fairest and most talented sons and daughters to labor among us.</p>
                <p>The government has honored us with some of its most lucrative positions. We are
holding municipal positions of distinction and trust. We have made marvelous
progress along all lines within thirty-five years; we have reduced the illiteracy
among us forty-five per cent; we have written and published 1200 books.</p>
                <p>We have accumulated school property to the value of $12,000,000. We own
church property to the value of $37,000,000. We own 137,000 farms and homes
valued at $725,000,000. We have personal property to the value of $165,000,000,
and have raised over ten
<pb id="walt224" n="224"/>
millions of dollars for our education. We have 30,000 teachers; students in higher
institutions, 40,000; learning trades, 20,000; those pursuing classical courses, 15,000;
scientific courses, 12,000; business courses, 1800. Total in school, 1,500,000. We have
156 Normal Schools, Colleges and Universities in the South. We have over 500
physicians, 300 lawyers and 400 newspapers.</p>
                <p>We are very hopeful of our future in America. We believe ourselves to be in the
dawn of the morning of our peace and prosperity; with God and some of the best
white people in our country on our side we have but little to fear and much to hope
for. It was by the aid of the God-fearing and liberty-loving white people that we are
freed, emancipated from physical bondage, and it will be by their aid that we will
be emancipated from our civil and political bondage.</p>
                <p>After they had freed us they did not stop until we had been enfranchised, made
full-fledged citizens in theory, and we believe they will stay by us until citizenship
becomes an actual fact. The sentiment of fair play among the whites is on the
increase. The Christian Endeavor Society is with us in our struggle for all the rights
guaranteed to us by the Constitution. This accounts for my presence on the platform
to-day.</p>
                <p>We favor the Christian Endeavor Society because it stands for the deepening of the
spiritual life. We live in an age of looseness of morals in church and state; an age in
which men call license liberty; an age in which Bible truth is so distorted as to make
men believe that they can commit all manner of sin with impunity so long as they
believe in Christ; many believe to accept the righteousness of Christ is to have none
of their own. They seem to have forgotten that the object of Christ's coming into
the world was to save them from their sins. That the whole plan of salvation is the
complete restoration of mankind to the image of God. Purity of life is one of the
indispensable
<pb id="walt225" n="225"/>
requisites for happiness and effectual service. It gives confidence and lends wings to
faith and prayer. It was the theme of patriarchs, prophets, apostles and reformers.
St. Paul urged it in all his Epistles.</p>
                <p>We love the Christian Endeavor Society because it stands for Christian unity.</p>
                <p>If there is one thing above another that has weakened the Christian Church in its
work of soul saving and developing of character, it is the denominational strife
which has been kept up for years in one form or another.</p>
                <p>But, thank the Lord, it is rapidly disappearing before the flood tide of Christian unity,
put in motion by the Christian Endeavor Society. I now come to the subject
assigned to me by the committee:</p>
                <div2 type="text">
                  <head>“THE MINISTER'S RESPONSIBILITY AND CARE FOR THE<lb/>
YOUNG”</head>
                  <p>It is hardly necessary in this presence to stop to define the term “responsibility,” but
I will add in brief that Dr. Noah Webster says: “It is a state of accountability; it is
being answerable, as for a trust or for an office, or debt. That for which any one is
accountable or responsible.” Grave, indeed, is ministerial responsibility. The minister
is not only answerable to those who are committed to his charge, but he is alike
answerable to the searcher of all hearts. I am here reminded of the impressive words
of our ordination ceremony. Have always, therefore, printed in your remembrance
how great a treasure is committed to your charge. For they have all been committed
to your hands, who are the sheep of Christ, which he bought with His life, and for
whom He shed His blood, and if it shall happen the same church or any member
thereof do take hindrance or hurt by reason of your negligence, ye know the
greatness of the fault, and also the horrible punishment that will ensue. Great, great
is the responsibility of the ministry to the young.</p>
                  <pb id="walt226" n="226"/>
                  <p>
                    <hi rend="italics">Some of the essential qualifications on the part of the ministry for the training
of the young.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p>I. The first essential element is love for the young. This means an earnest and
longing desire to have them saved to serve.</p>
                  <p>We cannot make much headway in preparing strong men and women to do
mighty work in the future if we do not love them intensely.</p>
                  <p>They must have our genuine sympathy and hearty cooperation, and to give this
freely we must have a burning desire to save them.</p>
                  <p>We must have an experimental knowledge of the things which we are to teach. If we
are to lead them to Christ, who is the world's ideal, to do it successfully we must
have knowledge of Him; have a personal acquaintance. You must tell of His saving
power, because you have realized its saving touch. He must be to you the fairest
among ten thousand and the one altogether lovely. Your devotion must be so intense
that you cannot help but speak of Him to others.</p>
                  <p>If you would warm the hearts of others, your own must be kindled into a spiritual
flame by the baptism of the Holy Ghost. It is folly to talk of wakening others when
you yourself are fast asleep. “The minister is to show to those under his care how
Christ lived—to hold up His example in all trying circumstances in which He was
placed, for He came to show by His life what the law required; and to show how men
should live.” And it is the office of the Christian ministry or a part of their work in
preaching “Christ Jesus the Lord” to show how He lived, and to set forth His
self-denial, His meekness, His purity, His blameless life, His spirit of prayer, His
submission to divine will, His patience in suffering, His forgiveness of His enemies,
His tenderness to the afflicted, the weak and the tempted, and the manner of His death.
Were this all, it would be enough to employ the whole of a
<pb id="walt227" n="227"/>
minister's life and to command the best talents of the world.</p>
                  <p>For He was the only perfectly pure model; and His example is to be followed by all
His people, and His example is designed to exert a deep and wide influence on the
world. Piety flourishes just in proportion as the pure example of Jesus Christ is kept
before a people, and the world is made happier and better just as the example is kept
constantly in view. To the gay and thoughtless, the ministers of the gospel are to
show how serious and calm was the Redeemer to the worldly-minded; to show that
He lived above the world; to the avaricious, how benevolent He was; to the vain
and licentious, how pure He was; to the tempted, how He endured temptations; to
the afflicted, how patient and resigned; to the dying, how He died; prayerful and pure
He was; in order that they may be won to the same purity and be prepared to dwell
with Him in His kingdom. We must realize the importance of the work which the
young men and women of this age are expected to do.</p>
                  <p>Their work will be to carry forward the great reforms inaugurated by the fathers. To
do this they must have well-developed, conscientious characters, strong to say “no” in
the hour of temptation.</p>
                  <p>To train the young to do successful work we must study individual character; press the
facts of experience, observation and revelation upon their consciences. Great care and
pains will be required to do this work. As far as possible, we must deal with the
individual, and this must be done in the home, in the public school, the lyceums, as
well as the church of God.</p>
                  <p>Why should the Christian ministry give special attention to the young?</p>
                  <p>Because youth is the period when principles and habits are formed; it is the time to
teach great principles of morality and piety if you want them inculcated.
<pb id="walt228" n="228"/>
In youth the heart of the child is susceptible of lasting impressions for good or evil.</p>
                  <p>It is while the wax is soft and pliable that impressions must be made. Says Dr.
Nott: “Youth is the most important because it is the first; and as such leaves its own
impressions on all those other periods that follow in an endless series. Man enters on
existence ignorant and impotent, but pliable and docile. The first impressions on his
heart are the deepest and most abiding. Thus at the outset and during the inceptive
process of moral agency a cast is given to his tone of feeling and his type of character.
Secondary impressions of a similar nature only deepen the preceding, and carry
forward the process of formation. Soon his taste receives a bias; soon his pleasures
are selected, his companions chosen and his manner of life settled. Hence forward he
advances, I do not say under an absolute necessity of being, but strongly predisposed
to be for ever after what he hitherto has been. Habit renders pleasurable what the
indulgence has made familiar.<corr sic="missing punctuation">”</corr></p>
                  <p>The sentiments cherished, the maxims adopted, the modes of thinking practiced in
youth, cleave to the man with tenacity of a second nature; and thus the web of life
runs on uniform in its texture and woven of the same material to its close.</p>
                  <p>“Youth,” says he, “is the period of fancy, of imagination, of passion, the period when
the world appears most gaudy, and pleasure is most enticing.</p>
                  <p>Reason has not yet detected the sophistry of sin, nor experience revealed its bitterness.
Even the worldly prudence which age imparts is not yet acquired; and all the avenues
of the heart are left open and unguarded to the assaults of every invader. Now it is that
health nerves the arm, ardour fires the bosom, and insatiable desires prompt to action.
Now it is that a field of ideal glory presents itself, rich in objects of interest and
replete with scenes of gratification; a field where every
<pb id="walt229" n="229"/>
evil is disguised, every danger concealed, every enemy masked; where vision follows
vision, and phantom succeeds phantom. Wealth, honor, pleasure, each big with
promise, but faithless in performance, courts his attention and solicits his choice.
Forms of beauty flit before the eye, songs of melody enchant his ear, streams of
bliss invite his taste. Thus at the outset and during the inceptive process of moral
agency a cast is given to his tone of feeling and of character.”</p>
                  <p>If we sow in the hearts while the child is young the seed of obedience and temperance,
we will more than likely reap harvest of sobriety; if you sow the seed of benevolence,
you will have in the end broad and symmetrical men and women; if you inculcate
the principle of truth, you may reasonably expect men of strict integrity and honesty.
