Gardner's role in the development of the North Carolina Republican Party
Hawke credits James Gardner for having a prominent role in the development of the North Carolina Republican Party during the 1960s. Focusing specifically on Gardner's chairmanship of the party in 1965/1966, Hawke explains how Gardner brought the party out of the major debt it acquired following the defeat of Barry Goldwater in 1964. Moreover, he outlines some of the organizational tactics Gardner implemented in order to boost party membership.
Citing this Excerpt
Oral History Interview with Jack Hawke, June 7, 1990. Interview C-0087. Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) in the Southern Oral History Program Collection, Southern Historical Collection, Wilson Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Full Text of the Excerpt
Let me back up because you're
doing a historical thing and just talk about the party at the time that
I love. Jim Gardner has not, in my opinion, been given the credit for
the growth of the party that he really created. Even with Gavin on the
scene and Cobb, they were western oriented. They were traditional
Republican oriented. You know, Cobb even lived over in the western part
of the state. Gardner was the first one who came out of the eastern part
of the state, and his race against Harold Cooley was a classic off-year
election in that it was grassroots up. It was ID voters and turn them
out, and it was also probably the first real good use of T.V.
advertising in this part of the state and maybe the first
round of negative advertising. Cooley and Gardner had a
debate at N.C. State, and we taped the whole thing. Scared to death that
Gardner was going to get killed in the debate because he was a business
man who didn't have a lot of public speaking experience and
so on. Cooley was a thirty-two year veteran congressman, chairman of the
Agricultural Committee, a trial lawyer before that, and we thought he
was going to chew us up. Gardner just chewed him up and spit him out in
little pieces. So we took that tape and we cut it up to turn out thirty
second spots, showing Cooley looking really dumb and Gardner looking
brilliant. And Cooley screamed foul, that that was misrepresentation and
filed suit with the FEA or whatever there was at that time, probably
Communications Commission, I don't know. But he filed suit
against the T.V. stations, that we were running these misleading ads. In
those days they taped these things on film instead of on the nice little
cassettes, and we had cut up the only film we had
[laughter]
, like a bunch of idiots. So we didn't have the whole
debate. Our argument was, my gosh, if we could put on the debate, he
even looks worse. Where can we get the film? Well, Cooley's
mistake was he filed suit against RAL, because we had done the editing
out there. We'd rented their room and done the editing there.
So he filed suit against RAL. RAL went to NBC or whoever it was that had
come down, whoever they were affiliated with then, had also come down
and filmed the debate because it was national news, the chairman of the
Agriculture Committee and so on. The day before the election, RAL got
the tape released from national and showed it free
that night on television
[laughter]
, and the debate made the old man look even worse than we had in
the ads.
- JONATHAN HOUGHTON:
-
Wow, I didn't know that.
- JACK HAWKE:
-
And we ended up getting 58% of the vote. So it was a great race. Gardner
ran in '64 and came close and lost. In '65 the
state party, like I said, was on its back. The people didn't
come out of the woodwork to vote for Goldwater. We were probably
$200,000 in debt. The chairman stepped down and said,
"I've had enough. I quit." And Gardner ran
for chairman, and most of his political advisors said,
"Don't do it. You're taking over a
debt." He took over the party and really travelled the state
for about a year, pumping life back into everybody. He was a real
dynamic, exacting speaker. And he just went all over giving everybody
pep talks and stepped out of office with the debt paid off and party
back on its feet.
Runs for Congress, wins this race. We took a poll at the end of his first
year in Congress because the Republican Congressional Committee in
Washington wanted to convince him to run for reelection. We ran
everybody against him we could come up with from Bob Scott to Jesse
Helms to Bill Friday. Every name we could come up with, we ran against
him, Nick Galafanakis. And he was wiping out everybody. He was doing
what we are criticizing congressmen for doing now - all the
frank mail, but it was being paid for by the committee. Everybody that
got married got a bride's book and a letter from the
congressman. Every school got flags. Everybody got agricultural
yearbooks. Tapes to schools about how you write to Congressman. If your
picture appeared in the paper, we'd cut
it out and put it on a sheet of paper and we'd write across
the bottom, "Been reading about you in the paper. Thought
you'd like to have this. Congressman Gardner."
- JONATHAN HOUGHTON:
-
Those are old Jonas tactics, aren't they? That's
what he did.
- JACK HAWKE:
-
Yeah. And we went one step further. We formed a little, in those days you
didn't have computers. We had those old NPSP typewriters that
typed letters, and they were slow. But we formed a coalition of four
other young congressmen, and all pooled our NPSP type things. One
congressman gave the room. Everybody gave their machines. Each of us
gave a staff member, and we sat up our own mail room. If you wrote in on
gun control, we from the office would answer the letter, and then
we'd send it upstairs and say, "File it."
Anytime something happened on gun control, committee meeting, a vote,
anything, you'd get another letter on it. And all we had to
do was write one letter, ship it upstairs, and a thousand would go
out.
- JONATHAN HOUGHTON:
-
What a network.
- JACK HAWKE:
-
It was pre-computerization. The congressmen in that coalition, let me
just mention, were George Bush, Jim Gardner, Bill Brock, who was later
Secretary of Labor, and another congressman from Texas by the name of
Price, I think it was Bob Price. It's just kind of
interesting that those guys got together in 1966. Gardner then ran for
governor in '68 when, you know, Gavin had made a great race
but we'd been blown away in '64. And he should
have won in '68. He really made people, for
the first time, honestly believe a Republican could get
elected. So I just think he did more for the building of the party
during that period of time than a lot of people give him credit for.
Probably was his own worse enemy, came back in '72 and really
lost that primary of his own accord. But here he is now back again all
these many years later. I just think that period of the '60s
to the early '70s were very key to what happened to us in
'72. And Gardner was at the forefront of it. Broyhill was a
great congressman. Charles Jonas was a great congressman, but they
didn't leave their congressional districts. Gardner, on the
other hand, traveled the state. I mean, he went everywhere Republicans
wanted to have a meeting. And really, it brought life and blood into the
party and an enthusiasm. Jim Broyhill was a great congressman but the
last thing in the world you'd say is that he's
exciting. He's about as exciting as watching paint dry.
[Laughter]
And, you know, Gardner brought that excitement and that charisma
to it, and I think really made a big difference.