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DESTRUCTION
AND
RECONSTRUCTION:
PERSONAL EXPERIENCES OF THE LATE
WAR.
BY
RICHARD TAYLOR,
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL IN THE CONFEDERATE ARMY.
NEW YORK:
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY,
549 AND 551 BROADWAY.
1879.
COPYRIGHT BY
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY,
1879.
Page 3
PREFACE .
THESE reminiscences of Secession, War, and
Reconstruction it has seemed to me a duty to record. An actor
therein, accident of fortune afforded me exceptional advantages
for an interior view.
The opinions expressed are sincerely entertained, but of
their correctness such readers as I may find must judge. I have
in most cases been a witness to the facts alleged, or have
obtained them from the best sources. Where statements are
made upon less authority, I have carefully endeavored to
indicate it by the language employed.
R. TAYLOR.
December, 1877.
Page 5
CONTENTS .
- PREFACE . . . . . 3
- CHAPTER I.
SECESSION. . . . . . 9
Causes of the Civil War - The Charleston Convention - Convention
of Louisiana - Temper of the People.
- CHAPTER II.
FIRST SCENES OF THE WAR. . . . . . 15
Blindness of the Confederate Government - General Bragg occupies
Pensacola - Battle of Manassas - Its Effects on the North
and the South - "Initiative" and "Defensive" in War.
- CHAPTER III.
AFTER MANASSAS. . . . . . 22
General W. H. T. Walker - The Louisiana Brigade - The "Tigers" -
Major Wheat - General Joseph E. Johnston and Jefferson Davis -
Alexander H. Stephens.
- CHAPTER IV.
OPENING OF THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. . . . . . 31
McClellan as an Organizer - The James River Route to Richmond -
Army of Northern Virginia moved to Orange Court House -
Straggling - General Ewell - Bugeaud's "Maxims" -
Uselessness of Tents - Counsels to Young Officers.
Page 6
- CHAPTER V.
THE VALLEY CAMPAIGN. . . . . . 42
The Army moved to Gordonsville - Joseph E. Johnston as a
Commander - Valley of Virginia - Stonewall Jackson - Belle
Boyd - Federals routed at Front Royal - Cuirassiers strapped to
their Horses - Battle of Winchester - A "Walk Over" at Strasburg -
General Ashby - Battle of Port Republic.
- CHAPTER VI.
"THE SEVEN DAYS AROUND RICHMOND." . . . . . 83
Clever Strategy - The Valley Army summoned to the Defense of
Richmond - Battles of Cold Harbor, Frazier's Farm, Malvern Hill -
Ignorance of the Topography - McClellan as a Commander -
General R. E. Lee - His magnificent Strategy - His Mistakes.
- CHAPTER VII.
THE DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA. . . . . . 99
General Bragg - Invasion of Kentucky - Western Louisiana - Its
Topography and River Systems - The Attakapas, Home of the
Acadians - The Creole Population.
- CHAPTER VIII.
OPERATIONS IN LOUISIANA AND ON THE MISSISSIPPI. . . . . . 111
Federal Post at Bayou Des Allemands Surprised - Marauding by the
Federals - Salt Mines at Petit Anse - General Pemberton - Major
Brent Chief of Artillery - Federal Operations on the Lafourche -
Gunboat Cotton - General Weitzel Advances up the Teche -
Capture of Federal Gunboats - General Kirby Smith.
- CHAPTER IX.
ATTACKED BY THE FEDERALS - ATTEMPT TO RELIEVE VICKSBURG -
CAPTURE OF BERWICK'S BAY. . . . . . 129
Federal Advance against Bisland - Retreat of the Confederates -
Banks's Dispatches - Relief of Vicksburg impracticable - Capture
of Federal Post at Berwick's Bay - Attack on Fort Butler - Fall of
Vicksburg and of Port Hudson.
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- CHAPTER X.
MOVEMENT TO THE RED RIVER - CAMPAIGN AGAINST BANKS. . . . . . 148
The Confederate Losses at Vicksburg and Port Hudson - Federals
beaten at Bayou Bourbeau - Trans-Mississippi Department, its
Bureaux and Staff - A Federal Fleet and Army ascend Red River -
Battle of Pleasant Hill - Success of the Confederates - Perilous
Situation of Banks's Army and the Fleet.
- CHAPTER XI.
ESCAPE OF BANKS AND PORTER. . . . . . 176
The Fleet descends Red River to Grand Ecore - Banks concentrates his
Army there - Taylor's Force weakened by General Kirby Smith -
Confederates harass Rear of Federal Column - The Federals cross
the River at Monette's Ferry and reach Alexandria - Retreat of the
Fleet harassed - It passes over the Falls at Alexandria.
- CHAPTER XII.
EAST OF THE MISSISSIPPI. . . . . . 196
The Mississippi controlled by the Federals - Taylor assigned to the
Command of Alabama, Mississippi, etc. - Forrest's Operations -
General Sherman in Georgia - Desperate Situation of Hood -
Remnant of his Army sent to North Carolina.
- CHAPTER XIII.
CLOSING OPERATIONS OF THE WAR - SURRENDER. . . . . . 221
Fall of Mobile - Last Engagement of the War - Johnston-Sherman
Convention - Taylor surrenders to General Canby - Last Hours of
the "Trans-Mississippi Department."