If you instil the principle of justice you can look with hope for righteousness; your
fruit will be according to your sowing, and all admit that youth is the time to sow. It
is the time to prepare the men of the future to do glorious service for God, home
and country, or to be anarchists, socialists, and destructionists of all kinds.</p>
                  <p>If right principles are formed in youth, then happiness, peace and joy will ensue. On
the other hand, if vicious principles are formed, then look out for trouble, misery or
pain, woe, ruin, and external death.</p>
                  <p>This is why we should bestow so much pains on the training of the young. The wise
king of Israel has said: “Train up a child in the way he should go, and when he is old
he will not depart from it.” And to the child he says: “Remember now thy Creator
in the days of thy youth, while the evil days come not, and the years draw nigh,
when thou shalt say, I have no pleasure in them.” In youth the mind is a blank
ready to be filled with noble or vicious principles. Go, my brothers, and help those
committed to your charge to fill out the blank with right principles, teach them the
lessons of love, truth, patience, temperance, mercy, justice,
<pb id="walt230" n="230"/>
courage, and self-denial. See to it that they are cultivated assiduously and your reward
is sure.</p>
                </div2>
                <div2 type="text">
                  <head>THE DUTIES AND RESPONSIBILITIES WHICH AWAIT THE<lb/>
YOUNG</head>
                  <p>Great reforms have been put in motion by the fathers
which must be carried forward to a happy consummation
by men and women who are being trained to-day.
The children of to-day are the men and women of to-morrow.</p>
                  <p>The first thing to be fought is the Liquor Traffic. It is the duty of the young men
and women upon whom so much care and labor have been bestowed and whose
consciences are quickened to take up the temperance reform and fight the Liquor
Traffic in all of its multitudinous forms, and especially since it is doing so much
to destroy our homes, our governments and religious institutions. It is blighting
our young manhood and womanhood. (A noted Colored Minister.)</p>
                  <p>Young men are called to fill the pulpits of those who have fought this nefarious
business bravely for years, but who, on account of age, must come down from the
wall. Their blunted swords have fallen from their palsied hands. O, young men, rise
and take up the work where they left off. You are called to go into the schoolroom,
both the Sunday School and the public school, where able champions who have
fought nobly for years are about to lay aside their armour and you are to take it up
and continue the struggle. Young men, you are called upon to take charge of the
editorial chairs, where red-hot thunderbolts have been forged, and hurled against the
rum traffic. Of you we expect more than of those who have gone before you. There
is no agency more potent in creating sentiment against wrong and corruption than the
press.</p>
                  <p>Young men, you are called to enter the halls of legislation, to occupy the seats of
governors, mayors and
<pb id="walt231" n="231"/>
counsellors; called to occupy the judicial bench, and to render strict justice, and to
fight intemperance by legal enactments. You are called upon to take up the
temperance cudgel and strike telling blows against intemperance. Young men and
young women, strong in your manhood and womanhood, I bid you harken to the
bugle call to duty; go fight this hydra-headed monster of wickedness in the homes,
the churches, the social circle and places of business.</p>
                  <p>It is the duty of the young men and women who have received superior training to
make war on bribery.</p>
                  <p>This seems to be an age of bribes. The eyes of governors, judges, legislators and
municipal officers are closed by bribes to justice and right. They no longer see
justice with the even balances in her hand standing before them.</p>
                  <p>Bribes have closed the ears of many in authority to the cry of the orphan and widow. It
has sent the poor and oppressed laborer from courts where justice should have
reigned, crushed and heartbroken. Heaven, your country and home cries loud to
you to-day to arise in your might, and strike with a mailed hand bribery and corruption
in high places.</p>
                  <p>It is the duty of the young men and women, especially those who have received
special training, to fight to the death caste prejudice of all kinds.</p>
                  <p>You are called upon to lift up a standard against prejudice, wherever it exists, whether
it be the class prejudice of India, which exists to the detriment of some of her noblest
sons and daughters; or in Africa, on the part of the Boers, who took delight in
humiliating the natives by forcing them from the sidewalks into the streets of their
towns, and excluding them from their public places, or in old England, that is first
among the nations of the world and whose history has been illustrious by noble
deeds, in the frown of their nobility upon her less favored class, or whether it be in
America, the land of the free and the home of the brave, where
<pb id="walt232" n="232"/>
live some of the noblest and best of earth, in her oppression of the Negro and the
Indian.</p>
                  <p>Her signs of prejudice are the separated coach laws, her separate schools, separate
churches, and denial in some sections of the ballot to the black brother.
Young men and women, you are called to help us fight this prejudice. It is the duty
of young men and women, upon whom has been bestowed so much pains and labor,
to keep inviolate our holy Sabbath. You have been strong to resist the onrushing
tide of Sabbath desecration.</p>
                  <p>It is the duty of young men and women, especially those who have received superior
training, to fight illegal and injurious trusts.</p>
                  <p>Combinations in business which have for their object the crushing and driving out of
business all the small enterprises, the stifling of one's endeavor on the part of ambitious
young men, who are forced to start in business life on small capital and whose
aspirations to become strong and influential business men should not be crushed.
Combinations which have for their object the fleecing of the poor, and as their end
the driving out of business all but the capitalist, should be driven out of existence.</p>
                  <p>Lastly, young men, you are called upon to fight wrong and injustice of all kinds. You
are called upon, like the illustrious knights of old, to consecrate yourselves to
righting of wrongs. You are to strike in defence of those who are oppressed. Hear the
Master say to-day, “To the work! To the work!”</p>
                </div2>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt233" n="233"/>
        <head>XVIII<lb/>
THE CHICAGO CHRISTIAN ENDEAVOR<lb/>
CONVENTION, 1915</head>
        <epigraph>
          <q type="verse" direct="unspecified">
            <lg type="verse">
              <l>Then, speeding like full day through heaven's gate,</l>
              <l>Increased till all the earth was its domain.</l>
              <l>That figure was the grand prefiguration</l>
              <l>Of that new Era born of love and truth,</l>
              <l>Earth freed from night by dawn's emancipation,</l>
              <l>Emmanuel's morning in the hearts of youth.</l>
            </lg>
          </q>
          <bibl>—REV. ERNEST WARBURTON SHURTLEFF.</bibl>
        </epigraph>
        <p>THE Fifth World's Convention of Christian Endeavor met in
1915 in Chicago. The meetings were held in the Coliseum, and
in welcoming the Chicago committee, Vice-President Grose said:
“This Chicago Convention of 1915 will go down in Christian
Endeavor history as one of the greatest, most significant and
most successful of all the twenty-seven.”</p>
        <p>For twenty-seven years the presence of Father Clarke, the founder
of the Christian Endeavor movement, had been the chief source of
inspiration. Here for the first time he was absent. In the clutch
of illness he tarried at Sagamore Beach while the delegates
bemoaned the destiny which robbed them of his counsel and
invaluable advice. His seat was empty, and to say that he was missed
<pb id="walt234" n="234"/>
is but putting it mildly. Resolutions were passed and sent to the Christian Endeavor
Sage, all of which breathed the spirit of reverence and devotion in which he was held.
