Downfall of liberal labor leadership in Texas
Carter traces the downfall of liberal labor leadership. After this passage ends, she tells several more stories illustrating how various labor leaders were undermined by their political enemies.
Citing this Excerpt
Oral History Interview with Margaret Carter, October 25, 1975. Interview A-0309-1. Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) in the Southern Oral History Program Collection, Southern Historical Collection, Wilson Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Full Text of the Excerpt
- MARGARET CARTER:
-
Rayburn tried very hard to carry Texas for the Democratic nominee. I
don't remember that Johnson was active in the campaign, but I'm sure
that he supported the nominee. Rayburn had to depend on the unions,
which at that time had liberal leadership. We had a very good
labor-liberal coalition going in our county by that time.
- CHANDLER DAVIDSON:
-
Who were some of the labor leaders?
- MARGARET CARTER:
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Paul Gray was one. He's in Austin, now, for the CWA and trying to
organize the municipal workers into the Communication Workers Union.
Don't ask me why. [Laughter] Ross Mathews
was perhaps the best one. He was one of the chairmen of our
labor-liberal coalition. He was the secretary of the largest machinists
union in the world, the largest machinists local in the world, at
General Dynamics, which was then called Convair, the plant where the
military airplanes were made. It was the largest single employer in
Tarrant County, as it has been for some years now. Ross was really
something. His political enemies got him defeated for reelection to his
union office. Then, A.J. Pittman was vice-chairman of the coalition and
he was the regional organizer for the packing-house workers union and
somehow, the local establishment people got to the radical leadership of
the packing house workers union, because Pittman was elected in the
international convention and Ross was elected by the members of his
local. You can
The local establishement somehow managed——probably with the help
of the stockhandler mentioned on page 48——to send to an
international convention of the United Packinghouse Workers
local delegates who complained that Pittman was associating in
local politics with "minions of Wall Street", meaning Jack
Carter, a poverty lawyer and liberal politician; Willard Barr,
the publisher of the Labor News and later the
mayor of Fort Worth; and M. M. McKnight, the mayor pro tem and
president of the local Central Labor Council, who happened to
work as a union printer for Amon Carter's newspaper.
understand how they might have had enough local
influence, enough local entrees to manage to defeat Ross, but they also
managed to defeat Pitt. They took a radical approach to get him thrown
out and a very conservative approach for getting Ross thrown out and
they were both thrown out because they were officers of the
labor-liberal coalition.
- CHANDLER DAVIDSON:
-
Has anyone speculated as to how that was achieved?
- MARGARET CARTER:
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Well, I know how it was achieved.
- CHANDLER DAVIDSON:
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How?
- MARGARET CARTER:
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Well, they persuaded …in the first place, they wouldn't give Ross credit
for anything that he was doing or publicity to show that he was making
friends for the union at the same time that he was making enemies. He
was, of course, making enemies but they were the kinds of enemies that
union officials should be proud to have and he was making many friends
and strengthening their educational program with political clout. Ross
was a real grass roots organizer. He took members of his union who were
absolutely unsophisticated and inducted them into the mysteries of a
precinct campaign so that they began to control their conventions and to
become members of the county Democratic committee and when they had been
through the campaign where they were elected to the county committee,
they began to look around for public offices for which they could run
and we kept having to fill vacancies because everybody that Ross turned
into a party officer then turned around and ran for the water district
or the school board or even the city council of some working man's
suburb. He was doing an excellent grass roots political education job,
but it was easy to persuade malcontents …
- CHANDLER DAVIDSON:
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Within his union?
- MARGARET CARTER:
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Within his union, that he was spending too much time on politics. This in
spite of the fact that he was also the best office manager of union
records within the United States and after he was defeated, as secretary
of that local, he went to the international headquarters of his union
and became assistant treasurer and was put in charge of a program of
educating other people how to keep their union records as well as he had
kept his. It was not true that there was a conflict between his duties
and his interests in politics.
- CHANDLER DAVIDSON:
-
Well, who do you speculate was involved here in getting the malcontents
in his union to actually overthrow him?
