Various factors in the consolidation of the state university system
Scott describes the changing role of Chapel Hill as a perceived basis of political power during the 1960s. According to Scott, during the 1960s, the North Carolina General Assembly became increasingly diversified in its makeup, touting power bases at several locales throughout the state. This shifting of political power was important in the consolidation process, as was the growing power of historically African American institutions of higher education. Finally, Scott emphasizes the centrality of William Friday's leadership to the success of consolidation.
Citing this Excerpt
Oral History Interview with Robert W. (Bob) Scott, April 4, 1990. Interview L-0193. Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) in the Southern Oral History Program Collection, Southern Historical Collection, Wilson Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Full Text of the Excerpt
- WILLIAM LINK:
-
Well, I am wonderingߞyou may have already said this, but I am
wondering whether the University of North Carolina in the
'60s is beginning to loose its clout in the Legislature.
- BOB SCOTT:
-
Oh yes. Yes, I think so. Again, over the years the University has a long
and noble and honored tradition, and it was from the University that the
professionals were graduated. The doctors, the lawyers, the teachers, to
some extent those, that is those who went on with the graduate to get
their doctorates. And these people are out all over the state and were
the leaders in the communities and the state leaders, with the exception
of those who went to Wake Forest, and some went to Duke, who were not
involved in this fight, they were members of the legislative group for
generations. Well, following World War II, that began to erode and,
there were other people in leadership roles who did not attend the
university who consequently didn't have those loyalties. An
example: Bob Scott was elected Governor and he didn't go to
the University at Chapel Hill. I want to make clear, I don't
think that there was any plot in saying that we're out to
get, we are going to break up this cartel. I am
convinced that there was no concentrated effort in that with that in
mind. It was just the feeling that, well, you know, the University is
not all powerful and all be all. There are other things to consider. I
believe that the University leadership was not aware that this
condition, this environment existed. Otherwise, when we first talked,
they would have mount a campaign to stop it right then. I
don't think they really felt they would get very far with it.
You see, I had precedent on my side. The University at Chapel Hill, the
Chapel Hill campus, really, under, what was it, Governor Morrison, they
made the first round of consolidation that brought N.C. State, Chapel
Hill, and Greensboro under one board. He did it for the same reasons
that I was doing it. If you will go back and read the history of that
time, it was an economy move in an effort to get planning and
coordination. And the rationale that the Governor used at that time to
propose itߞand, of course, he was a University graduate and
was able to convince those folks that was the thing to do ߞand
so there was precedent for doing this. Then beyond that they had taken
in two more campuses, Asheville and Wilmington and Charlotte
[that's three more campuses!!] so it wasn't like
it was the first time thatߞall I said was,
"Let's just open up the umbrella a little wider and
bring these others in." Well, that was my logic. The answer to
that was, of course, "The ones that have been brought in are
your major institutions. We're not bringing in the
Pembrokes." Of course, politically again, I used it
effectively. I was saying to the black leaders, "They
don't want any of their black institutions in a Consolidated
University." Those, you knowߞagain it was a purely,
got to be a purely political fight, and I played the political game.
Unfortunately, the education aspect of the whole issue was set aside, as
it so often is. Education and all of that had nothing to do with it. It
got down to books and the legislature. [Laughter]
The merits of the issue were long since put aside. But, I want
to make one other observation about once it happened. I am going back to
Bill Friday. I said then and I have said repeatedly since, it is one
thing to pass legislation that created this system, it a quite another
thing to make it work. I doubt very much it would have worked, if it had
been anybody else there other than Bill Friday. Once it was done, and as
hard as he opposed it, he accepted the fact and again he was trained in
the law and he accepted that, and he made it work. And I knew that it
would be a number of years when the jury would still be out before the
verdict was in whether it would work or not. But it was a very difficult
thing. It was a highly emotional issue. Many scars with a lot of blood
on the floor, and he had the job of taking this truly, this shotgun
marriage, and everybody is suspicious of everybody else, to make it
work. And, again, his demeanor and his method of operation and so forth,
and his skills with dealing with people came into play at a good time.
And I doubtߞI just don't know if anyone else could
have done it or not. So I give Bill Friday credit for taking that
tremendous challenge and making it effective. I will always admire and
respect him for that.