The following resolutions were passed and sent to him at Sagamore Beach:</p>
        <q type="text" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="text">
                <p>We, the delegates in attendance at the Twenty-seventh International and Fifth World's
Convention of Christian Endeavor, representing over three millions of young people
of the evangelical churches of the United States of America, in this opening session
at Chicago, wish to assure you of our sincere sympathy with you in the
discharge of the difficult duties incumbent upon you in
these critical days as chief executive of the nation, and
our earnest support in your measures in defence of
neutral rights, international law and the higher law of
humanity.</p>
                <p>We are grateful to God for your wise, temperate and firm leadership; for your ardent
desire to preserve peace with all the world, so far as it can be done with due
regard to those principles of righteousness which alone make nations
worthy of preservation.</p>
                <p>Our prayer is that you may be divinely guided and sustained. May the consciousness
of the people's approval and loyalty gird you with strength.</p>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
        <p>It was at this General Convention that the Christian Endeavor Society took high
ground on the race question, condemning lynching, disfranchisement and
discrimination of all kinds against the colored people, and pledging itself to do
all in its power to bring the dawn of a new era of love and brotherhood between
the races of mankind.</p>
        <pb id="walt235" n="235"/>
        <p>The slogan, “A saloonless nation in 1920,” was emphacized.</p>
        <p>The following resolution was adopted:</p>
        <q type="text" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>PROHIBITION</head>
                <p>We reaffirm our faith in the early triumph of national
prohibition, and we again lift the slogan, “A saloonless
nation by 1920.” We rejoice in the coming together more and more
of the temperance forces of all organizations for harmonious and united action
against the common liquor foe.</p>
                <p>We are grateful to Almighty God for the successful labors of the Flying Squadron of
America, which in less than nine months penetrated every State of the Union, visiting
every capital city and practically every other commercial and educational centre of the
Union with the message of national prohibition. We are glad of the place occupied
by Christian Endeavor in this campaign, both through the presence of a number of
her leaders in the Squadron itself, and also by the vital co-operation everywhere of the
young people themselves on the field.</p>
                <p>We indorse the campaign now being promoted by the
Anti-Saloon League, the Woman's Christian Temperance
Union, and other kindred organizations, for the
election to Congress of United States Senators and Representatives
openly pledged to support national constitutional prohibition.</p>
                <p>We commend the efforts now being made through
representative leaders of all political parties to enlist
at least five million voters of the United States who
will declare the patriotic determination to support at
the polls those parties and candidates outspokenly committed
to State and national prohibition. No organization
unwilling to assume a righteous attitude upon
this paramount moral, religious, industrial and political
issue has any claim on the support of good citizens.</p>
                <pb id="walt236" n="236"/>
                <p>But we do not confine our vision to this republic, nor do we limit
our program to the North American continent. Assembled in a
World's Convention and rejoicing in the anti-liquor triumphs of the
Dominion of Canada and the United States, we here lift our hopes
and our determinations beyond the boundaries of States and
countries, and declare for “Universal Prohibition.”</p>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
        <p>The following address was delivered by the writer:</p>
        <q type="text" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>CHRISTIANITY—THE SOLUTION OF RACE PREJUDICE</head>
                <p>Dean Miller, of Harvard University, says, “The adjustment of the
forward and backward races of mankind is without doubt the
most urgent problem that presses upon the twentieth century for
solution. The range of this problem is not limited to any country
or continent or hemisphere, its area is as wide as the habitable
globe.” I quite agree with him that the work of the Christian
Church of the twentieth century is the permanent establishment of
the doctrine of the brotherhood of man. This is the meaning of all
our labor agitation, the activities of Japan, China, India, Egypt,
South Africa; indeed, all parts of Africa, and the struggle will not
cease until the recognition of the brotherhood of man shall have
become an accomplished fact.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>THE UNITY OF THE HUMAN FAMILY</head>
                <p>It is pretty generally admitted within and without scientific
circles that “God hath made of one blood all nations of men for
to dwell on all the face of the earth.”</p>
                <p>“There is not the slightest difference under the microscope between
the blood of a Chinaman, Japanese, Negro or a white man. There
is no such thing as blue blood, patrician blood and royal blood as
distinguished from
<pb id="walt237" n="237"/>
red—common or plebeian blood; we are all from the same
stock, whether white, black, brown or copper colored.”</p>
                <p>Color is the result of climatic conditions and not the fiat at the
beginning by Almighty God. Great as is the difference between
the various races of man as to formation of skull, long or broad
heads, size of their jaws, curly or straight hair, straight or
projecting teeth, all have sprung from the one stock.</p>
                <p>St. Paul's assertion that God hath made of one blood all the
nations of men to dwell upon the face of the earth, holds good.
With the same blood—and other things being equal—there
should be equality of opportunity and equality of privileges and
rights.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>THE CAUSE OF RACE PREJUDICE</head>
                <p>God in His infinite wisdom has seen fit in carrying forward the
civilization of the world to select certain people to lead in the
march of civilization, and misunderstanding their call and
His purpose in selecting them for leadership, they became puffed
up with pride and looked with contempt upon those who were not
so well favored; hence, vanity is really the cause of race
prejudice—inordinate pride is the root trouble. Says Kelly Miller:</p>
                <p>“It has so happened that in the process of human development
that the whiter races of mankind at present represent the forward
and progressive sections of the human family, while the darker
varieties are relatively backward and belated. That the relative
concrete superiority of the European is due to the advantage of
historical environment rather than to innate ethnic endowment,
a careful study of the trend of social forces leaves little room to
doubt of this fact. Temporary superiority of this or that breed
of men is only a transient phase of human development. In the
history of civilization the various races and nations rise and fall
<pb id="walt238" n="238"/>
like the waves of the sea, each imparting an impulse to its
successor which pushes the process further and further forward.”</p>
                <p>Civilization is not an original process with any race or nations
known to history, but the torch is passed from age to age and
gains in brilliancy as it goes. Those who for the time being
stand at the apex of prestige and power are ever prone to
indulge in such boasting as the Gentiles use, and claim
everlasting superiority of the “lesser breed.”</p>
                <p>Nothing less can be expected of human vanity and pride. But
history plays havoc with the vainglorious boasting of national
and racial conceit. Where are the Babylonians, the Assyrians, and
the Egyptians, who once lorded it over the face of the earth? In the
historical recessional of the races, they are “one with Nineveh
and Tyre.” The lordly Greeks who ruled the world through the
achievements of the mind, who gave the world Homer, and
Socrates, and Phidias in the hey-days of their glory, have so
sunken in the scale of excellence that, to use the language of
Macaulay, “their people have degenerated into timid slaves,
and their language into a barbarous jargon.” On the other hand,
the barbarians who Aristotle tells us could not count beyond ten
fingers in his day, subsequently produced Kant, Shakespeare,
Newton and Bacon. The Arab and the Moor for a season led
the van of the world's civilization.</p>
                <p>“To condemn a people, whether that people be African, Japanese,
Chinese or East Indian, to everlasting inferiority because of
deficiency in historical distinction, shows the same faultiness
of logic as the assumption that what never has been can never be.
The application of this test a thousand years ago would have
placed under the ban of reproach all of the vigorous and virile
nations of modern times.”</p>
              </div1>
              <pb id="walt239" n="239"/>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>THE UNREASONABLENESS OF RACE PREJUDICE</head>
                <p>Since it has been shown that the race that is in the vanguard today
is in the rear to-morrow, and how vain is its boasting, is it not
time that the forward races of the present should take heed and
profit by the lessons of the past?</p>
                <p>To my way of thinking, Japan, with its keen intellect and
aggressive spirit, is the rising nation, and who knows but China,
with its ancient lore, may follow, then India and Africa, etc. It is
God's way, and we should not despise the plan of the Almighty.
I sometimes liken the plan of the ages—the plan to save the
world—to a great army divided into battalions, and the army
commanded by a wise general. This battalion and that is ordered
to the conflict as their services are needed until the victory is won.
This seems to me to have been done by the God of Armies. First,
Shem was ordered into the conflict with the torch of Christianity
aloft; and next came Japheth, and the conflict has raged the
fiercer, and last will come in Ham with a mighty war-whoop,
who will add the finishing touch to the redemption of the world.</p>
                <p>We have something analogous to this in our late Civil War. White
men brave and true entered the conflict; a mighty battalion from
the East; another mighty battalion from the North; still another
from the West; and another from the South. But the victory was
not won; it hung in a balance; it seemed as if the Union forces
would fail, when, lo, in the distance a black battalion was seen
entering the field of battle, and adding their efforts to the
white battalions already engaged; the victory was achieved;
the Union was saved, and the slaves emancipated.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>CHRISTIANITY THE SOLUTION OF RACE PREJUDICE</head>
                <p>I admit that race prejudice is deep-seated, stubborn, and one of
the hardest things to eradicate in all the world. The learning and
culture of the Greeks and
<pb id="walt240" n="240"/>
the Romans were unable to eradicate race prejudice. Even
Christianity as practiced in the ages past has been unable to
conquer it. But in order to know whether Christianity will in
the future overcome and destroy race prejudice we must take
a retrospective view and see what deep-rooted and gigantic
evils Christianity has overcome and destroyed. Christianity
met and struggled with the monster paganism—throttled it
and strangled it to death. When the struggle began paganism
had learning, court influence, wealth and prestige on its side,
while Christianity had poverty, and was without learning or
wealth, but it had the Christ-life—the divine life—divine love,
an inherent force, on its side, and with these qualities it has
conquered paganism.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>CHRISTIANITY HAS SLAIN THE GOLIATH OF SLAVERY</head>
                <p>When the struggle commenced slavery had the world in its firm
grip; the masters of the time scorned the efforts of Christianity
just as some learned men to-day in certain quarters sneer at
Christianity. But on the side of Christ is time, truth and a vital
force, and time, truth and this vital force are the conquering
agencies in the world.</p>
                <p>When the Pilgrim Fathers reached these shores and talked of
overcoming the Indians, clearing the forest, building cities and
making a new world, many said it was a dream that never could
be realized. But it has been realized, and what a magnificent
story the historian has to tell of the trials and achievements of
American heroes in the development of our great country. When
I study the history of the past it appears to me that Jehovah has
throughout the ages carried forward His great work of
reformation and civilization by the selection of one great truth
at a time, and making it paramount until it found lodgment in
the hearts of men.</p>
                <pb id="walt241" n="241"/>
                <p>First.—It was the great truth of the Fatherhood of God that was
put forward. Said Jehovah, “I am God, and beside me there is
none else.” “I am the Father of all living and have universal
dominion.” It required centuries to make the world accept this
truth, but with the acceptance of this truth came the overthrow
of ancient idolatry, and now the world believes in the
Fatherhood of God and His universal dominion. But we
must not forget the fact that it required centuries, mighty
struggles, many heartaches before this truth triumphed.</p>
                <p>Second.—The second great truth presented to the world was the
Christ—the life and light of the world. He said of Himself, “I
am the way, the truth, and the life.” To Pilate's question, “What
is truth”? Christ answered, “I am truth.” Men said, we care
nothing for your pretensions, and we will not have you reign
over us. The struggle for the mastery then began at the
beginning of the first century and has continued until now. It is
admitted on all sides that Christ has conquered. The spirit of the
Galilean is to-day the controlling influence in legislation. Christ
is the inspirer of all the reform movements of the world of
which we hear so much. In the midst of wars there are many
plans being inaugurated for peace. The air is impregnated with
them. Peace is the keynote of our speeches, the theme of our
songs and the subject of our prayers, and who doubts that the
great peace sentiment of the hour is inspired by the Prince of
Peace. Christ is conquering in literature, and thus many of
our masterpieces are about the Christ or in some way tinged with His doctrine. This is seen in the writings of Macaulay, Burke, Tillotson, Augustine, Luther, Shakespeare
and Butler. Christ is recognized in poetry and song. Milton,
Dante, Wesley, Tennyson, Longfellow and Whittier have
written and sung in His honor.</p>
                <p>The great painters have given Christ an exalted place. To
convince you of this fact I need only to mention
<pb id="walt242" n="242"/>
Leonardo da Vinci's “The Last Supper,” Raphael's <corr sic="missing punctuation">“</corr>Transfiguration,”
and Angelo's “Last Judgment,” and in our own Tanners'
“Resurrection.” Christ is conquering in social and domestic affairs.