- MARGARET CARTER:
-
Well, we know about one effort. There was one young man who is still
active in Ft. Worth labor circles and who worked at Convair at the time,
who circulated a disaffiliation petition among the members of the
machinists union there. There is another small union there that is not
affiliated with any international group, that has one or two departments
organized at Convair and these men, some of whom were affiliated with
another AFL-CIO international … I mean, they were influenced by
organizers for another AFL-CIO organization, were circulating a
disaffiliation petition and of course, you can't do that long without
being caught. Two of them were caught and were charged with disloyalty
to the union. They had what they called a trial and they were found
guilty and assessed a large fine. The hearing board was satisfied that
the large fine would amount to expulsion but they didn't want to expell
them formally, — they felt sure that they would never pay the fine so
they would never have them on their hands again, they hoped.
And this young man that I knew, I didn't know one
of them but I knew the other one, was the son of a
member of the stockhandler's union. When my husband first came to Ft.
Worth, the first winter, his mother and her seven children lived in a
tent on the north side of Ft. Worth. North Ft. Worth was at one time a
separate town from Ft. Worth. It was an industrial suburb that included
the packinghouses. The people who worked in the packing-houses were
organized into unions, one of which was the stockhandler's union. And
this boy's father had been active in the stockhandler's union and had
been known as a stool pigeon for management Since my husband could
remember … My husband was doing an Amon Carter among the stockhandlers
and selling them refreshments, because they worked for a cafe and he had
to start to work by the time he was twelve years old. And he knew from
hearing the men talk as he sold them sandwiches that no one trusted this
boy's father. And the father called Ross —— the secretary's position is
the important office in that local, because it's a paid office, —— the
secretary of the local which the son had been trying to destroy and
said, "I want you to use your influence to get the amount of the fine
reduced." Ross said, "I'm not going to do it. He was trying to destroy
my union and I don't want him to ever be an active member of it again."
The father said, "Oh no, he wasn't trying to destroy your union, he was
just trying to destroy your political interests."
[Laughter] So, we know about that effort and the man who
defeated Ross was a very ignorant man who probably meant well and really
thought that Ross was neglecting his duties. Then he tried to take up
the political action which Ross had to leave off.
He just didn't know how.
- CHANDLER DAVIDSON:
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So, Ross's influence was effectively destroyed.
- MARGARET CARTER:
-
Well, he just had to leave Texas. He went right ahead, but he did it
somewhere else. [Laughter] And he was a
vice-president of the international union when he retired. There was an
effort to get him into a business, which is another thing often done to
union leaders. Either they move them up into management or they try to
persuade them that they would like to be in business for themselves. He
was offered a job in business that would have made him very much his own
man and utilized his skills as an office manager, but he said, "I've sat
on one side of the table for too long, and I know which side I belong
on." He was a tool and die maker. He said, "I can always make a living
with my hands." He was a great man.
- CHANDLER DAVIDSON:
-
That's a moving story.
- MARGARET CARTER:
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And his motivation was, his inner motivation, that he was living on
borrowed time. He had contracted tuberculosis before there were the
cures for tuberculosis that there are now and had lived in a sanitarium
for about a year, expecting to die. While he was there, he began to read
practically everything in the library, which wasn't very much, except
they had some of the liberal magazines for which Victor Reuther was
writing. Victor Reuther was travelling in Europe for the United
Automobile Workers and Ross educated himself. He knew more about what
was going on in the Italian elections, for instance, than most Americans
ever bothered to keep up with. He was never ostentatious about that, but
if you talked with him, you knew how well informed he was. And he was
the superintendent of a Baptist Sunday
School.
- CHANDLER DAVIDSON:
-
Would you say that his type is characteristic of the labor leaders in Ft.
Worth today?
- MARGARET CARTER:
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No.
- CHANDLER DAVIDSON:
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What had happened there?
- MARGARET CARTER:
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I don't want to say anything bitter about the leadership of organized
labor. It has no leadership. There are only opportunists looking for a
way up into the middle class. They don't understand that it is an honor
to be a member of labor.