- CHAPTER XIV.
CRITICISMS AND REFLECTIONS. . . . . . 230
Gettysburg - Shiloh - Albert Sidney Johnston - Lack of Statesmanship in the
Confederacy - "King Cotton" - Carpet-Baggers.
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- CHAPTER XV.
RECONSTRUCTION UNDER JOHNSON. . . . . . 239
Interceding for Prisoners - Debauchery and Corruption in Washington -
General Grant - Andrew Johnson - Stevens, Winter Davis,
Sumner - Setting up and pulling down State Governments - The
"Ku-Klux" - Philadelphia Convention.
- CHAPTER XVI.
RECONSTRUCTION UNDER GRANT. . . . . . 256
Demoralization at the North - a Corrupt Vice-President - a
Hypocritical Banker - a Great Preacher profiting by his own Evil
Reputation - Knaves made Plenipotentiaries - A Spurious
Legislature installed in the Louisiana State House - General
Sheridan in New Orleans - An American Alberoni - Presidential
Election of 1876 - Congress over-awed by a Display of Military Force.
- CHAPTER XVII.
CONCLUSION. . . . . .268
The Financial Crisis - Breaches of Trust - Labor Troubles -
Destitution - Negro Suffrage fatal to the South.
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DESTRUCTION AND
RECONSTRUCTION.
CHAPTER I.
SECESSION.
THE history of the United States, as yet unwritten, will show the
causes of the "Civil War" to have been in existence during the
Colonial era, and to have cropped out into full view in the debates of
the several State Assemblies on the adoption of the Federal
Constitution, in which instrument Luther Martin, Patrick Henry, and
others, insisted that they were implanted. African slavery at the time
was universal, and its extinction in the North, as well as its extension in
the South, was due to economic reasons alone.
The first serious difficulty of the Federal Government arose from
the attempt to lay an excise on distilled spirits. The second arose from
the hostility of New England traders to the policy of the Government
in the war of 1812, by which their special interests were menaced; and
there is now evidence to prove that, but for the unexpected peace, an
attempt to disrupt the Union would then have been made.
The "Missouri Compromise" of 1820 was in reality a truce
between antagonistic revenue systems, each seeking to gain the
balance of power. For many years subsequently, slaves - as domestic
servants - were taken to the Territories without exciting remark, and
the "Nullification" movement in South Carolina was entirely directed
against the tariff.
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Anti-slavery was agitated from an early period, but failed to
attract public attention for many years. At length, by unwearied
industry, by ingeniously attaching itself to exciting questions of
the day, with which it had no natural connection, it succeeded in
making a lodgment in the public mind, which, like a subject
exhausted by long effort, is exposed to the attack of some
malignant fever, that in a normal condition of vigor would have
been resisted. The common belief that slavery was the cause of
civil war is incorrect, and Abolitionists are not justified in
claiming the glory and spoils of the conflict and in pluming
themselves as "choosers of the slain."
The vast immigration that poured into the country between
the years 1840 and 1860 had a very important influence in
directing the events of the latter year. The numbers were too
great to be absorbed and assimilated by the native population.
States in the West were controlled by German and Scandinavian
voters, while the Irish took possession of the seaboard towns.
Although the balance of party strength was not much affected
by these naturalized voters, the modes of political thought were
seriously disturbed, and a tendency was manifested to transfer
exciting topics from the domain of argument to that of violence.
The aged and feeble President, Mr. Buchanan, unfitted for
troublous times, was driven to and fro by ambitious leaders of
his own party, as was the last weak Hapsburg who reigned in
Spain by the rival factions of France and Austria.
Under these conditions the National Democratic Convention
met at Charleston, South Carolina, in the spring of 1860, to
declare the principles on which the ensuing presidential
campaign was to be conducted, and select candidates for the
offices of President and Vice-President. Appointed a delegate
by the Democracy of my State, Louisiana, in company with
others I reached Charleston two days in advance of the time.
We were at once met by an invitation to join in council delegates
from the Gulf States, to agree upon some common ground of
action in the Convention, but declined for the reason that we
were accredited to the National Convention, and had no authority
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to participate in other deliberations. This invitation and the terms
in which it was conveyed argued badly for the harmony of the
Convention itself, and for the preservation of the unity of the
Democracy, then the only organization supported in all quarters
of the country.
It may be interesting to recall the impression created at the
time by the tone and temper of different delegations. New
England adhered to the old tenets of the Jefferson school. Two
leaders from Massachusetts, Messrs. Caleb Cushing and
Benjamin F. Butler, of whom the former was chosen President
of the Convention, warmly supported the candidacy of Mr.
Jefferson Davis. New York, under the direction of Mr. Dean
Richmond, gave its influence to Mr. Douglas. Of a combative
temperament, Mr. Richmond was impressed with a belief that
"secession" was but a bugbear to frighten the northern wing of
the party. Thus he failed to appreciate the gravity of the
situation, and impaired the value of unusual common sense and
unselfish patriotism, qualities he possessed to an eminent degree.
The anxieties of Pennsylvania as to candidates were
accompanied by a philosophic indifference as to principles. The
Northwest was ardent for Douglas, who divided with Guthrie
Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee.
Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, and Louisiana
held moderate opinions, and were ready to adopt any honorable
means to preserve the unity of the party and country. The
conduct of the South Carolina delegates was admirable.