Says Mendenhall, “It is true that in Christian lands there are
institutions, monopolies, customs, partisanships which Christianity
does not justify, and which it will overcome as its rightful
influence is extended and obeyed.”</p>
                <p>Tyrannies, race discrimination, the burning of Negroes at the
stake, oppression of women, ignorance, poverty and crime
coexist with the Christian religion in different lands. Still, I am
sure that the vital forces of which I have spoken, that mighty
power which has uprooted gigantic evils, will overcome the
above-mentioned evils. It is well to keep in mind that
Christianity is represented by the vision of the river, and a
man with a measuring line in his hand, seen by the Prophet
Ezekiel. Said he, “Behold I saw waters issuing out from under
the threshold of the house of God eastward, and when the man
that had the line in his hand went forth eastward, he measured
a thousand cubits, and he brought me through the water; the
waters were to the ankles. Again he measured a thousand,
and brought me through the waters; the waters were to the
knees; again he measured a thousand, and brought me
through; the waters were to the loins. Afterwards he measured
a thousand and it was a river that I could not pass over, for
the waters were risen, waters to swim in.”</p>
                <p>I understand the river to represent the progress to be made by
the Christian religion, and the thousand cubits to mean a
thousand years. If this is the proper interpretation, then it is
well to note that the first thousand years of Christianity found
the waters of progress only ankle deep, and that was about
the extent of the influence of Christianity at the close of the
first thousand years. In the second thousand years the waters
reached the knees. This is the period in which
<pb id="walt243" n="243"/>
we live, and it must be apparent to us all when we remember the
evils which exist to-day that the waters or influence of
Christianity were only about knee deep. In the two thousand
years that are to follow, Christianity is to reach its highest
development, and to conquer all evils. Christ our conqueror is
riding on gloriously and has the ages before Him.</p>
                <p>Third.—The third great truth is the recognition of the presence
and work of the Holy Spirit in the world. He is counseling,
guiding and controlling the affairs of men. We are just beginning
to understand that the Holy Spirit is the executive of the
Godhead; that He is the Eternal Spirit; the vital force in the
world. We are getting our eyes open to see this great truth,
and to see the need of the presence and power of the Holy Spirit.</p>
                <p>Fourth.—The fourth great truth is Redemption. The sacrificial
death of Christ to save the world—His atonement. At last the
truth of redemption has found lodgment in the hearts of men,
and a place in literature. Redemption is an established fact, and
men are being saved through this great truth.</p>
                <p>Fifth.—The fifth great truth is the brotherhood of men, and to
establish this fact and make it workable is the work of the
twentieth century. The brotherhood of man is the acme of the
teachings of Christ. Like the other great truths that have
triumphed, this truth will ultimately win. At present, the
struggle is fierce in all parts of the world. Sometimes rights
and privileges are denied certain members of the human family
because of their color and previous conditions of servitude.
With the dominant class in some sections, neither character,
learning nor wealth count for anything. Being favored with
leadership by Almighty God and because of such favors, they
are filled with pride and will not recognize the equality of
other ethnic types, no matter what their qualities of head
and heart. But I am not discouraged. I remember it has ever been
<pb id="walt244" n="244"/>
thus, but more; I remember that time, preparation and the leaven of
the Gospel and an earnest struggle has brought about most happy
results, and enabled the people that were once considered inferiors
to take their places as equals.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>HANDICAPS</head>
                <p>With Oriental peoples their handicap is race rather than color;
because they have not been favored with leadership and have not
made the same progress that European people have made, they are
considered inferior, and thus denied equality. With the native
African it is color and race that are their handicaps, and being still
further back than the Orientals in the race of life, it will require a
longer time to achieve an equal place in the human family. It is
Christianity and Christianity alone that is to level the barriers and
give to these backward races their rightful places in the great
Christian family.</p>
              </div1>
              <div1 type="text">
                <head>AMERICA'S DUTY</head>
                <p>America is the leader in present-day civilization. She leads in
commerce, invention, education, religion, and social reform. She
is given a wonderful opportunity to do service for God and humanity
in taking the lead in solving the race problem on Christian principles.
I am of the opinion that the purpose of God in allowing the black
man to be brought to these shores and to become a part of this
civilization was to prepare the white man, by contact, discipline,
and education for world leadership in the spread of pure democracy
and of the brotherhood of man. Equal treatment, fair treatment, just
treatment of the darker races is the test of the white man's religion.
When the white man can treat a Negro, Japanese, Chinaman, African,
as a brother and accord him all the rights of a brother, that white man
can pass—he is pure gold, and fit to lead
<pb id="walt245" n="245"/>
any people and anywhere. We have all races here to be blended
into one civilization with equal rights and privileges. The work
is now in progress, and will be carried forward to a happy
consummation. I am expecting a wonderful change to come over
this American people, a change for the better, with all the
discriminations, all hindrances and barriers against the
Japanese, the Chinese, the Negroes, and Indians, etc., will be
eliminated, thrown down, and all be considered brethren,
dwelling together with the white man in unity and peace, and all
the result of Christianity.</p>
                <p>The Christian Church can hasten this great work. First, by
being more aggressive in insisting upon the rights of men in the
future than it has in the past. Heretofore the church has been
more negative than positive, and this is why the work has gone
on so slowly. Now, the call has come for a more aggressive
struggle than heretofore. The pulpit should be called upon to
contend for the rights of all men, regardless of race or color.
The press should be more aggressive than heretofore. We only
retard our work and delay our cause when we single out one
backward race and make the fight for it. We should put them all
together—Japanese, Chinese, Negroes, and Africans, and make a
straight-out fight for the backward races, and it would not be
long before we would see the results of our labor.</p>
                <p>The first thing to do is to combine to stop all inimical
legislation on the part of our government. This can be done by
united effort on the part of the Christian Church. There are
people that are so blinded by their prejudices that they are
willing to have this country place a premium upon bastardy by
not allowing a white man to father his child and protect the
negro woman that he has betrayed. This matter has got to be
dealt with in most fearless manner. As long as we wink at
injustice and countenance immorality of any kind, there cannot
be much real Christian progress made. The truth is, the times
call for a vigorous opposition
<pb id="walt246" n="246"/>
against all manner of sins. The Gospel is the remedy for
all these ills. All we need to do is to apply it in the manner
it should be.</p>
                <p>We have seen the effects of Christianity in civilization
and the industrial pursuits of men. We have observed its
impregnation of literature and refining tendency in art;
we have witnessed its initiation of reforms and its place in
home life; but its chief excellence is in its effects on
human character. Christianity must in the last analysis be
judged by its ability to deliver men from sin and uproot
existing evils—and this much needed work it is doing.</p>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt247" n="247"/>
        <head>XIX<lb/>
ECUMENICAL CONFERENCES</head>
        <p>IT has been my privilege to be a member of three
Ecumenical Conferences, namely, at Washington, D.
