One of the most shocking developments, of course, was the lynching of
Negroes. My father was always indignant at the lynchings, and I remember
very well when I was with him at Blue Ridge, North Carolina, which is a
YMCA training center where meetings were held and classes, too, in the
summer. When there was a lynching in Georgia and the newspapers were
full of it and the
Page 25 magazines and so on, Father
talked about it, distressed by the whole episode. I remember his showing
me a picture in some magazine, maybe
Newsweek or
Life, something like that, of the little sheriff in
this county holding a piece of the rope with which the man had been
hanged. And this sheriff was a little under-sized meek little man, the
last person
[laughter] that you'd expect
would take an active part in protecting a prisoner. And Father said that
that to him represented the lapse of law in the South, and he deplored
it and constantly scolded when lynchings occurred. It wasn't very long
after that that they began to diminish. The Federal Council of Churches
had a practice in the thirties, it must have been, of issuing a little
fact bulletin on each lynching that occurred. They would invite somebody
in the locality who presumably was accurate to report to them exactly
what happened, in a circumstantial way. And then the little bulletin
recited all the particulars, not with sermonizing or editorial comment
or anything of that sort, but simply letting the dreadful detail speak
for itself. My father approved strongly of what I tried to do in the
case of two lynchings that happened in rapid succession on the Eastern
Shore of Maryland. I can't give you the date, but I suppose it must have
been around 1935. The first was at a little place called Snow Hill, and
I don't recall the particulars except that a black man was taken out and
lynched. The Eastern Shore of Maryland is separated not only
geographically from the western part of the state by Chesapeake Bay, but
it's separated culturally. It's kind of an enclave over there, and they
have an inferiority complex which
Page 26 takes the form of
overdefensiveness. Shortly after this lynching at Snow Hill occurred
another one at Salisbury, which is a bigger place. This black boy, who
was about eighteen years old, I think, worked at a lumber yard in
Salisbury. And he went in, as I remember, to speak to his employer with
some grievance—what, I don't know—and a quarrel developed, and he shot
his employer, who didn't collapse immediately but chased this black boy
through the lumber yard and tried to catch him and so on. Or maybe that
was when he got shot; I've forgotten. Some of the people in the office
came to the rescue of the employer, and they shot this man in the face
and he was taken to the local hospital. There he was held under guard.
Some guard, not much. The chief of police of Salisbury was summoned when
a mob collected and moved toward the hospital to seize this boy and do
him mischief. The head nurse stood in the hallway and tried to resist
the entrance of the mob, and the chief of police
[laughter] stood behind her and offered no real resistance.
So the mob surged into the ward, and they threw this boy out of a
first-story window and dragged him the short distance to the town. On
the way they had to pass over a fairly narrow bridge, not wider than
this living room, and there a courageous veteran of the First World War
parked his car across the bridge so as to try to block the passage. And
he stood on the roof of the car and tried to harangue the crowd and turn
them back. But they surged all around him and over the car, and they
took this boy to the fire station where they got a rope, and then to the
court house yard, where they put a rope around his neck and threw it
over the limb of a tree. At that point another citizen of
Page 27 Salisbury did a courageous thing. He was somebody employed
in the courthouse who was brave enough to go and try to take the rope
off this boy's neck. But, of course, it was impossible for him to
accomplish this, and the man was hanged. They cut him down and dragged
him by the rope tied to the back of a truck to a gas station, where the
body was drenched with gasoline, and then they dragged it over to the
negro section of Salisbury, where they dragged it around the little
streets there and set the body on fire. And then they distributed in the
crowd short lengths of the rope for souvenirs, and they cut off his
fingers and distributed them. The Federal Council of Churches, Ernest
Johnson was in charge of it and asked me if I would go over to Salisbury
and make a factual report on this lynching. So I did. I got there in the
evening and spent the next day—I wish I'd spent longer—in talking with
people who figured in one way or another in the lynching. Of course, I
didn't find anybody who confessed to having been in the mob, but I
talked to two of the ministers of the town—it's a town of many
churches—and to a principal banker, to the chief of police, to the
sheriff, to the head nurse, to both of these men who had tried to
prevent the lynching, and maybe some others that I have forgotten. And I
thought I had an accurate account of it. So I reported to the Federal
Council of Churches. My report was published also—I don't know how that
happened—in the
Baltimore Sun newspaper. The Federal
Council of Churches, I believe, sent them a copy. There was immediate
outcry from numbers of church people in Salisbury because I had
[laughter]
Page 28 observed in my report that while this was a town
full of churches, and some of them quite elaborate, where there were
church houses where there were religious workers and so on, that as far
as I could tell, no clergyman in Salisbury on the Sunday following the
lynching on Friday had mentioned it. And I said in effect that the most
spectacular sin that had been committed in Salisbury went without
notice. Well, this bit them. I did say that one minister told me that
while he didn't include it in his sermon, he mentioned it in his
pastoral prayer, that he told God about it but he got to his
parishioners only indirectly. The other clergyman, who was the head of
one of the largest churches, had said to me in almost so many words that
he was ashamed that he had not immediately condemned this dreadful
murder, but the implication was that there were doubtless
[laughter] members of his congregation who,
if they did not sympathize strongly with the mob, may have been in it
even. Well, that caused some sensation. I went to see the Attorney
General of Maryland to urge that they press prosecution of members of
the mob, particularly after a list was published in an Eastern Shore
paper of persons who were in the mob and who didn't deny it in any way.