Representing the most advanced constituency in the Convention,
they were singularly reticent, and abstained from adding
fuel to the flames. They limited their rôle to that of dignified,
courteous hosts, and played it as Carolina gentlemen are wont to
do. From Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Arkansas, and Texas
came the fiery spirits, led by Mr. William L. Yancey of
Alabama, an able rhetorician. This gentleman had persuaded his
State Convention to pass a resolution, directing its delegates to
withdraw from Charleston if the Democracy there assembled
refused to adopt the extreme Southern view as to the rights of
citizens in the territories. In this he was opposed by
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ex-Governor Winston, a man of conservative tendencies, and
long the rival of Mr. Yancey in State politics. Both gentlemen
were sent to Charleston, but the majority of their co-delegates
sustained Mr. Yancey.
Several days after its organization the National Convention
reached a point which made the withdrawal of Alabama
imminent. Filled with anxious forebodings, I sought after nightfall
the lodgings of Messrs. Slidell, Bayard, and Bright, United States
senators, who had come to Charleston, not as delegates, but
under the impulse of hostility to the principles and candidacy of
Mr. Douglas. There, after pointing out the certain consequences
of Alabama's impending action, I made an earnest appeal for
peace and harmony, and with success. Mr. Yancey was sent
for, came into our views after some discussion, and undertook to
call his people together at that late hour, and secure their
consent to disregard instructions. We waited until near dawn for
Yancey's return, but his efforts failed of success. Governor
Winston, originally opposed to instructions as unwise and
dangerous, now insisted that they should be obeyed to the letter,
and carried a majority of the Alabama delegates with him. Thus
the last hope of preserving the unity of the National Democracy
was destroyed, and by one who was its earnest advocate.
The withdrawal of Alabama, followed by other Southern
States, the adjournment of a part of the Convention to Baltimore
and of another part to Richmond, and the election of Lincoln by
votes of Northern States, require no further mention.
In January, 1861, the General Assembly of Louisiana met. A
member of the upper branch, and chairman of its Committee on
Federal Relations, I reported, and assisted in passing, an act to
call a Convention of the people of the State to consider of
matters beyond the competency of the Assembly. The
Convention met in March, and was presided over by ex-Governor
and ex-United States Senator Alexander Mouton, a
man of high character. I represented my own parish, St.
Charles, and was appointed chairman of the Military and Defense
Page 13
Committee, on behalf of which two ordinances were reported and
passed: one, to raise two regiments; the other, to authorize the
Governor to expend a million of dollars in the purchase of arms
and munitions. The officers of the two regiments were to be
appointed by the Governor, and the men to be enlisted for five
years, unless sooner discharged. More would have been
desirable in the way of raising troops, but the temper of men's
minds did not then justify the effort. The Governor declined to
use his authority to purchase arms, assured as he was on all
sides that there was no danger of war, and that the United
States arsenal at Baton Rouge, completely in our power, would
furnish more than we could need. It was vainly urged in reply
that the stores of the arsenal were almost valueless, the arms
being altered flint-lock muskets, and the accouterments out of
date. The current was too strong to stem.
The Convention, by an immense majority of votes, adopted
an ordinance declaring that Louisiana ceased to be a State
within the Union. Indeed, similar action having already been
taken by her neighbors, Louisiana of necessity followed. At the
time and since, I marveled at the joyous and careless temper in
which men, much my superiors in sagacity and experience,
consummated these acts. There appeared the same general
gaÎté de coeur that M. Ollivier claimed for the Imperial Ministry
when war was declared against Prussia. The attachment of
northern and western people to the Union; their superiority in
numbers, in wealth, and especially in mechanical resources; the
command of the sea; the lust of rule and territory always felt by
democracies, and nowhere to a greater degree than in the South -
all these facts were laughed to scorn, or their mention was
ascribed to timidity and treachery.
As soon as the Convention adjourned, finding myself out of
harmony with prevailing opinion as to the certainty of war and
necessity for preparation, I retired to my estate, determined to
accept such responsibility only as came to me unsought.
The inauguration of President Lincoln; the confederation of
South Carolina, Georgia, and the five Gulf States; the attitude of
the border slave States, hoping to mediate; the assembling
Page 14
of Confederate forces at Pensacola, Charleston, and
other points; the seizure of United States forts and arsenals; the
attack on "Sumter"; war - these followed with bewildering
rapidity, and the human agencies concerned seemed as
unconscious as scene-shifters in some awful tragedy.
Page 15
CHAPTER II.
FIRST SCENES OF THE WAR.
I WAS drawn from my retreat by an invitation from General
Bragg, a particular friend, to visit Pensacola, where he
commanded the southern forces, composed of volunteers from
the adjacent States. Full of enthusiasm for their cause, and of
the best material, officers and men were, with few exceptions,
without instruction, and the number of educated officers was, as
in all the southern armies, too limited to satisfy the imperious
demands of the staff, much less those of the drill-master.
Besides, the vicious system of election of officers struck at the
very root of that stern discipline without which raw men cannot
be converted into soldiers.
The Confederate Government, then seated at Montgomery,
weakly receded from its determination to accept no volunteers
for short terms of service, and took regiments for twelve
months. The same blindness smote the question of finance.
