Walker, Thomas Owen Davis, 1822-1865
Page 1
From the remotest era to the present time the desire of perfecting
Government has been justly regarded as co-ordinate with the highest efforts of
the intellect of man. The result of such attempts has been the discovery that
the tendency of political establishments is first to feudalism thence to
partial liberty, thirdly to monarchy and lastly to Republicanism. This last has
been esteemed the acme of all human wisdom attainment in the
sphere of political science.
Owing to the versatility of human genius various theories and
numerous speculations have been brought to light as to the true methods by
which the benefits resulting from it might most effectually be realized, and at
the same time the casualties and evils with which it is replete be rendered
negatory in their effect. Mild Democracies have [been] essayed by some, whilst
representative Government has been more wisely tested by others. Under the one
or the other of these forms attempts in most Confederacies have been made.
Powers have been [barguined] for the accomplishment of some mercenary design,
to prevent the entailment of danger, to crush some common foe, or to preserve
the perpetuity
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of each through the combined power
of the whole.
From such an origin has sprung that Government under which we
live—a dominion composed of twenty six sovereignties, though differing
widely from a number of those who have preceded us in possessing that community
of ties which
should link those coming from our origin. How
extensive some these influences may be, and to what intensity they may exist at
present, the moral principles of
2 our
nature on which
3 they
must subsequently rely for their vitality and continuance will afford but an
unsound foundation. The destiny of previous confederacies which at first seemed
visionary to others but finally came to be a fatal reality must prove the
sequel of all such as follow in their wake.
Confederated Governments have been formed from the first days of the
regular organization of society in
Europe down
to the present time. The lamentable issue of their careers leaves but the
faintest hope to all successors. The elements of some of these Governments have
been of a character bearing the strongest similitude to those of our own. Many
of them have flowd from a source whence no fixed principle of political rule
had ever been recognised bu[t] sprang into national existence panopled in all
their wisdom, experience and research, but at the same time burthened with some
of their
greatest
dangerous inconsistencies. Scarcely had this
confederacy raised its arm to execute [the right]
4 of its
high powers when it betrayed
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signs of utter
inefficiency. So sensible was the National Government of its inadequacy to the
purposes for which it was intended, that an appeal, and thereby a virtual
confession of its inability, and an implied acknowledgment of its dependency
was made to the constituent members of the Union to support its drooping body,
or to accept the surrender of its nominal powers. This occurred at a time when
every urgent motive to singleness of action and
to unity of
thought bore with their united force. The remoddeling of the old and the
adoption of
a new Federal Constitution healed the rent
after one of the most astonishing exhibitions of order and decorum that has
ever marked the course of any people. This unprecedented forbearance however
had a cause commensurate with so surprising an effect. The attitude of
England
presented an object of terror which could not fail to suppress all
effervescence of State jealousy.
The greatest barrier to the adoption of Confederated Government
presents itself in the want of that concentrative principle which should
pervade every part of such a fabric. The elevated position which is at present
occupied by some of the nations of
Europe is to
be traced to this great first principle of concentrative power. By the simple
act of confederation there is necessarily implied some delegation of power, but
the amount of that power must
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always be restricted
by the voice of the constituting states. Would it not create an anomaly in
human action, particularly as in this case when such action is controlled by
the concurrent suffrages of the states, should any individual state relinquish
a right which it was deemed for its particular interest to retain, and why
would not such a grant be made? There is a natural inclination in every
Government to acquire supremacy. Is it not probable then that such a desire
would exist in sovereign states, when the internal administration of such
states is conducted by themselves
5 and
consequently ample opportunity afforded for the acquirement of preponderancy?
Would it then be to promote this acquisition to yield the peculiar
advantages,—and honor the rights—of each to any great degree. Do we
not see an illustration of this in the case of
South
Carolina promulgating the doctrine that
she
possesses the constitutional right to secede from the
Confederacy
. That in the hue and cry of
nullification
6 she
sees pictured the great
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charter of state
prerogative; That she holds this her inalienable right—one that she has
never
granted
conceded to the National Government Calls upon
the affiliated members of the Union to join in the formidable halloo
"States rights and legitimate sovereignty."
This opens another ground of objection to Government by
Confederation. Wherever confederacies have existed and this probability is in
whatsoever cases they shall exist, there have been and will be
extension of empire local division. No effort
can be is so availing when spread over much
surface as when confined to a smaller compass.
The popular will in Confederated Government is the supreme dictator, and the dissensions which must
necessarily arise from the accumulated interests of so many dissimilar states,
creating an incongruous and irreconcilable mass, will lead to inevitable
conflict and disorganization Then would a delicate and over wrought punctilio
arise as to infringement and partial aggression. The superior influence of some
would blast the idolized institutions of other[s], and anarchy would form the
counterpart to primitive tranquility.
This is no dream of fancy. Instructive realities have been
manifested even in our own
Confederacy
7,
independent of the thousand verifications to be found in the annals of other
Governments. What eloquent
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lessons are taught by
the dissolution of the Germanic Confederacy and the downfall of the
Amphyctionic Council.