C., 1891; London, 1891; Toronto, 1911. At the London
Conference (held in Wesley's Chapel, City Road), I
was assigned to respond, on behalf of the African
Methodist Churches (Western Section), to the address
of welcome. I did so as follows:</p>
        <q type="speech" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="speech">
                <salute>Mr. Chairman and Brethren:</salute>
                <p>To me has been assigned the pleasant task of
responding on behalf of the African Methodist Churches
of the Western Section to the most eloquent and
thoughtful addresses of welcome to which we have
listened. On behalf of twenty-seven bishops, a large
number of presiding elders, 1,462,304 communicants,
1,821,468 Sunday school scholars and nearly 5,000,000 of
adherents of African Methodism, I heartily thank you for
your cordial welcome to old England, the cradle of
Methodism, with her renowned institutions hoary with
age; England, which has produced some of the greatest
statesmen, orators, poets and preachers the world has
ever known. We greatly appreciate the welcome to your
churches, homes and hearts. It is eminently fitting that at
the beginning of the Twentieth Century all branches of
Methodism gather from all parts of the world in a
<pb id="walt248" n="248"/>
great reunion at the shrine of its founder, to confer together, and
catch fresh inspiration for future service. It is only those who are
devoid of sentiment and enthusiasm who do not believe in
pilgrimages to famous shrines.</p>
                <p>Who would not consider it an honor, as well as a privilege, to join
the great procession which was begun centuries ago by the
wise men of the East, to make a pilgrimage to Bethlehem's manger,
there to present gifts of contrite hearts, sincere devotion and
genuine love to the King of Kings and Lord of Lords, and there
tarry until endued with fresh anointing from on high? What
enthusiastic Protestant would not deem it an honor to visit
Wittenburg, the birthplace of Protestantism? To stand upon the
spot where Luther nailed to the church door his renowned thesis
against indulgences, etc.? Or to visit Worms, where he met the
famous Diet, and made his noble defence before Charles the
Fifth and his legate of Rome, uttering truths which revolutionized
the religious world? Americans patriots delight to visit
Bunker Hill, to learn lessons of true patriotism by recalling
the noble deeds of her heroes. There should be
no objection to the enthusiastic Methodist family assembling
at this mecca of Methodism to thank the Lord
for John and Charles Wesley, and other founders of this
movement, which has girdled the globe, and done more to
ameliorate the condition of mankind than any other religious
organization extant. It is perfectly natural, under the
circumstances, for billows of gratitude to sweep again and
again over hearts. For my part I am happy enough to indulge
in an old-fashioned Methodist shout. We are here from all parts
of the world to receive a re-baptism of the Holy Ghost, to be
strengthened with power from on high, to stem the mighty
current of sin which threatens to overwhelm us.</p>
                <p>We have come to this mount of inspiration to tarry for a few days,
and to look into the face of Him whose name is Love, until
our love for sinners and desire to
<pb id="walt249" n="249"/>
save them becomes a common passion. We have come to gather
strength to contend against the rum traffic in all its multitudinous
forms, corruption in high places, Sabbath desecration, and race
and color prejudice. It is not my purpose to mar the harmony of
this occasion, or embarrass any of the representatives from
America, by injecting the color question. I have too much respect
for my brethren to intentionally do such a thing. All honor to the
Bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church represented here—noble
and fair-minded men they are. The grand old church which they
represent has spent millions of dollars for the uplift of the
Negroes, and given some of her noblest sons and daughters to
prepare them for usefulness in life. Her sacrifices for our race
have been many, for all of which we are grateful. As to the
representatives of the Methodist Episcopal Church South, there
is not a colored delegate in this Conference, or a Bishop or
minister left behind, who has not the greatest regard for
that peerless orator of Methodism, Bishop Galloway, to whom
we listened with so much delight and profit this morning. We
admire and delight to honor you, sir. The amiable and
broad-minded Dr. Tigert has the confidence and love of us
all. As much can be truthfully said of many other representatives
of that Church.</p>
                <p>We are thankful to the Methodist Episcopal Church South for
what she has done and is now doing, financially and otherwise,
for her daughter, the Colored Methodist Episcopal Church, a
prosperous branch of our Methodism. Hence, what I am about to
say cannot be construed as a reflection upon any church or
representative here. But, since for sometime systematic efforts
have been made to destroy the good opinion which our English
friends have of us, we would be untrue to ourselves if we did not,
while on this side, take advantage of the opportunity presented to
vindicate ourselves, as we may not come this way again soon.
We have been represented as a race of rapists, and to my
<pb id="walt250" n="250"/>
certain knowledge a few on this side of the water believe the
report to be true. Our delegates while here, by word and act,
are endeavoring to change that idea. We are not a race of rapists.
We have criminals among us, as have other races, but I am glad
to inform you that our preachers and teachers are doing all in
their power to decrease our criminality. Of 191 persons
lynched in America last year, only 19 were accused of
assaulting white women, and only 11 of those 19 were proven
guilty of the charge. The absurdity of accusing a whole race of
being rapists when only 11 out of 9,000,000 people have been
proven guilty of the crime within the space of twelve months.
The English people have always been our friends, and we hope
they will remain so. Even in the dark days of slavery, when our
white brethren of America did not respect us as they do to-day,
you furnished us a refuge from the cruel master and the
fierceness of his bloodhounds. We can never forget your kindness.
This is one of the reasons why we so greatly appreciate that
welcome which you have extended to us. We trust you will not
allow any slanderous report to destroy your confidence in us.</p>
                <p>We plead for your continued friendship and encouragement. If a
few mendicants of our race have deceived you, think not that
they represent the best among us—they do not. Here are our
representatives—men of honor, of probity, intelligence; men
who possess the confidence of our brethren at home, and are
worthy of it abroad. After an interval of twenty years we have
returned to these shores to report the numerical, spiritual and
moral progress of African Methodism; and here to report the
intellectual, financial and industrial development of the race. To
our trust were committed two talents; we are of the opinion that
we have at least gained two talents more, and we expect to hear
from you the “well done, good and faithful servant.” We have
brought with us Presidents and ex-Presidents of influential
educational institutions in the persons of
<pb id="walt251" n="251"/>
Bishops Lee, Harris; Profs. Atkins, Kealing, Scarborough, Jackson
and Gilbert. We also have with us authors in the persons of Bishops
Tanner, Small, Gaines, Arnett and others. And orators such as
Bishops Clinton, Derrick, Smith, Williams; Drs. Phillips, Mason,
Blackwell, Caldwell, Johnson and others. We have one banker
among us, Dr. Moreland. On a certain occasion the great Senator,
John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, said that he would never
believe a black man was the equal of a white man until that black
man could read Greek and Latin. We have in our delegation to-day
not only Greek, Latin and Hebrew scholars, but a man who has
written a Greek grammar that is the text-book in a number of our
schools and colleges; I refer to Prof. W. S. Scarborough, of
Wilberforce University, Ohio. We are here to report our financial
progress, to tell you that we have emerged from poverty to
competency.</p>
                <p>Our real and personal property is valued at over $700,000,000.
We have moved from the log cabins to spacious homes, some of
them palatial. We have a number of bankers and merchants
among us. The colored delegation of twenty years ago was not
blessed with the presence of a banker as we are to-day. This is
surely an evidence of progress. Notwithstanding the discouraging
statements which have been made concerning our moral and
religious progress, it is with pleasure I inform you that we are
steadily improving in that respect. The countenances of these
delegates speak louder than any words I can utter of the moral
and religious development of the race. We have made remarkable
progress in our manner of church worship. The excessively
emotional worship which obtained in days of yore is being
rapidly displaced by more intelligent and orderly
services.</p>
                <p>The statistics of African Methodism will be presented by Bishop
Arnett. And now may the spirits of the great Wesleys, of Clarke,
Coke, Benson,
<pb id="walt252" n="252"/>
Fletcher, Arthur, Asbury, Simpson, McTyeire, Pierce, Allen,
Varick and Miles hover over and inspire us. Best of all, may the
Spirit of Christ, who died for us, guide us in all of our
deliberations, and bring us at last to the haven of eternal rest.
Again, on behalf of African Methodism, I thank you for your
most gracious welcome.</p>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
        <p>The address was well received and published in nearly all lands.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt253" n="253"/>
        <head>XX
<lb/>THE PAN-AFRICAN CONFERENCE</head>
        <p>IT was the fertile brain of Mr. H. Sylvester Williams, a young
barrister of London, England, that conceived the idea of a
convocation of Negro representatives from all parts of the world.
He presented his plan by letter to a number of distinguished
Negroes in different countries, and after a favorable reply from
them, he issued the call in the early part of last year (1900) for
the Pan-African Conference, which was held in London, July
23-25.</p>
        <p>The objects of the meeting were: First, to bring into closer touch
with each other the peoples of African descent throughout the
world; second, to inaugurate plans to bring about a more friendly
relation between the Caucasian and African races; third, to start
a movement looking forward to the securing to all African races
living in civilized countries their full rights and to promote their
business interests.</p>
        <p>The meetings were held in Westminster Town Hall, which is near
the House of Parliament. There were present the following
representatives: Rt. Rev. A. Walters, D.D., New Jersey; M.
Benito Sylvain, Aide-de-Camp to Emperor Menelik,
<pb id="walt254" n="254"/>
Abyssinia; Hon. F. S. R. Johnson, ex-Attorney-General, Republic
of Liberia; C. W. French, Esq., St. Kitts, B. W. I.; Prof. W. E. B.
DuBois, Georgia; G. W. Dove, Esq., Councillor, Freetown,
Sierra Leone, W. A.; A. F. Ribero, Esq., Barrister-at-Law, Gold
Coast, W. A.; Dr. R. A. K. Savage, M.B., Ch.B., Delegate from
Afro-West Indian Literary Society, Edinburgh, Scotland; Mr. S.
Coleridge Taylor, A.R.C.M., London, Eng.; A. Pulcherie Pierre,
Esq., Trinidad, B. W. I.; H. Sylvester Williams, Esq.,
Barrister-at-Law, London, Eng.; Chaplain B. W. Arnett, Illinois;
John E. Quinlan, Esq., Land Surveyor, St. Lucia, B. W. I.; R. E.