Instead of laying taxes, which the general enthusiasm would
have cheerfully endured, the Confederate authorities pledged
their credit, and that too for an amount which might have
implied a pact with Mr. Seward that, should war unhappily
break out, its duration was to be strictly limited to sixty days.
The effect of these errors was felt throughout the struggle.
General Bragg occupied Pensacola, the United States navy
yard, and Fort Barrancas on the mainland; while Fort Pickens, on
Santa Rosa island, was held by Federal troops, with several war
vessels anchored outside the harbor. There was an
understanding that no hostile movement would be made by
either side without notice. Consequently, Bragg worked at his
Page 16
batteries bearing on Pickens, while Major Brown, the Federal commander,
strengthened with sand bags and earth the weak landward curtain of
his fort; and time was pleasantly passed by both parties in watching
each other's occupation.
Some months before this period, when Florida enforced her
assumed right to control all points within her limits, a small company of
United States artillery, under Lieutenant Slemmer, was stationed at
Barrancas, where it was helpless. After much manoeuvring, the State
forces of Florida induced Slemmer to retire from Barrancas to Pickens,
then garrisoned by one ordnance sergeant, and at the mercy of a
corporal's guard in a rowboat. Fort Sumter, in Charleston harbor, was in
a similar condition before Anderson retired to it with his company. The
early seizure of these two fortresses would have spared the
Confederates many serious embarrassments; but such small details
were neglected at that time.
My visit to Pensacola was brought to a close by information from
the Governor of Louisiana of my appointment to the colonelcy of the
9th Louisiana infantry, a regiment just formed at camp on the railway
some miles north of New Orleans, and under orders for Richmond.
Accepting the appointment, I hastened to the camp, inspected the
command, ordered the Lieutenant Colonel - Randolph, a well-instructed
officer for the time - to move by rail to Richmond as rapidly
as transportation was furnished, and went on to New Orleans, as well
to procure equipment, in which the regiment was deficient, as to give
some hours to private affairs. It was known that there was a scarcity of
small-arm ammunition in Virginia, owing to the rapid concentration of
troops; and I was fortunate in obtaining from the Louisiana authorities
a hundred thousand rounds, with which, together with some field
equipment, I proceeded by express to Richmond, where I found my
command, about a thousand strong, just arrived and preparing to go
into camp. The town was filled with rumor of battle away north at
Manassas, where Beauregard commanded the Confederate forces. A
multitude of wild reports, all equally inflamed, reached my ears
while looking after the transportation of my ammunition, of
Page 17
which I did not wish to lose sight. Reaching camp, I paraded the
regiment, and stated the necessity for prompt action, and my purpose
to make application to be sent to the front immediately. Officers and
men were delighted with the prospect of active service, and largely
supplied want of experience by zeal. Ammunition was served out,
three days' rations were ordered for haversacks, and all camp equipage
not absolutely essential was stored.
These details attended to, at 5 P. M. I visited the war office,
presided over by General Pope Walker of Alabama. When the object of
my visit was stated, the Secretary expressed much pleasure, as he was
anxious to send troops forward, but had few in readiness to move,
owing to the lack of ammunition, etc. As I had been in Richmond but a
few hours, my desire to move and adequate state of preparation gained
me some "red-letter" marks at the war office. The Secretary thought
that a train would be in readiness at 9 o'clock that night. Accordingly,
the regiment was marched to the station, where we remained several
weary hours. At length, long after midnight, our train made its
appearance. As the usual time to Manassas was some six hours, we
confidently expected to arrive in the early forenoon; but this
expectation our engine brought to grief. It proved a machine of the
most wheezy and helpless character, creeping snail-like on levels, and
requiring the men to leave the carriages to help it up grades. As the
morning wore on, the sound of guns, reëchoed from the Blue Ridge
mountains on our left, became loud and constant. At every halt of the
wretched engine the noise of battle grew more and more intense, as
did our impatience. I hope the attention of the recording angel was
engrossed that day in other directions. Later we met men, single or in
squads, some with arms and some without, moving south, in which
quarter they all appeared to have pressing engagements.
At dusk we gained Manassas Junction, near the field where, on
that day, the battle of first "Manassas" had been fought and won.
Bivouacking the men by the roadside, I sought through the darkness
the headquarters of General Beauregard,
Page 18
to whom I was instructed to report. With much difficulty
and delay the place was found, and a staff officer told me that
orders would be sent the following morning. By these I was
directed to select a suitable camp, thus indicating that no
immediate movement was contemplated.
The confusion that reigned about our camps for the next few
days was extreme. Regiments seemed to have lost their
colonels, colonels their regiments. Men of all arms and all
commands were mixed in the wildest way. A constant fusillade
of small arms and singing of bullets were kept up, indicative of
a superfluity of disorder, if not of ammunition. One of my men
was severely wounded in camp by a "stray," and derived no
consolation from my suggestion that it was a delicate attention
of our comrades to mitigate the disappointment of missing the
battle. The elation of our people at their success was natural.
They had achieved all, and more than all, that could have been
expected of raw troops; and some commands had emulated
veterans by their steadiness under fire. Settled to the routine of
camp duty, I found many opportunities to go over the adjacent
battle field with those who had shared the action, then fresh in
their memories. Once I had the privilege of so doing in company
with Generals Johnston and Beauregard; and I will now give my
opinion of this, as I purpose
doing of such subsequent
actions,
and commanders therein, as came within the range of my
personal experience during the war.
