Gender and race distinctions in the textile industry
Berkstresser describes some of the gender and racial divisions in the textile industry's history. Women often held jobs that required manual dexterity; black men worked cleaning or in dangerous jobs. While management has remained nearly all white, some black workers have moved into more desirable jobs since World War II as, Berkstresser argues, racial myths lost their power. He condemns the industry, however, for continuing to limit the participation of women and African Americans.
Citing this Excerpt
Oral History Interview with Gordon Berkstresser III, April 29, 1986. Interview H-0263. Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) in the Southern Oral History Program Collection, Southern Historical Collection, Wilson Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Full Text of the Excerpt
- PATRICIA RAUB:
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So you do see a real change in the type of composition of the labor
force?
- GORDON BERKSTRESSER, III:
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No question, no question. Even in my lifetime—most people
don't like to talk about it—prior to WWII, you had
almost 100% white male management—unfortunately, you still
have about 100% white male management—but, in the work force,
you had a majority of young white male, with a good cadre of white
female—in the mills.
- PATRICIA RAUB:
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There was a difference, though, in the types of jobs that males and
females would have?
- GORDON BERKSTRESSER, III:
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Oh, yes, but females would have a good many of the jobs that required
certain manual skills and dexterity. Frequently in the
things—yarn preparation, where being able to pick up a loose
end of a thread and tie it, you know, in a rapid sort of thing.
But, at any rate, during WWII, when we were asked—my
family—we were asked, to produce more goods for both war
effort and civilian effort out of facilities where it was harder to get
good raw material, where it was hard to get replacement parts for
machines and so forth, we were asked to produce all of that not only
with the difficulty in getting raw materials and replacement parts, but
with a different labor force. Because your best—traditionally
thought of as best labor force—the young white
male—he was off in the Army, getting shot at. And up until
that time, blacks were really confined to yard work, sweepers, or
dangerous jobs like working in a picker room that exploded occasionally,
and that sort of thing. And since WWII, you've had a large
part of your white labor force replaced by black, and that's
only happened since WWII. All of a sudden all these blacks got
"terribly smart"—they had been
"very dumb" up to then—and I
don't know what it was, but there was this—they
all got educated during WWII.
- PATRICIA RAUB:
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Do you put it back that far? I'm wondering because what
I've read so far has suggested that it was only in the 60s
that blacks really started moving into—
- GORDON BERKSTRESSER, III:
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Well, it started during WWII because that's when the mills
were forced to use blacks and forced to accept the fact that the myth
that blacks could not handle mechanical things started to be exploded.
Because when they started using them they found that—By
God!—they could. It took another maybe even twenty years for
people to really move through on that but that's really, I
feel, where this dispelling of the myth began occur.
- PATRICIA RAUB:
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Would you say that was also somewhat a result of white workers then
moving into the newer industries that started to move into the South in
the postwar period?
- GORDON BERKSTRESSER, III:
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Yes. Part of that, of course, occurred. But the real reason that blacks
were excluded from the mills were these old myths and at least those
were the rationalizations. Certainly, the white people didn't
want them as part of the labor force within the mill—yard
work and so forth was O.K.—but they didn't want
the social implications of their working together. And the way to keep
them out was to say that they weren't suitable, because that
was easier to say than we don't want you. And I'm
a Southerner, and I say that this was what we were
going through in those years. I grew up in it. When I went to school in
Roanoke Rapids, all the schools were white that I went to. There were no
blacks. When I went off to prep school in New England was when I first
saw black people in school. And all of a sudden I realized that, you
know, this—what I had been used to in the
South—was not the only way, and other people began to realize
that. So this was part of this industrial change.
- PATRICIA RAUB:
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What has happened now with blacks in the textile force now? Are they
getting higher positions, or not?
- GORDON BERKSTRESSER, III:
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They had been… the problem is that it's only been a
couple of years since the Affirmative Action stuff has been deemphasized
from Washington. I don't think we're really ready
yet to see what the impact of that. I think that up until a couple of
years ago that there was some progress being made by blacks at least
into middle-management—not enough, but some. And I put it,
both blacks and females, because if you study the
industry—the fiber, and textile, and even the apparel
industry—the number of blacks and females that have risen to
have really responsible management positions is abismally slow.
It's obviously not based on those people's
abilities. There is no question. But we're certainly trying
to do things about that in a school like ours here. We have about 30%
female enrollment. One of my advisees who is graduating this year has a
straight 4.0 average. She is sharp. I think
she's going to Chapel Hill for her MBA, as a matter of fact.
I know she's going somewhere. I don't know whether
she's going there or Wharton—she's got
several offers. When I was a student here at school, we had, I think,
two co-eds. Philadelphia Textile School had more because they were
granting degrees in textile design—that was o.k. for women to
go into—but not manufacturing. But now we have girls who
leave here and go and are supervisors on the third shift in a Cannon
Mill in Kannapolis. And—by God—they do it, they do
it well. Some of the older people in the industry don't quite
accept it yet, but they will. Its happening.
- PATRICIA RAUB:
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What's your percentage of black students?
- GORDON BERKSTRESSER, III:
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Blacks is about 5% in this school, and from what I've been
able to see the blacks' placement in the industry is about
the same as the whites'. The white kids who have better than
a, say, 2.5 academic average seem to have no problems. The ones who have
lower than that have problems getting jobs. Eventually we get them
placed. About the same with the black kids. So from that standpoint, the
initial job bit seems to be fine. There isn't the demand and
the scurry to hurry up to hire blacks that there was a few years ago
when there was more pressure on EEO—Affirmative Action,
excuse me—but the—what I want to do
is—I have to wait a couple of years—is see what
happens to them. Do they hit a plateau and sit
there? This, I think, is what's tended to happen to the
females. They go into the industry, they rise up a couple of notches,
hit a plateau, the first available plateau that management can say,
Well, you're doing real good—for a woman. You can
go through all of the annual reports of all of the people in the
industry and look for the chairman of the board, president, executive
vice-president, managing directors, etc., etc., etc., at that
level—and you'll find less than one-half of one
percent women. And yet this school and schools like this have been
turning out very qualified females for the last couple of decades. You
shouldn't get me started on that. I get upset. If this
industry—in the United States—feels that
it's going to move into the 21st century and be able to
compete in a global market by excluding over 50% of its available talent
base—which are the females and
blacks—it's foolish. You're not
successful when you exclude those inputs. It's absolutely
asinine. Sorry, but that's something we have to change.