8 This
latter a faithful prototype of the Anglo-American Confederation in all the
minute details of Governmental machinery. We are cemented by affinity by the
inherent endearments of blood and the same tongue; they were held together by
institutions as immutable as any could be impressed with the stamp of humanity,
and by a superstitious belief in the omnipotence of the
Delphic
oracle. For where superstition dwells the rest is subservient to her sway. Yet,
with this powerful magnet which was calculated to absorb every discordant
feeling, national and individual,
and form one united
nation they sank. Let us hold them up as our beacon light to avoid they
coming danger.
and Whilst we hope for the best let us
prepare for the worst.
But at this implied want of stability in
our our Government let the Agrarian
from a lack of consolidation, let the Agrarian pause before he condemns. Tis
not a covert stroke at any predilection for free
institutions. Far otherwise! Tis a disposition to preserve these institutions
by adopting a frame that will insure such a body, will present such a
breastwork as age itself shall refuse to impair. Tis the rejection of such a
one as the first political simoom that starts from conflicting interest will
bury in confusion not to be adjusted.
See a faithful commentary upon the practical operation of the
principles of Consolidated Government
Page 7
in the
miniature republic of
San
Marino. The castled city now raises its head after the experience of
thirteen centuries and looks down upon the shade of departed
Genoa
confinned by the violence of faction. The days of the
Guelphs
and
Ghibellines
9 are
past and with them was washed from earth the pride and boast of the fifteenth
century. To come to ourselves. On our South western border we have a pioneer in
the trial of Consolidated Government. That scion,
sprung from the
a chosen graft upon the stock of our
Government has not the character of
Confederacy about her. Yes,
Texas has
inherited from
her sire
us the emblem of free
Government
principles
and if not overpowered by foreign force the genius of her Government will bear
her triumphantly on. But if the myrmidons of
Mexico are
destined to rule and the scenes of
Goliad and
Alamo are to
[be] enacted anew then
will be wafted above
that truly
shall a
deep wailing burst from every patriot breast that truly
"a nation has
fallen oppression has won"
Th. O. D. Walker
April 19. 1843
Endnotes:
1.
Davis and Walker Family Papers, SHC. "Confederated
Government" is written on two 9 3/4 by 15 3/4 sheets of paper folded in
half to provide eight leaves. On the verso of the last leaf,
Walker
wrote "Confederated Government." Beneath
this title, and written upside down with respect to it, appears the
endorsement, in
Walker's
hand, "Speech written in Senior year at
college."
Walker's
speech was probably intended for the
Dialectic Society because the topic is too overtly
political to have been a senior speech delivered on the public stage. Moreover,
Walker's
senior speech appears to have been "The
abuse of Mind through error," dated April 1843 and corrected in Professor
William Mercer Green's
hand (Davis and Walker Family
Papers, SHC).
Walker
would not have been required to prepare two senior
speeches in the same month, and because he did not graduate with honors, he was
not obliged to deliver a speech at the 1843 Commencement.
When the speech was delivered, however, is uncertain.
Dialectic Society minutes for May 31, 1843, the last
meeting of the school year, report that "A very eloquent valedictory
address was delivered to the Graduating class by
T. O. D. Walker
of
Wilmington, one of its members" (Vol. 9, UA). Although
"Confederated Government" is not a traditional valedictory address,
perhaps it was nevertheless written for this occasion.
2.
Walker
wrote
of on top of
in.
3.
Walker
wrote
which on top of
they.
4. Characters are superimposed and difficult to make out, but
Walker
appears to have written
the
over
its and
r over
f, changing
fight to
right.
5. A smeared question mark appears after themselves.
6. Nullification is the doctrine, supported by advocates of
states' rights, that states have the right to declare null and void a Federal
law that they judge unconstitutional. The doctrine is based on the theory that
the
Union is a voluntary confederation of states and
that the Federal government has no right to exercise powers not explicitly
assigned to it by the
US
Constitution. In 1832
South
Carolina declared null and void the Federal tariff act.
Congress subsequently enacted a compromise tariff,
and
South
Carolina rescinded the ordinance nullifying the tariff. The state,
however, kept the principle of nullification alive by declaring null and void a
Force
Bill that
Congress had passed allowing the President to use
armed force if necessary to execute Federal laws.
7.
Walker
wrote
C on top of
G at the beginning of
Confederacy.
8. Amphyctyonic councils were a form of government in ancient
Greece.
Amphyctyony, or leagues of tribes, maintained temples and other religious
shrines. Each tribe had a certain number of votes in the council, which enacted
laws concerning religious matters and which could declare a sacred war against
an offender. The most important amphyctyony was the
Great or Delphic Amphyctyony, which met in the
spring at the temple of
Demeter
and in the fall at
Delphi.
9.
Guelphs
and
Ghibellines were the anti- and pro-imperialist parties in
fifteenth-century northern
Italy.