Although since the days of Nimrod war has been the
constant occupation of men, the fingers of one hand suffice to
number the great commanders. The "unlearned" hardly think of
usurping Tyndall's place in the lecture room, or of taking his
cuneiform bricks from Rawlinson; yet the world has been much
more prolific of learned scientists and philologers than of able
generals. Notwithstanding, the average American (and,
judging from the dictatorship of MaÎtre Gambetta, the Frenchman)
would not have hesitated to supersede Napoleon at Austerlitz or
Nelson at Trafalgar. True, Cleon captured the Spartan garrison,
and Narses gained victories, and Bunyan wrote
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the "Pilgrim's Progress;" but pestilent demagogues and
mutilated guardians of Eastern zenanas have not always been
successful in war, nor the great and useful profession of tinkers
written allegory. As men without knowledge have at all times
usurped the right to criticise campaigns and commanders, they
will doubtless continue to do so despite the protests of
professional soldiers, who discharge this duty in a reverent
spirit, knowing that the greatest is he who commits the fewest
blunders.
General McDowell, the Federal commander at Manassas,
and a trained soldier of unusual acquirement, was so hounded
and worried by ignorant, impatient politicians and newspapers
as to be scarcely responsible for his acts. This may be said of
all the commanders in the beginning of the war, and notably of
Albert Sidney Johnston, whose early fall on the field of Shiloh
was irreparable, and mayhap determined the fate of the South.
McDowell's plan of battle was excellent, and its execution by
his mob no worse than might have been confidently expected.
The late Governor Andrew of Massachusetts observed that his
men thought they were going to a town meeting, and this is
exhaustive criticism. With soldiers at his disposal, McDowell
would have succeeded in turning and overwhelming
Beauregard's left, driving him from his rail communications
with Richmond, and preventing the junction of Johnston from
the valley. It appears that Beauregard was to some extent
surprised by the attack, contemplating movements by his own
centre and right. His exposed and weak left stubbornly
resisted the shock of attacking masses, while he, with
coolness and personal daring most inspiriting to his men,
brought up assistance from centre and right; and the ground
was held until Johnston, who had skillfully eluded Patterson,
arrived and began feeding our line, when the affair was soon
decided.
There can be little question that with a strong brigade of
soldiers Johnston could have gone to Washington and
Baltimore. Whether, with his means, he should have advanced,
has been too much and angrily discussed already. Napoleon held
that, no matter how great the confusion and exhaustion of a
victorious army might be, a defeated one must be a hundredfold
Page 20
worse, and action should be based on this. Assuredly, if there be
justification in disregarding an axiom of Napoleon, the wild confusion
of the Confederates after Manassas afforded it.
The first skirmishes and actions of the war proved that the
Southron, untrained, was a better fighter than the Northerner - not
because of more courage, but of the social and economic conditions
by which he was surrounded. Devoted to agriculture in a sparsely
populated country, the Southron was self-reliant, a practiced
horseman, and skilled in the use of arms. The dense population of the
North, the habit of association for commercial and manufacturing
purposes, weakened individuality of character, and horsemanship and
the use of arms were exceptional accomplishments. The rapid
development of railways and manufactures in the West had
assimilated the people of that region to their eastern neighbors, and
the old race of frontier riflemen had wandered to the far interior of the
continent. Instruction and discipline soon equalized differences, and
battles were decided by generalship and numbers; and this was the
experience of our kinsmen in their great civil war. The country squires
who followed the banners of Newcastle and Rupert at first swept the
eastern-counties yeomanry and the London train-bands from the field;
but fiery and impetuous valor was at last overmatched by the
disciplined purpose and stubborn constancy of Cromwell's Ironsides.
The value of the "initiative" in war cannot be overstated. It
surpasses in power mere accession of numbers, as it requires neither
transport nor commissariat. Holding it, a commander lays his plans
deliberately, and executes them at his own appointed time and in his
own way. The "defensive" is weak, lowering the morale of the army
reduced to it, enforcing constant watchfulness lest threatened attacks
become real, and keeping commander and troops in a state of anxious
tension. These truisms would not deserve mention did not the public
mind ignore the fact that their application is limited to trained soldiers,
and often become impatient for the employment of proved ability to
sustain sieges and hold lines in offensive movements. A collection of
untrained men is neither more nor less than a
Page 21
mob, in which individual courage goes for nothing. In movement each
person finds his liberty of action merged in a crowd, ignorant and
incapable of direction. Every obstacle creates confusion, speedily
converted into panic by opposition. The heroic defenders of
Saragossa could not for a moment have faced a battalion of French
infantry in the open field. Osman's solitary attempt to operate outside
of Plevna met with no success; and the recent defeat of Moukhtar may
be ascribed to incaution in taking position too far from his line of
defense, where, when attacked, manoeuvres of which his people were
incapable became necessary.
Page 22
CHAPTER III.
AFTER MANASSAS.
AFTER the action at Manassas, the summer and winter of 1861
wore away without movements of special note in our quarter, excepting
the defeat of the Federals at Ball's Bluff, on the Potomac, by a detached
brigade of Confederates, commanded by General Evans of South
Carolina, a West-Pointer enjoying the sobriquet of Shanks from the
thinness of his legs.