Phipps, Esq., Barrister-at-Law, Trinidad, B. W. I.; Mr. Meyer,
Delegate Afro-West Indian Literary Society, Edinburgh, Scotland;
Rev. Henry Smith, London, Eng.; Prof. J. L. Love, Washington, D.
C.; G. L. Christian, Esq., Dominica, B. W. I.; J. Buckle, Esq.,
F.R.G.S., F.C.I.E., London, Eng.; Hon. Henry F. Downing, U. S. A.
ex-Consul, Loando, W. A.; T. J. Calloway, Washington, D. C.;
Rev. Henry B. Brown, Lower Canada; Dr. John Alcinder, M.B.,
L.R.C.P.; Counsellor Chas. P. Lee, New York; Mr. J. F. Loudin,
Director Fisk Jubilee Singers, London, Eng.; A. R. Hamilton,
Esq., Jamaica, B. W. I.; Rev. H. Mason Joseph, M.A., Antigua,
B. W. I.; Miss Anna H. Jones, M.A., Missouri; Miss Barrier,
Washington, D. C.; Mrs. J. F. Loudin, London, Eng.; Mrs. Annie
J. Cooper, Washington D. C.; Miss Ada Harris, Indiana.</p>
        <p>The writer was chosen to preside at the meetings;
<figure id="ill6" entity="baw254"><p>THE OLD MILL AT BARDSTOWN</p></figure>
<pb id="walt255" n="255"/>
Prof. J. L. Love, of Washington, D. C., was elected secretary, and
Prof. W. E. B. DuBois, of Georgia, was made chairman of the
committee on address to the nations of the world.</p>
        <p>The address of welcome was delivered by the late Dr. Creighton,
who was Lord Bishop of London at that time. He said he was glad
to meet the delegates and to welcome them to the City of London.
He assured them that they had the sympathy of the fair-minded
throughout the realm. He expressed a hope that the conference
would be a precursor of many similar ones. Continuing, he said
he was quite confident the great problems with which they were
concerned would not be settled in a hurry, but still the movement
to be inaugurated that day for the first time in the history of the
world, no matter in however humble a way, was sure to go on
growing until it brought a mass of public opinion to bear upon
the questions raised. These would be of the most vital description,
dealing with the future of the world, of which he was not then
inclined to speak. For the first time in human experience the
entire world had been really discovered, and a sense of human
brotherhood had become a very real thing, and, magnificent as
were the ideals it created, practical difficulties had to be dealt
with. The conference would materially assist towards the
accomplishment of this object if the delegates would place on
record their experience of the views and aims of the colonial
races. England generally recognized the weighty responsibilities
<pb id="walt256" n="256"/>
Providence had placed upon her, and her statesmen were
constantly considering how to most adequately discharge them,
and any help that conference could give them would be most
gladly welcomed.</p>
        <p>Responses to the most cordial and eloquent address of the Bishop
were made by Hon. F. S. R. Johnson, of Liberia, and the presiding
officer. During the session excellent papers were read by M.
Benito Sylvain, C. W. French, Miss Anna Jones, Mrs. Annie J.
Cooper, Rev. H. Mason Joseph, Francis Ware, Esq.; Rev. Henry
Smith and others. The papers and addresses elicited great praise
from the London daily press.</p>
        <p>A Memorial, setting forth the following acts of injustice directed
against Her Majesty's subjects in South Africa and other parts of
her dominions, was prepared and sent to Queen Victoria:</p>
        <p>1. The degrading and illegal compound system of native labor in
vogue in Kimberley and Rhodesia. 2. The so-called indenture, i.e.,
legalized bondage of native men and women and children to white
colonists. 3. The system of compulsory labor on public works. 4.
The “pass” or docket system used for people of color. 5. Local
by-laws tending to segregate and degrade the natives, such as the
curfew; the denial to the natives of the use of the footpaths; and
the use of separate public conveyances. 6. Difficulties in acquiring
real property. 7. Difficulties in obtaining the franchise.</p>
        <p>The following is the reply received from Her Majesty by our
secretary, Mr. H. Sylvester Williams:</p>
        <pb id="walt257" n="257"/>
        <q type="letter" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="letter">
                <opener>
                  <dateline>16th January, 1901.</dateline>
                </opener>
                <p>Sir: I am directed by Mr. Secretary Chamberlain to state that he
has received the Queen's commands to inform you that the
Memorial of the Pan-African Conference respecting the situation
of the native races in South Africa has been laid before Her
Majesty, and that she was graciously pleased to command him to
return an answer to it on behalf of her Government.</p>
                <p>2. Mr. Chamberlain accordingly desires to assure the members of
the Pan-African Conference that, in settling the lines on which the
administration of the conquered territories is to be conducted,
Her Majesty's Government will not overlook the interests and
welfare of the native races.</p>
                <p>3. A copy of the Memorial has been communicated to the High
Commissioner for South Africa.</p>
                <closer><salute>I am, sir, your obedient servant,</salute>
<signed>H. BERTRAM COX.</signed>
<signed>H. S. Williams, Esq.</signed></closer>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
        <p>Prof. DuBois, chairman of the Committee on Address to the
Nations of the World, submitted the following, which was
adopted and sent to the sovereigns in whose realms are subjects
of African descent:</p>
        <q type="speech" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="speech">
                <head>TO THE NATIONS OF THE WORLD</head>
                <p>In the metropolis of the modern world, in this the closing year of
the Nineteenth Century, there has been assembled a Congress of
men and women of African blood, to deliberate solemnly upon
the present situation and outlook of the darker races of mankind.
The problem of the Twentieth Century is the problem of the color
line, the question as to how far differences of race, which show
themselves chiefly in the color of the skin and the texture of the
hair, are going to be made, hereafter, the basis of denying to over
half the
<pb id="walt258" n="258"/>
world the right of sharing to their utmost ability the opportunities
and privileges of modern civilization.</p>
                <p>To be sure, the darker races are to-day the least
advanced in culture according to European standards.
This has not, however, always been the case in the
past, and certainly the world's history, both ancient
and modern, has given many instances of no despicable
ability and capacity among the blackest races of men.</p>
                <p>In any case the modern world must needs remember that in this
age, when the ends of the world are being brought so near together,
the millions of black men in Africa, America and the islands of
the sea, not to speak of the brown and yellow myriads elsewhere,
are bound to have great influence upon the world in the future, by
reason of sheer numbers and physical contact. If now the world of
culture bends itself upwards giving Negroes and other dark men
the largest and broadest opportunity for education and self-development,
then this contact and influence is bound to have a beneficial effect
upon the world and hasten human progress. But if, by reason of
carelessness, prejudice, greed and injustice, the black world is to
be exploited and ravished and degraded, the results must be
deplorable, if not fatal, not simply to them but to the high ideals
of justice, freedom, and culture which a thousand years of
Christian civilization have held before Europe.</p>
                <p>And now, therefore, to these ideals of civilization, to the broader
humanity of the followers of the Prince of Peace, we, the men and
women of Africa in World Congress assembled, do now solemnly
appeal:</p>
                <p>Let the world take no backward step in that slow but sure progress
which has successively refused to let the spirit of class, of caste, of
privilege, or of birth, debar from life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness a striving human soul.</p>
                <p>Let not mere color or race be a feature of distinction drawn
between white and black men, regardless of worth or ability.</p>
                <pb id="walt259" n="259"/>
                <p>Let not the natives of Africa be sacrificed to the greed of gold,
their liberties taken away, their family life debauched, their just
aspirations repressed, and avenues of advancement and culture
taken from them.</p>
                <p>Let not the cloak of Christian Missionary enterprise be allowed in
the future, as so often in the past, to hide the ruthless economic
exploitation and political downfall of less developed nations,
whose chief fault has been reliance on the plighted faith of the
Christian Church.</p>
                <p>Let the British Nation, the first modern champion of Negro
freedom, hasten to crown the work of Wilberforce, and Clarkson,
and Buxton, and Sharpe, Bishop Colenso, and Livingstone, and
give, as soon as practicable, the rights of responsible government
to the Black Colonies of Africa and the West Indies.</p>
                <p>Let not the spirit of Garrison, Phillips, and <sic corr="Douglass">Douglas</sic> wholly die out
in America; may the conscience of a great Nation rise and rebuke
all dishonesty and unrighteous oppression toward the American
Negro, and grant to him the right of franchise, security of person
and property, and generous recognition of the great work he has
accomplished in a generation toward raising nine millions of
human beings from slavery to manhood.</p>
                <p>Let the German Empire and the French Republic, true to their great
past, remember that the true worth of Colonies lies in their
prosperity and progress, and that justice, impartial alike to black
and white, is the first element of prosperity.</p>
                <p>Let the Congo Free State become a great central Negro State of the
world, and let its prosperity he counted not simply in cash and
commerce, but in the happiness and true advancement of its black
people.</p>
                <p>Let the Nations of the World respect the integrity and
independence of the free Negro States of Abyssinia, Liberia,
Hayti, etc., and let the inhabitants of these States, the independent
tribes of Africa, the Negroes of the West Indies and America,
and the black subjects of all Nations take courage, strive
ceaselessly, and fight
<pb id="walt260" n="260"/>
bravely, that they may prove to the World their incontestable right
to be counted among the great brotherhood of mankind.</p>
                <p>Thus we appeal with boldness and confidence to the Great
Powers of the civilized world, trusting in the wide spirit of
humanity, and the deep sense of justice of our age, for a generous
recognition of the righteousness of our cause.</p>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
        <p>I have received letters from several of the countries represented in
the Pan-African Conference commending the address.</p>
        <p>A permanent organization was formed and the following officers
were elected to serve for two years: Bishop A. Walters, New Jersey,
President; Rev. Henry B. Brown, London, Vice-President; Prof.
