The negative impact of political action committees
Political action committees (PACs) have exploded the number of competing interests in Congress, Holshouser believes. He worries that they have hurt politicians' ability to create coalitions as well as giving money a more important role in the political process, exluding citizen legislators and hurting the legislative process.
Citing this Excerpt
Oral History Interview with James E. Holshouser Jr., May 9, 1998. Interview C-0328-3. Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) in the Southern Oral History Program Collection, Southern Historical Collection, Wilson Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Full Text of the Excerpt
- JACK FLEER:
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Was that your experience with Senator Helms?
- JAMES E. HOLSHOUSER, JR.:
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Yes. Some of his supporters in-state were involved and interested, and
have been since that time. At the same time, the role of the party has
been diluted so badly by the formation of PACs—and when I say
PACs I mean political PACs, not R. J. Reynolds
PACs. David Broder has written column after column on how the important
parties are not being treated right, and that the system is being hurt
by that. I think he's right, and that has carried over into
the Congress with the change of the seniority system. The party as a
vehicle in Congress quit being nearly as effective, because now
you've got umpteen zillion caucuses up there and
they've all got different agendas. So trying to build a
consensus is just a lot harder than when Sam Rayburn and Lyndon Johnson
were running things.
- JACK FLEER:
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You mentioned PACs, and you were talking primarily about what you
referred to as political PACs. I guess this means PACs of political
leaders rather than PACs of industrial groups or labor unions, or
whatever they might be. Do you think that's become an
important factor in North Carolina politics. Was it whenever you were
governor?
- JAMES E. HOLSHOUSER, JR.:
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It was nonexistent when I was governor; it's very important
today. I mean, you see the president pro tempore of the senate, you see
the speaker of the house, you see several members of the house and
senate having separate PACs. They get people to give money to that,
which they can either use in their own campaigns or in somebody
else's campaign. It definitely allows money to become the
vehicle through which individuals gain political power within the
spectrum through which they are working at the moment. I suspect
it's much easier now for a political leader in the
legislature to stay in that position of leadership than it ever has been
in years past. Of course, we had traditions for a long
time—you weren't speaker but one term, for
example. That changed during Mr. Ramsey's time, and I think
it's changed for the worse, probably.
- JACK FLEER:
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Many people say it's changed at least in part—maybe
a major part—because the governor can now serve a longer
term.
- JAMES E. HOLSHOUSER, JR.:
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That's when it happened. When gubernatorial succession came in
the legislature decided if they're going to do it on the
executive side we ought to do it on the legislative side, or
we'll be at a disadvantage.
- JACK FLEER:
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But you said it may well have been for the worse. Could you talk about
that a little bit?
- JAMES E. HOLSHOUSER, JR.:
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Well, I believe that to the extent we've moved away from a
true citizen legislature, it's removing the possibility for a
great many people who would be good legislators to be able to run and
serve. It's not just what we've been talking
about. It's also the length of terms and the amount of
service between them. I was talking to a legislator this past week, and
I think she said she was on thirteen interim committees and commissions.
She was spending about half of every week in Raleigh.
- JACK FLEER:
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When the legislature is not in session, you mean.
- JAMES E. HOLSHOUSER, JR.:
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That's right, when the legislature's not in
session. I mean, you can't hold a regular job back in your
home county and be in the legislature anymore. Most lawyers
can't do that. When I was in the legislature, I went to
Raleigh five months and then was home the rest of the two years, with
rare exceptions. We had probably twenty-five percent of the legislature
who were lawyers. Right now we don't have enough lawyers to
staff a judiciary committee, even though you've got bill
drafting going on and even though you've got draftsmen to
help individual legislators who want to write amendments. When
you've got someone sitting down, scribbling one out and
sending it up on the floor on the spur of the moment or in committee,
the absence of lawyers who have an understanding
about the law and the general statutes causes the legislative process to
suffer. That's my own particular perspective on it. But
it's keeping out not just lawyers, but a lot of people who
would be good senators. I doubt, for instance, that Archie Davis would
have felt like he could have afforded the time to be in the senate as he
did when he ran back in the 1960s. And so you end up having legislators
who have to fit a certain sort of generic situation career-wise before
they can run for the legislature.
- JACK FLEER:
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Have that dispensable time that they otherwise would not have?
- JAMES E. HOLSHOUSER, JR.:
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That's right. It doesn't mean that there
aren't some good people there, and there are certain
companies that encourage employees to run if they want to. In fact,
that's part of not only their need to be publicly involved
but it also means that their approach to things gets heard. You have
teachers who run and take leaves of absence; you have university
employees who run and take leaves of absence, and some of them are very
articulate. Like Paul Luebke from Durham, who teaches over at UNC-G. His
philosophy and mine are not the same at all, but to the extent that the
legislature needs good minds, that's an example of a good
mind.
- JACK FLEER:
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In terms of the legislature's relationship with the governor,
many would argue that this makes the legislature a more effective
partner with the governor. In that sense, it provides a kind of
restraint on excessive executive power. Is that a fair statement?
- JAMES E. HOLSHOUSER, JR.:
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It could be. It's a little. It may be that my whole thinking
about this is simply an intellectual effort to hold back the wave of the
future. Modern society has gotten much more complex. It may be that
volunteers can't deal with those problems anymore; that
there's not enough time to stay up to snuff. Some of
them—you take Betsy Cochran. She doesn't have a
job she has to go to everyday, but she works almost
full time on issues and keeping up. That's the kind of
legislator who's just invaluable. But then you only have so
many of those. The legislature has not changed in one regard; about ten
percent do most of the work. That's the way it is in most
organizations. That probably isn't going to change,
regardless.