In the organization of our army, my regiment was brigaded with the
6th, 7th, and 8th regiments of the Louisiana infantry, and placed under
General William H. T. Walker of Georgia. Graduated from West Point in
the summer of 1837, this officer joined the 6th United States infantry
operating against the Seminoles in Florida. On Christmas day following
was fought the battle of Okeechobee, the severest fight of that Indian
war. The savages were posted on a thickly jungled island in the lake,
through the waters of which, breast-high, the troops advanced several
hundred yards to the attack. The loss on our side was heavy, but the
Indians were so completely routed as to break their spirit. Colonel
Zachary Taylor commanded, and there won his yellow sash and grade.
Walker was desperately wounded, and the medical people gave him
up; but he laughed at their predictions and recovered. In the war with
Mexico, assaulting Molino del Rey, he received several wounds, all
pronounced fatal, and science thought itself avenged. Again he got
well, as he said, to spite the doctors. Always a martyr to asthma, he
rarely enjoyed sleep but in a sitting posture; yet he was as cheerful
and full of restless activity as the celebrated Earl of Peterborough.
Peace with Mexico established, Walker
Page 23
became commandant of cadets at West Point. His ability as an
instructor, and his lofty, martial bearing, deeply impressed his new
brigade and prepared it for stern work. Subsequently Walker died on
the field near Atlanta, defending the soil of his native State - a death
of all others he would have chosen. I have dwelt somewhat on his
character, because it was one of the strangest I have met. No
enterprise was too rash to awaken his ardor, if it necessitated daring
courage and self-devotion. Truly, he might have come forth from the
pages of old Froissart. It is with unaffected feeling that I recall his
memory and hang before it my humble wreath of immortelles.
In camp our army experienced much suffering and loss of strength.
Drawn almost exclusively from rural districts, where families lived
isolated, the men were scourged with mumps, whooping-cough, and
measles, diseases readily overcome by childhood in urban
populations. Measles proved as virulent as smallpox or cholera.
Sudden changes of temperature drove the eruption from the surface to
the internal organs, and fevers, lung and typhoid, and dysenteries
followed. My regiment was fearfully smitten, and I passed days in
hospital, nursing the sick and trying to comfort the last moments of
many poor lads, dying so far from home and friends. Time and frequent
changes of camp brought improvement, but my own health gave way.
A persistent low fever sapped my strength and impaired the use of my
limbs. General Johnston kindly ordered me off to the Fauquier springs,
sulphur waters, some twenty miles to the south. There I was joined
and carefully nursed by a devoted sister, and after some weeks slowly
regained health.
On the eve of returning to the army, I learned of my promotion to
brigadier, to relieve General Walker, transferred to a brigade of
Georgians. This promotion seriously embarrassed me. Of the four
colonels whose regiments constituted the brigade, I was the junior in
commission, and the other three had been present and "won their
spurs" at the recent battle, so far the only important one of the war.
Besides, my known friendship for President Davis, with whom I was
connected by his first marriage with my elder sister, would justify the opinion
Page 24
that my promotion was due to favoritism. Arrived at headquarters,
I obtained leave to go to Richmond, where, after an
affectionate reception, the President listened to the story of my
feelings, the reasons on which they were based, and the request
that the promotion should be revoked. He replied that he would
take a day for reflection before deciding the matter. The
following day I was told that the answer to my appeal would be
forwarded to the army, to which I immediately returned. The
President had employed the delay in writing a letter to the senior
officers of the brigade, in which he began by stating that
promotions to the grade of general officer were by law intrusted
to him, and were made for considerations of public good, of
which he alone was judge. He then, out of abundant kindness
for me, went on to soothe the feelings of these officers with a
tenderness and delicacy of touch worthy a woman's hand, and
so effectually as to secure me their hearty support. No wonder
that all who enjoy the friendship of Jefferson Davis love him as
Jonathan did David.
Several weeks without notable incident were devoted to
instruction, especially in marching, the only military quality for
which Southern troops had no aptitude. Owing to the good
traditions left by my predecessor, Walker, and the zeal of
officers and men, the brigade made great progress.
With the army at this time was a battalion of three
companies from Louisiana, commanded by Major Wheat. These
detached companies had been thrown together previous to the
fight at Manassas, where Wheat was severely wounded. The
strongest of the three, and giving character to all, was called the
"Tigers." Recruited on the levee and in the alleys of New
Orleans, the men might have come out of "Alsatia," where they
would have been worthy subjects of that illustrious potentate,
"Duke Hildebrod." The captain, who had succeeded to the
immediate command of these worthies on the advancement of
Wheat, enjoying the luxury of many aliases, called himself
White, perhaps out of respect for the purity of the patriotic garb
lately assumed. So villainous was the reputation of this battalion
that every commander desired to be rid of it; and
Page 25
General Johnston assigned it to me, despite my efforts to decline
the honor of such society. He promised, however, to sustain
me in any measures to enforce discipline, and but a few hours
elapsed before the fulfillment of the promise was exacted. For
some disorder after tattoo, several "Tigers" were arrested and
placed in charge of the brigade guard. Their comrades
attempted to force the guard and release them. The attempt
failed, and two ringleaders were captured and put in irons for
the night. On the ensuing morning an order for a general court-martial
was obtained from army headquarters, and the court
met at 10 A. M. The prisoners were found guilty, and sentenced
to be shot at sunset. I ordered the "firing party" to be detailed
from their own company; but Wheat and his officers begged to
be spared this hard duty, fearing that the "Tigers" would refuse
to fire on their comrades. I insisted for the sake of the example,
and pointed out the serious consequences of disobedience by
their men. The brigade, under arms, was marched out; and as
the news had spread, many thousands from other commands
flocked to witness the scene. The firing party, ten "Tigers," was
drawn up fifteen paces from the prisoners, the brigade provost
gave the command to fire, and the unhappy men fell dead
without a struggle. This account is given because it was the first
military execution in the Army of Northern Virginia; and
punishment, so closely following offense, produced a marked
effect. But Major "Bob" Wheat deserves an extended notice.
