Membership and supporters of the Richland County Citizens' Committee
Simkins talks about how the Richland County Citizens' Committee enjoyed widespread support. Although the Committee did not have an official membership, Simkins argues that the Committee generally enjoyed the support of the masses, who were primarily poor and hard-working. In addition, Simkins describes how community members often turned to the Committee for help in times of legal crisis, although they lacked the kind of legal aid that the NAACP could offer. As a result, they worked closely with a number of white attorneys who were supportive of civil rights issues.
Citing this Excerpt
Oral History Interview with Modjeska Simkins, July 28, 1976. Interview G-0056-2. Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) in the Southern Oral History Program Collection, Southern Historical Collection, Wilson Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Full Text of the Excerpt
- JACQUELYN HALL:
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What individuals have worked with you most closely?
- MODJESKA SIMKINS:
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Well, the main individuals—and that's about scarce as hen's
teeth… Sometimes it's a case, you just get in a situation
where if you don't carry the ball yourself it's
hard to carry. But, now our membership is a very, very poor,
hard-working people. They don't have the money to give to a movement,
but they're always thoroughly cooperative. And it is known whenever we
get ready for a committee action or something like that, I mean they're
a fearless group. They've been inspired to be fearless. But now, there
are a number of people who say, "Oh, I like what the Citizens'
Committee is doing; it's doing a wonderful work," and they come
in with problems, various problems that should be actually carried to
the NAACP officers. But they'll tell you… For instance, we
had a man killed by a highway patrolman. And I was called one night
about eleven thirty saying, "Come out here. Some highway
patrolman has killed a man by the name of Hall." And about ten
minutes after that I got a call from a man, and he said about the same
thing: "We need somebody to come out." So I said,
"Well, did you call Reverend
Bowman?"—Reverend Bowman at that time was president
of NAACP. He said, "I called him, and he told me to call Ike
Williams, who was NAACP state executive director." I don't know
which called first. But he said, "I called them, but they ain't
going to do nothing, and that's the reason I'm calling you all at the
Citizens' Committee." So I said, "Well, we'll try to
get you some assistance out there." So then I called Tom
Broadwater (he's an attorney here) and told him. He said,
"Well, I tell you, I had come in and kind of pulled off, and
I've just got on trunks." I said, "Well, get something
on (trunks or anything), and get on out there to Newcastle and do
whatever you can." So he did. But that gives you an example
that they call us atuomatically first where any problem is.
Now we are at a great disadvantage because we do not have legal
aid— I mean when I say paid legal aid
like NAACP has. We have legal aid set-ups in town, but they're OEO. But
we do not have attorneys as NAACP has, where they can move in with legal
action, and we do not have the money that can be made available to NAACP
through their memberships. But we are able to direct people to sources.
Our powers of referral and our knowledge of referrals are good. And then
there are certain people that do work closely in the political movement
that will say, "If there's any assistance that I can give at
any time for you or your people just let me know." And I have
at least two—well, three white attorneys here that our
organization has seen the value of supporting in campaigns that we can
call for either advice or assistance. At least we had one case of a
young child that a white mother and her children claimed these children
were rocked in the yard. And she said that her children said they
didn't, and she didn't believe they did because they were not the kind
of children that would have the nerve to throw things in white people's
yards. So I called one of these attorneys and told him that these people
did not have money. I said, "I'm calling on you now; I'm
calling in my rain check." I said, "They don't have
money." I said, "Now the next thing I want to tell you
about this is that it's a civil liberties case." I said,
"Now you know you might be running for office next time the
election comes around, so I don't want you to jeopardize yourself in any
way." He said, "Well, that's all right; that's all
right about it having the earmarks of a civil liberties or civil rights
case. You just tell me about it and tell the people to come down here
and I'll handle it." So he did handle it, and the case was
thrown out. And we sent somebody out there to listen in on the case
(I've forgotten now who it was). But the person came back and reported
that the old lady said, "You mean to
say they're going to turn them niggers loose?" But he went out
there and won that case. So we do have that type of cooperation from
certain people.
- JACQUELYN HALL:
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How many members do you have?
- MODJESKA SIMKINS:
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We don't have a definite membership from the standpoint of …
Our membership is one where they're not members unless they're
registered to vote. We do not have a membership fee, so we can't say how
many members we have. It's a loose membership. But we do have the
cooperation of the mass. I mean, if a problem arises, say …
well, just say a brutality case or some other thing where they need
community action we can call a meeting and have a highly appreciative
audience.