Well, here was confession of guilt. I couldn't see the Attorney General;
I saw his assistant. But he explained—and afterwards I think I got some
word from the Attorney General himself—to the effect that this was
something that lay within a local jurisdiction over there, and it wasn't
their responsibility and so on. Black communists in Baltimore who were
few but active at that time, and who had a house
Page 29
somewhere in the black section of the city which was their headquarters,
and they were joined by a young member of the faculty of Johns Hopkins
University, Albert Blumberg and some other white men. And they organized
a party to visit the Governor in his office and appeal to him for
action. They asked if I would go along with them, and I did. And when we
reached the Governor's office we found him pretty much barricaded, and
he sent out word that he would see only a few of the delegation, but
Albert Blumberg and myself and some of these black boys went in and
found him surrounded by large men who were evidently his bodyguards. It
was put on me to state our case, and when he was not responsive I said I
thought he ought to be impeached, that his first obligation was to
protect the citizens of the state and that he hadn't done it, and there
had been two of these lynchings. He hadn't done anything in the Snow
Hill one or this either. We never did get any action from it. H. L.
Mencken, who was always condemning abuses (you know, Mencken was
regarded as a sort of a sardonic critic, and much that he wrote was
intended to be extreme and to excite people to oppose him), on an
occasion of this sort was serious and impressive in his condemnation of
what had happened. It was an excoriation that he gave these lynchings,
and the neglect of the authorities to do anything about it. So my little
report had appeared, and he asked me to come down to see him at ten
o'clock at night. He always worked, I was told, until ten o'clock, and
then he knocked off and frequently would go and have beer with friends.
He had a circle, you know; I went once or twice.
Page 30
And I enjoyed very much talking with him that evening. He was entirely
sympathetic with what I had tried to do. The Federal Council of Churches
wired me after the reaction to my report flared up and said that it had
been released by their office prematurely or without sufficient
consideration and that they proposed to issue a statement to the effect
that this was just my view and that they had asked for it, but that they
didn't sponsor it in any way or take responsibility for it. So I wired
them back saying, what you propose to do now leaves me standing alone,
which I am perfectly willing to do; by all means, issue your statement
right away. Well, that brought down the Secretary of the Federal Council
of Churches to see me right away. The next morning was a Sunday morning.
I remember I got him at the station. And he asked me whether I was a
churchman, and I said no. I said, "I don't see what that's got to do
with it." But it was because some of these people had said that a
heathen had come in among them and was scolding them and so on. So they
didn't issue the statement, but they did delay issuing the bulletin.
However, finally, I think, after some weeks, it did come out, is my
recollection. Many people on the Eastern Shore who could be regarded as
spokesmen, I think, for the Eastern Shore assumed an attitude of pride
at what they had done, they were defending themselves, and they got out
stickers that went on the bumpers of their cars saying, "I'm an Eastern
Shoreman and proud of it." They turned back trucks bringing provisions
and so on from the Western Shore to the Eastern Shore, making it very
clear that they felt that the Western Shore was intruding on their
mores, on
Page 31 what they had done.