In the early summer of 1846, after the victories of Palo Alto
and Resaca de la Palma, the United States Army under General
Zachary Taylor lay near the town of Matamoros. Visiting the
hospital of a recently joined volunteer corps from the States, I
remarked a bright-eyed youth of some nineteen years,
wan with disease, but cheery withal. The interest he inspired
led to his removal to army headquarters, where he soon
recovered health and became a pet. This was Bob Wheat, son
of an Episcopal clergyman, who had left school to come to the
war. He next went to Cuba with Lopez, was wounded and
captured, but escaped the garrote to follow Walker to Nicaragua.
Page 26
Exhausting the capacities of South American patriots to
pronounce, he quitted their society in disgust, and joined
Garibaldi in Italy, whence his keen scent of combat summoned
him home in convenient time to receive a bullet at Manassas.
The most complete Dugald Dalgetty possible, he had "all the
defects of the good qualities" of that doughty warrior.
Some months after the time of which I am writing, a body of
Federal horse was captured in the valley of Virginia. The
colonel commanding, who had been dismounted in the fray,
approached me. A stalwart man, with huge mustaches, cavalry
boots adorned with spurs worthy of a caballero, slouched hat,
and plume, he strode along with the nonchalant air of one who
had wooed Dame Fortune too long to be cast down by her
frowns. Suddenly Major Wheat, near by, sprang from his horse
with a cry of "Percy! old boy!" "Why, Bob!" was echoed back,
and a warm embrace was exchanged. Colonel Percy Wyndham,
an Englishman in the Federal service, had last parted from
Wheat in Italy, or some other country where the pleasant
business of killing was going on, and now fraternized with his
friend in the manner described.
Poor Wheat! A month later, and he slept his last sleep on the
bloody field of Cold Harbor. He lies there in a soldier's grave.
Gallant spirit! let us hope that his readiness to die for his cause
has made "the scarlet of his sins like unto wool."
As the autumn of the year 1861 passed away, the question
of army organization pressed for solution, while divergent
opinions were held by the Government at Richmond and General
Johnston. The latter sent me to President Davis to explain his
views and urge their adoption. My mission met with no success;
but in discharging it, I was made aware of the estrangement
growing up between these eminent persons, which subsequently
became "the spring of woes unnumbered." An earnest effort
made by me to remove the cloud, then "no greater than a man's
hand," failed; though the elevation of character of the two men,
which made them listen patiently to my appeals, justified hope.
Time but served to widen the breach. Without the knowledge
and despite the wishes of General Johnston, the
Page 27
descendants of the ancient dwellers in the cave of Adullam
gathered themselves behind his shield, and shot their arrows at
President Davis and his advisers, weakening the influence of
the head of the cause for which all were struggling.
Immediately after the birth of the Confederacy, a resolution
was adopted by the "Provisional Congress" declaring that
military and naval officers, resigning the service of the United
States Government to enter that of the Confederate, would
preserve their relative rank. Later on, the President was
authorized to make five appointments to the grade of general.
These appointments were announced after the battle of
Manassas, and in the following order of seniority: Samuel
Cooper, Albert Sidney Johnston, Robert E. Lee, Joseph E.
Johnston, and G. T. Beauregard.
Near the close of President Buchanan's administration, in
1860, died General Jesup, Quartermaster-General of the United
States army; and Joseph E. Johnston, then lieutenant-colonel of
cavalry, was appointed to the vacancy. Now the Quartermaster-General
had the rank, pay, and emoluments of a brigadier-general; but
the rank was staff, and by law this officer could not exercise command
over troops unless by special assignment. When, in the spring of 1861,
the officers in question entered the service of the Confederacy, Cooper
had been Adjutant-General of the United States Army, with the
rank of colonel; Albert Sidney Johnston, colonel and brigadier-general
by brevet, and on duty as such; Lee, lieutenant-colonel
of cavalry, senior to Joseph E. Johnston in the line before the
latter's appointment above mentioned; Beauregard, major of
engineers. In arranging the order of seniority of generals,
President Davis held to the superiority of line to staff rank, while
Joseph E. Johnston took the opposite view, and sincerely
believed that injustice was done him.
After the grave and wondrous scenes through which we
have passed, all this seems like "a tempest in a tea-pot;" but it
had much influence and deserves attention.
General Beauregard, who about this time was transferred
to army in the West, commanded by Albert Sidney Johnston,
Page 28
was also known to have grievances. Whatever their source, it
could not have been rank; but it is due to this General - a
gentleman of taste - to say that no utterances came from him.
