The courts announced during the summer that Mobile schools would be
completely integrated. Announced . . . reestablishing the district
lines. And the courts had come up with a plan. Released it, I think, in
middle August. As to where the children would go. And there was a lot of
busing of white children to black schools and blacks, mostly blacks to
white schools. But Wallace made a speech in Prichard, which
Page 17 is a blue collar area. You're probably familiar . . . Jay
Cooper is now mayor out there. An interesting thing. But this had always
been . . . prior to the last few years, had been the hard-core area of
Wallace support in this area. As much as any area of the state. And
Wallace had said we're going to block the federal courts, we're going to
take our children and put them . . . . Take your children to the school
that you want them to go to. I'm governor and it's all right for you to
do this. And the legislature has one more day to meet. A few days after
Labor Day. "And I am going to introduce a resolution . . . I have a
resolution introduced, calling for people to take their children to the
school of their choice regardless what the court decisions might be. And
I'll back them up. And we're going to find out who the men are in the
legislature and who the boys are." It was a pretty clear cut issue. The
resolution was introduced, ironically by Sage Lyons, the fellow who had
been elected with me in that special election. We had been in law school
together and close friends. I was the only one in the house to speak
against it. Very simple. I'm not in favor of busing, I'm just in favor
of law and order. I felt the governor was wrong, that it was ill-advised
of the legislature
[unclear] to recommend to
their constituents that they place themselves in contempt of court and
to further harden already very difficult, emotional situation. No good
could come of it. And there were four other people who voted with me.
Five of us. I was the only one in this county. So . . . I was told at
the time I would never be reelected if I spoke against it. It was a hard
fight, yet it shows how much feeling has changed here that a person . .
. I would think three or four years before I would not have been able to
be reelected. This was the issue and probably the key issue when I ran a
year later for
Page 18 reelection. My opponent was picked
to run against me, probably one of the stronger of the new young faces
coming along. He ran on the ticket of, get Wallace a person he can work
with, who can work with him, somebody's who's not afraid to speak up and
stand up for your children. This sort of thing. Never will forget though
. . . ever could get a tape of this it would be something that people
should remember. Always get a little emotional when I think back on
those times. There was a film on channel 10 here, the NBC affiliate, of
Rene Bradmer, who's a young TV news reporter who was covering the school
desegregation and enrolling of the students right after that, those few
days. Wallace's speech, fiery speech out at Prichard, telling the
parents to go to school was all right. He was telling them to do this.
Could take the children to the school they wanted to go to, regardless
of what district they'd been placed in, been assigned, under the court
order. And there was a scene a week later, Rene Bradmer stopping this
lady who was running out . . . white lady, middle-aged, I'd say blue
collar lady, not well educated but very emotional, upset, crying,
visibly crying there on the television. Bradmer stopped her, grabbed
her, asked, "Ma'am, what's wrong?" And she looked straight in to the
camera and said, "The governor lied to me." "What do you mean?"
"Governor Wallace lied to me. I was at Prichard last week and he said I
could take my child to any school that I wanted to. And I can't." Broke
down crying. She had a child she was taking home. But this was the type
of thing that had been . . . there were many scenes like this because of
Wallace's involvement. And of course all it did was harden the
situation. Luckily, Mobile learned from that situation and a year later
we had a . . . there was a further court order that was so harsh. It
called for triple
Page 19 pairing of schools. It was a
Fifth Circuit order, overruling some local judges. The community . . .
the black and white community leaders sat down and worked it out and got
very good support from the local school board. In '71 they worked out a
three-year moratorium. They worked out a plan essentially, I think some
people referred to it at one time as the national plan. One-way busing.
Whites being bused to white schools and there are blacks being bused.
But there are no all white schools of any consequence in the county.
There are a number of all black schools, in black areas. But the flight,
the white flight to private schools had been so great . . . and the lack
of public support of the public school system was building at such a
rate, that the black leadership decided they had to save the public
school system. We worked out a plan that has been implemented and it's
worked out quite well. I shouldn't have gone with that. Mobile, though,
is coming along. It's changed so much in the fifteen years that I've
been here. Well, the whole South has. The race situation.
And one of the things, one of the keys to it, the legislature . . . has
been the fact that two blacks were elected in 1970 from Macon County,
Fred Gray and Tom Reed, and they have conducted themselves generally
quite well. There's very little racism on the legislative floor of the
house and senate now. And I think with more blacks being elected you're
going to have more communication between all segments of the community.
You'll have at least three [blacks] who will be in the legislature from
Mobile County. And it's going to be a healthy thing. They'll be able to
speak from their sphere of influence, that area of the community. And I
think that's an important thing that we've been missing.