Leadership strategies as governor
Holshouser touches on a number of different issues and how as governor he attempted to stay on top of them. One of the most effective ways of maintaining control was through appointments, which allowed him, as governor, to place competent, loyal people in key roles. With these people in place, by creating an environment that encouraged teamwork, and by taking advantage of the relationships he built in the state legislature, Holshouser managed to advance his agenda.
Citing this Excerpt
Oral History Interview with James E. Holshouser Jr., May 9, 1998. Interview C-0328-3. Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) in the Southern Oral History Program Collection, Southern Historical Collection, Wilson Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Full Text of the Excerpt
- JACK FLEER:
-
That's amazing, and somewhat disappointing. When you look back
over your administration as Governor of North Carolina, how much were
you in control of the administration?
- JAMES E. HOLSHOUSER, JR.:
-
Well, it's a little hard looking back to know for sure. We did
some things that were deliberately set up to keep control
programmatically in that we had what we called a policy council where
all the legislative proposals had to sift before they went to the
legislature. The budget, too. I think I talked about this before, but
I'll get on with it and say that I might take a different
view today, but probably not. I took the view that these people [Council
of State members] were constitutionally elected by the people, and they
were the ones that had constitutional responsibilities. The place where
that runs into joint interests is with the Department of Public
Instruction, because you can't be governor
and not have an interest in public schools. And yet the
superintendent is constitutionally elected and the governor appoints the
state board. You've got this crazy government system
that's—well, dysfunctional is the wrong word, but
you work against that system instead of having that system help you. In
terms of the people in the cabinet, I think for the most part the people
worked as a team. You certainly had people with different ideas. Jim
Harrington, for example, thought the inventory tax ought to be repealed.
People in his department thought that, and frankly I thought that, too.
But I told him I didn't want him over there in the
legislature lobbying for that because we'd taken a firm
‘no tax repeals’ stand. We just sort of
stonewalled the whole thing for fear that the legislature would start
trying to decide about taking tax cuts. The first thing you knew the
whole budget's blown. Since the Advisory Budget Commission
had recommended some onetime tax rebate, it was a live issue at the
time. We had four different secretaries of transportation in four years,
which is not a good way to do things but is the way things worked out. I
suspect that people were hired that the governor's office
didn't know about. That probably still goes on today. Joe
Pell is probably the best of anybody of keeping his fingers on that.
You've got to have a certain amount of confidence in the
people that you put in cabinet positions. At the same time, none of ours
had ever had any government experience in the state government. It
probably meant that our administration was more cautious than most
administrations, and less aggressive in some ways. Frankly, when I look
back at accomplishments that you can check off, it's
remarkably good given the fact that we hadn't been there and
we were trying not to make any more mistakes than a naive new
administration had the potential to. We didn't turn the
secretaries loose with everything, so to speak.
- JACK FLEER:
-
You mentioned the policy council, and then the sort of control in so far
as you could over appointments. Would those be the two principal
mechanisms that enabled you to maintain some kind of control, or were
there others?
- JAMES E. HOLSHOUSER, JR.:
-
That's the main thing. We had a cabinet social about once a
month that'd rotate from house to house. Never had it at the
mansion as I recall. Each cabinet member would be host. I think that was
very important, looking back, in terms of building that sense of
camaraderie and teamwork. So it wasn't a sense of
control—governor's office versus the
departments—as much as it was everybody feeling like they
were part of the same team. You didn't have circumstances for
the most part where a cabinet member says, ‘I think we ought
to do this,’ and the governor saying, ‘No,
we're not going to.’ It was pretty
much—it wasn't an administration that had
seriously different points of view. So there wasn't a lot of
pull and tug. You had some things on personnel that were either changes
that needed to be made or cabinet members who didn't feel the
time was right for them.
- JACK FLEER:
-
What about beyond the administration to the state government? You were
obviously in a position as the first Republican governor to come into a
governing structure—a bureaucracy, if I may use that
term—where people had gone about their business to the tune
of Democratic governors. Did you feel that you could control that larger
government?
- JAMES E. HOLSHOUSER, JR.:
-
Well, I went in nervous about that because of an experience I had had in
the previous four years sitting in the Oval Office. President Nixon
would give a direct order to the secretary of HEW, and her field man in
Wilmington six weeks later would say just the opposite. That sort of
reminded you of Eisenhower's statement that ‘You
push the button on the desk and wonder if it goes
anywhere; if there's a wire under there or not.’ I
had the good fortune of having at least the key department and division
heads have a chance to see me in the legislature. I knew most of the
budget people on a first-name basis. I think there was a lot of
nervousness, despite the fact that I'd been to the state
employees' convention, and did the same way with the NCAE
folks. I did more than just put in an appearance. The day after the
election at the news conference I told the reporters that state
employees—unless they had gotten their jobs through total
politics—didn't have anything to worry about. I
had one of our economic developers tell me somewhere in the third or
fourth year that he was in New York on an industry recruiting trip on
the day of the election. Well, his wife called him about one
o'clock and said, ‘You better get your tail home.
We've done elected a damn Republican!’
[Laughter] So there had to be a certain
amount of that. Newspapers had these stories about state employees
running out to the parking lot the next morning and tearing the
Bowles' stickers off their car. There was some interesting
things about that. But for the most part what you found was that people
generally have a regard for the office of the governor. That was true
with the legislature and Council of State as well. Folks tend
to—because of that respect for the office, folks tend to sort
of try to get along. I heard after I left office that people in the ABC
system were lining up raids to do on places where I had been the night
before, so that it looked like I had put them on them, so to speak. Of
course, that was also influenced by the fact that the guy who headed up
the ABC board was a Holshouser from Rowan County. He had been the
chairman of the State Association of ABC Boards, and they had
recommended him. And I said, "I am not going to appoint someone
named Holshouser. He's got to be kin to me. You prove to me
that he's not close kin and maybe
I'll look at it." So he got a genealogist, and
showed that the closest relative we had was the original Holshouser who
came down from Pennsylvania in 1750. That was the only common
connection. So I went ahead and appointed him. He did a good job, and
looking back, I wish his name hadn't been Holshouser.
[Laughter] But I think those situations were
exceptions rather than the rule. I think most people tried hard to do
their job. We weren't out there trying to crucify any one
department or division. There wasn't any reason. You
invariably have the hassles that you go through in terms of moving
people out who had been political hacks, so to speak, in various
departments. It's amazing to me. Some cabinet officials were
so adept at not only doing it without ripples on the water, but also in
a way where you respected the other person. Gave them time to find
another job; helped them find another job. That's probably
one of the most important attributes for somebody who's going
to head up a state department; that is to have an ability to manage that
particular transition.