W. E. B. DuBois, Georgia, Vice-President for America. (I have
forgotten the names of the vice-presidents and secretaries of other
countries.) Mr. H. Sylvester Williams, General Secretary; T. J.
Calloway, Secretary for America; Dr. R. J. Colenzo, Treasurer.
Executive Committee: S. Coleridge Taylor, John R. Archer, J. F.
Loudin, Henry T. Downing, Mrs. J. Cobden Unwin, Miss Annie
J. Cooper.</p>
        <p>The constitution adopted was similar to that of the Afro-American
Council.</p>
        <p>The gathering proved advantageous to the colored American
tourists who had gone abroad to visit England, the Paris
Exposition and other places of interest on the continent, in that it
brought them in social contact with a number of distinguished
personages on the other side whom
<pb id="walt261" n="261"/>
they would not have met except through the medium of an
international and inter-racial gathering.</p>
        <p>On Monday, the 23d of July, the conference was invited to a
five o'clock tea given by the Reform Cobden Club of London in
honor of the delegates, at its headquarters in the St. Ermin Hotel,
one of the most elegant in the city. Several members of
Parliament and other notables were present. A splendid repast was
served, and for two hours the delegates were delightfully
entertained by the members and friends of the club.</p>
        <p>At 5 o'clock on Tuesday a tea was given in our honor by the late
Dr. Creighton, Lord Bishop of London, at his stately palace at
Fulham, which has been occupied by the Bishops of London
since the fifteenth century. On our arrival at the palace we
found his Lordship and one or two other Bishops, with their
wives and daughters, waiting to greet us. After a magnificent
repast had been served we were conducted through the extensive
grounds which surround the palace. Prof. DuBois, M. Benito
Sylvain, Messrs. Downing and Calloway, Miss Jones and others
moved about the palace and grounds with an ease and elegance
that was surprising; one would have thought they were “to the
manor born.” We found the Lord Bishop not only a brilliant
scholar and profound thinker, but an affable Christian gentleman.
I am sure our visit to the palace will be long remembered by the
delegates as one of the most pleasant in their history.</p>
        <pb id="walt262" n="262"/>
        <p>Through the kindness of Mr. Clark, a member of Parliament, we
were invited to tea on Wednesday, at 5 o'clock, on the Terrace of
Parliament. After the tea the male members of our party were
admitted to the House of Commons, which is considered quite an
honor; indeed, the visit to the House of Parliament and tea on the
Terrace was the crowning honor of the series. Great credit is due
our genial secretary, Mr. H. Sylvester Williams, for these social
functions.</p>
        <p>Miss Catherine Impey, of London, said she was glad to come in
contact with the class of Negroes that composed the Pan-African
Conference, and wished that the best and most cultured would visit
England and meet her citizens of noble birth, that the adverse
opinion which had been created against them in some quarters of
late by their enemies might be changed.</p>
        <p>I am glad that so many of our ministers, educators and other
members of the professional classes are making annual visits to
Europe. Such visits are helpful to our cause. The Pan-African
Association and the Afro-American Council, if efficiently
officered and wisely managed, can do much for the amelioration
of the condition of persons of African descent throughout the
world, provided that they are supported in their work by the
better classes of our people. Without such co-operation they
are sure to fail.</p>
        <p>If political parties, capital and labor see the need of organization,
surely, as a race, oppressed and moneyless, we ought to see the
necessity
<pb id="walt263" n="263"/>
of a great National and International organization. It is the aim and
hope of the Pan-African Association, which is neither
circumscribed by religious, social or political tests as a condition to
the membership therein, to incorporate in its membership the
ablest and most aggressive representatives of African descent in
all lands.</p>
        <p>We are not unmindful of the fact that it will require considerable
time and labor to accomplish our object, but we have resolved to
do all in our power to bring about the desired results.</p>
        <p>The numerous letters I have received from different parts of the
world commending the work of the Pan-African Association and
the National Afro-American Council, the many local organizations
which are being formed in various countries for the betterment of
persons of African descent, the host of newspaper and magazine
articles published by colored men in defense of the race, and the
encouragement that is being given to our educational and
financial development, are all evidences of a great awakening on
the part of the Negroes to their own interests, and an abundant
proof that the time is ripe for the inauguration of a great
international as well as national organization.</p>
        <p>Since these organizations have for their objects the
encouragement of a feeling of unity and of friendly intercourse
among all persons of African descent, the securing to them their
civil and political rights, and the fostering of business enterprises
among us, their growth in order to be
<pb id="walt264" n="264"/>
permanent must necessarily be slow. But since great bodies move
slowly, we need not be discouraged. As a race we have learned to
laugh at opposition and to bravely overcome difficulties. Let us not
be deterred by them in the future, but march steadily forward to
the goal.</p>
      </div1>
      <div1 type="chapter">
        <pb id="walt265" n="265"/>
        <head>XXI<lb/>
METHODIST UNITY</head>
        <p>ON February 17, 1916, I submitted the following suggested
working plan for Methodist union in the Harris Hall, Western
University, Chicago:</p>
        <q type="speech" direct="unspecified">
          <text>
            <body>
              <div1 type="speech">
                <p>I hail with delight the opportunity to meet with this goodly
company of Methodist Churchmen who have gathered here to
write another chapter in favor of the Union of American
Methodism—a religious organization which has done so much
for the spiritual, intellectual and material development of our
Nation.</p>
                <p>Methodism, through her ability, energy and numerical strength
has taken a foremost place among the mighty agencies which have
been used of God to give this Nation first place among the
Nations of earth in inventions, commerce, and the propagation of
the ideals of human brotherhood.</p>
                <p>It has furnished to the Nation Presidents, eminent Members of
Congress, able jurists, conscientious and capable State officials.
Many of the professors in the leading universities of the land
have been recruited from the ranks of our Methodism.</p>
                <p>And yet, as wonderful in achievements as has been our
Methodism, she has not been able to avoid the
rock of disunion; but, like the Roman, the Anglican, the
Presbyterian and other large bodies, she has had her divisions.</p>
                <pb id="walt266" n="266"/>
                <p>I am not sure but that in some respects her divisions have
strengthened Methodism; but I feel pretty sure that these
divisions have served their mission and the time is at hand for
a United Methodism.</p>
                <p>The Methodist Episcopal Church experienced its first division
in the year 1791, when Rev. William Hammitt led a dissatisfied
faction out of the church at Charleston, S. C., which organized
and became known as the Primitive Methodists.</p>
                <p>Being actuated by vanity rather than any distinct principle, the
movement failed.</p>
                <p>In the year 1792, Rev. James O. Kelley led a split from the
mother church; this division called itself the Republican
Methodists.</p>
                <p>At first it appeared that the movement would prove formidable
and become a rival of its young mother, but disintegrating
influences set in and it never attained a robust growth such as
some of the other offshoots did.</p>
                <p>In 1793 a colored faction, under the leadership of Richard
Allen, at Philadelphia, Pa., withdrew, and in the year 1796
another colored faction at New York City, under the leadership
of James Varick, separated from the mother church; the former
organized as the A. M. E. Church and the latter as the A. M. E.
Zion Church.</p>
                <p>These two factions withdrew because, as they stated, the
proscriptions existing in the church at that time were
insupportable and unbearable and were hindrances to their
fullest development.</p>
                <p>These two organizations retaining the doctrine and polity of the
mother church have grown to be mighty forces in spiritual and
race uplift.</p>
                <p>They have attained to a membership of 1,188,608, with
8552 ministers and 9180 churches, supporting a large number
of high schools and colleges, with property values exceeding
$15,000,000.</p>
                <p>And it would seem that the withdrawal of these colored
churches was Providential and that their works
<pb id="walt267" n="267"/>
stand as their justification in their withdrawal from the mother
church.</p>
                <p>About the same time of the withdrawal of the above-named
churches another colored faction left the Methodist Episcopal
Church, led by Peter Spencer, of Wilmington, Del. It organized
under the name of the African Union Church and later adopted
the name of Union American Methodist Episcopal Church.</p>
                <p>The strained relations between America and England growing
out of the War of 1812-14 was the cause of the withdrawal of
the Canadian membership of the Methodist Episcopal Church
in America. This membership organized as the Methodist
Episcopal Church of Canada in the year 1828.</p>
                <p>In 1830 a number of expelled ministers, laymen and other
disaffected members of the Methodist Episcopal Church
formed at Baltimore, Md., the Methodist Protestant Church.</p>
                <p>Their chief contention was for lay representation
and that local preachers should be members of the general
conference. It is still a considerable body.</p>
                <p>The iniquitous system of slavery, said by Mr. Wesley to be “the
sum of all villanies,” was at the bottom of the largest withdrawal
that the Methodist Episcopal Church has ever sustained. This
division occurred in 1844-45, when thirteen of the Southern
Conferences of the Methodist Episcopal Church withdrew from
that body and formed the Methodist Episcopal Church South,
an organization which has increased until it has attained a
membership of 2,073,035, with a ministerial roll of 7203 and
16,787 churches.</p>
                <p>Notwithstanding all these divisions, the mother church,
peerless in her achievements and phenomenal
in her growth, standing out like an impregnable fortress for
manhood rights, and all that is best and noblest in life, is the
wonder of all the Ecclesiastical organizations in America.</p>
                <p>Many have been the efforts to unite the divided members
<pb id="walt268" n="268"/>
of the Methodist family; but with two or three exceptions, and
these of the smaller bodies, all such attempts have proven
abortive. None that ever withdrew from the Mother Church has
ever returned.</p>
                <p>When one remembers the money, time and energy which have
been expended to effect a union of the separate branches of
Methodism and the resultant failures, the question naturally
arises, what are the insurmountable obstacles which have
prevented the success of the plans for organic union?</p>
                <p>The question is often asked by the Romanist, “Did not our Lord
Jesus pray that His Church should be one”? meaning by this
statement the Roman Church as the one referred to. We answer,
yes, our Lord did pray “That they all may be one; as thou,
Father, art in me and I in thee, that they may also be one in us.”</p>
                <p>“The union between the Father and the Son is not a visible
manifestation but a spiritual inference”; hence the unity spoken
of in the seventeenth chapter of John is not an organic unity of
denominations, but it is a spiritual unity which the Apostle Paul
had in mind when he exhorted the church at Ephesus, “To
endeavor to keep the unity of the spirit in the bonds of peace.”
It is a unity of love and service for the Master. The command
for such unity is absolute.</p>
                <p>As to organic union of Protestantism and especially the organic
union of the different branches of Methodism in America, the
only way to know the mind of the Lord in the matter is to note
His leadings. All the signs of the times indicate that such a union
is desirable and that the Lord is leading in that direction and that
the struggle will continue until this union is consummated.</p>
                <p>What is needed to accomplish this much desired end is more
genuine Christianity; more of the spirit of love; more self-surrender,
and a greater ecclesiastical statesmanship than we have had
heretofore.</p>
                <p>Says Bishop Merrill: “All agree that if union comes
<pb id="walt269" n="269"/>
it must be reached upon a basis honorable to all, and as the
result of an inward persuasion which is so nearly universal as to
be positively domination. Everyone will concede that the
movement, in order to be either desirable or successful, must be
as nearly spontaneous as is possible; the outgoing of a
conviction rooted in Christian sentiment and controlling the
consciousness of duty. When such preparation comes, union
will follow as naturally as ripened fruit drops to the earth.”</p>
                <p>Speaking on the same subject, Bishop Foster says: “Patience,
not haste; candor, not harshness; simplicity of aim will lead us
to the true goal.”</p>
                <p>We need not expect organic union of any of the branches of
Methodism so long as such statements are heard at the
adjournment of commissions on organic union as the following:</p>
                <p>“We did not surrender a point.” “We outwitted the other
fellows.” “We have not lost a word out of our title.” “We
swallowed them up.” “We have retained our dignity.” “Why,
certainly, we did not vote for the union; it was not honorable to
us.” Meaning that they did not get the advantage in the deal.</p>
                <p>In many of the efforts for organic union there has been a greater
ambition to excel in ecclesiastical diplomacy than there has
been to effect a permanent union of the parties concerned.</p>
                <p>If organic union is desirable, and I think it is, then any sacrifice
that does not surrender or compromise manhood rights and the
great truths of the Bible ought to be made in the interest of such
union.</p>
                <p>I have been a member of all the commissions appointed by the
A. M. E. Zion Church within the past twenty-five years to effect
federation or organic union between the Methodist Episcopal,
the A. M. E., the C. M. E. and the Union A. M. E. Churches,
and in every instance when the question of federation or
organic union has been submitted, I have voted in favor of them.</p>
                <p>In the year 1892 a commission on organic union
<pb id="walt270" n="270"/>
was appointed by the A. M. E. and A. M. E. Zion general
conferences which met in that year, the former meeting at
Philadelphia and the latter at Pittsburgh, Pa.</p>
                <p>The commissions met at Harrisburg, Pa., May 20, 1892, and
agreed upon a plan of organic union between the two churches
represented. The main points of difference were noted, such as
the appointment of class leaders, band societies, election of
general conference delegates, dollar money (at this time the
general assessment of the A. M. E. Church was one dollar and
that of the A. M. E. Zion Church was fifty cents), the mode of
the election of trustees and their duties.</p>
                <p>All these minor matters were referred to the first united general
conference of the bodies represented, which has never met. The
name agreed upon was The African-Zion Methodist Episcopal
Church. This name enabled the Zion commissioners to loudly
proclaim that they had not surrendered a thing. The name,
however, was submitted by Bishop B. F. Lee of the A. M. E.
Church and received twenty-two votes in its favor out of a
vote of twenty-four which formed the commission.</p>
                <p>On leaving the church the late Bishop H. M. Turner declared
that the hyphen would mean nothing to colored people and that
the united church would ever be called the African Zion
Methodist Episcopal Church. Notwithstanding the objections
interposed, the plan was submitted to the quarterly, annual and
general conferences and passed by the required vote, yet when
the commissions appointed by the general conferences to
consummate the union met in Washington, 1897, the whole
plan was defeated and the union deferred.</p>
                <p>It is with sadness that I state that all attempts at organic union
on the part of the colored bodies have failed, as have all
attempts at organic union (which have been many) on the part
of the M. E. Church and the M. E. Church South.</p>
                <p>It seems that we are not to have any organic union
<pb id="walt271" n="271"/>
until we are willing to take into that union all branches of
Methodism, white and black, large and small.</p>
                <div2 type="text">
                  <head>THE KIND OF UNION THAT SEEMS TO BE DESIRED IN<lb/>
SOME SECTIONS OF OUR COUNTRY</head>
                  <p>I understand that the plan of organic union agreed upon at the
last session of the general conference of the Methodist
Episcopal Church South and which is to be submitted to the
general conferences of the other branches of Methodism,
contemplates the union of the white branches, with the hope
that the union of the colored branches of Methodism will
ultimately follow.</p>
                  <p>Of course, it is understood that the union of the colored
branches is to include the colored membership of the Methodist
Episcopal Church, when said membership shall have been
organized into a separate and independent body, with its own
bishops, general officers, etc.; such a separation as the Methodist
Episcopal Church South outlines would result in a complete
divorcement between the white and colored churches.</p>
                  <p>To secure such a separation would probably enable the M. E.
Church South to unite with the Methodist Episcopal Church;
but, while it would bridge the chasm between these two bodies,
it would widen the breach and close the doors for centuries, if
not forever, to a United Methodism in America.</p>
                </div2>
                <div2 type="text">
                  <head>A FEARFUL SURRENDER</head>
                  <p>In 1844 it was physical slavery that demanded of the M. E.
Church a surrender of a Christian principle which she refused
to do. In this, the year of our Lord 1916, seventy-two years
after the separation and fifty-two years after the emancipation
of the slaves, it is political and social slavery that calls again
upon the same church to sacrifice her black brother on the
altar of race prejudice, and this in the face of the fact of a half
century of freedom, training in the best schools of the
<pb id="walt272" n="272"/>
land with a moral, spiritual, intellectual and material progress
that has astonished the world.</p>
                  <p>It seems to me too late in the day of this advanced civilization
to ask such a tremendous sacrifice of principle on the part of the
Methodist Episcopal Church and her black brother.</p>
                  <p>I for one am willing to continue separate conferences as we
have them to-day, quarterly and annual, but with a general
conference legislating for the united Methodism, granting to
all of its constituent bodies and members equal rights and
privileges according to membership; thus continuing the bond
of brotherly love, making organic union a reality and not a
sham.</p>
                </div2>
                <div2 type="text">
                  <head>HINDRANCES TO BE REMOVED, AS I SEE IT, BEFORE WE <lb/>
CAN HAVE ORGANIC UNION</head>
                  <p>The hindrances that must be removed before we can have
organic union are:</p>
                  <p>First.—A willingness to enter more heartily and sincerely in
the plan of making the Federation already existing a workable
affair, with frequent meetings. With a stricter observance of the
enactments of the Federation. In a word, we are to do more
courting; we are to draw closer together and get better
acquainted with each other.</p>
                  <p>Second.—A willingness to have a united general conference
which will legislate and have control of American Methodism,
white and black.</p>
                  <p>Third.—A willingness to submit all doctrines, church polity,
non-essentials, for settlement to the first united general
conference, with a solemn pledge to be governed by its
decisions.</p>
                </div2>
              </div1>
            </body>
          </text>
        </q>
      </div1>
      <trailer>
        <hi rend="italics">Printed in the United States of America.</hi>
      </trailer>
    </body>
  </text>
</TEI.2>