Indiscreet persons at Richmond, claiming the privilege and
discharging the duty of friendship, gave tongue to loud and
frequent plaints, and increased the confusion of the hour.
As the year 1862 opened, and the time for active
movements drew near, weighty cares attended the commander
of the Army of Northern Virginia. The folly of accepting
regiments for the short period of twelve months, to which
allusion has been made, was now apparent. Having taken
service in the spring of 1861, the time of many of the troops
would expire just as the Federal host in their front might be
expected to advance. A large majority of the men were willing
to reënlist, provided that they could first go home to arrange
private affairs; and fortunately, the fearful condition of the
country permitted the granting of furloughs on a large scale.
Except on a few pikes, movements were impossible, and an army
could no more have marched across country than across Chesapeake bay.
Closet warriors in cozy studies, with smooth macadamized
roadways before their doors, sneer at the idea of military movements
being arrested by mud. I apprehend that these gentlemen have
never served in a bad country during the rainy season, and are
ignorant of the fact that, in his Russian campaign, the elements
proved too strong for the genius of Napoleon.
General Johnston met the difficulties of his position with
great coolness, tact, and judgment; but his burden was by no
means lightened by the interference of certain politicians at
Richmond. These were perhaps inflamed by the success that
had attended the tactical efforts of their Washington peers. At
all events, they now threw themselves upon military questions
with much ardor. Their leader was Alexander H. Stephens of
Georgia, Vice-President of the Confederacy, who is entitled to a
place by himself.
Like the celebrated John Randolph of Roanoke, Mr.
Stephens has an acute intellect attached to a frail and meagre
body. As was said by the witty Canon of St. Paul's of Francis Jeffrey,
Page 29
his mind is in a state of indecent exposure. A trained and skillful
politician, he was for many years before the war returned to the
United States House of Representatives from the district in which
he resides, and his "device" seems always to have been, "Fiat
justitia, ruat coelum." When, in December, 1849, the Congress
assembled, there was a Whig administration, and the same party
had a small majority in the lower House, of which Mr. Stephens,
an ardent Whig, was a member; but he could not see his way to
support his party's candidate for Speaker, and this inability to
find a road, plain mayhap to weaker organs, secured the
control of the House to his political adversaries. During the
exciting period preceding "secession" Mr. Stephens held and
avowed moderate opinions; but, swept along by the resistless torrent
surrounding him, he discovered and proclaimed that "slavery
was the corner-stone of the confederacy." In the strong
vernacular of the West, this was "rather piling the agony" on the
humanitarians, whose sympathies were not much quickened
toward us thereby. As the struggle progressed, Mr. Stephens,
with all the impartiality of an equity judge, marked many of the
virtues of the Government north of the Potomac, and all the
vices of that on his own side of the river. Regarding the military
questions in hand he entertained and publicly expressed original
opinions, which I will attempt to convey as accurately as
possible. The war was for principles and rights, and it was in
defense of these, as well as of their property, that the people
had taken up arms. They could always be relied on when a
battle was imminent; but, when no fighting was to be done, they
had best be at home attending to their families and interests. As
their intelligence was equal to their patriotism, they were as
capable of judging of the necessity of their presence with the
colors as the commanders of armies, who were but professional
soldiers fighting for rank and pay, and most of them without
property in the South. It may be observed that such opinions are
more comfortably cherished by political gentlemen, two hundred miles
away, than by commanders immediately in front of the enemy.
In July, 1865, two months after the close of the great war,
Page 30
I visited Washington in the hope of effecting some change in the
condition of Jefferson Davis, then ill and a prisoner at Fortress
Monroe; and this visit was protracted to November before its object
was accomplished. In the latter part of October of the same year Mr.
Stephens came to Washington, where he was the object of much
attention on the part of people controlling the Congress and the
country. Desiring his coöperation in behalf of Mr. Davis, I sought and
found him sitting near a fire (for he is of a chilly nature), smoking his
pipe. He heard me in severe politeness, and, without unnecessary
expenditure of enthusiasm, promised his assistance. Since the war Mr.
Stephens has again found a seat in the Congress, where, unlike the
rebel brigadiers, his presence is not a rock of offense to the loyal
mind. *
* The foregoing sketch of Mr. Stephens appeared substantially in
the "North American Review," but the date of the interview in
Washington was not stated. Thereupon Mr. Stephens, in print,
seized on July, and declared that, as he was a prisoner in Fort
Warren during that month, the interview was a "Muchausenism." He
also disputes the correctness of the opinions concerning military
matters ascribed to him, although scores of his associates at
Richmond will attest it. Again, he assumes the non-existence of
twelve-months' regiments because some took service for the war, etc.
Like other ills, feeble health has its compensations, especially for
those who unite restless vanity and ambition to a feminine desire for
sympathy. It has been much the habit of Mr. Stephens to date
controversial epistles from "a sick chamber," as do ladies in a delicate
situation. A diplomatist of the last century, the Chevalier D'Eon, by
usurping the privileges of the opposite sex, inspired grave doubts
concerning his own.
Page 31
CHAPTER IV.
OPENING OF THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN.
PURSUING "the even tenor of his way," Johnston rapidly
increased the efficiency of his army. Furloughed men returned in large
numbers before their leaves had terminated, many bringing new
recruits with them. Divisions were formed, and officers selected to
command them. Some islands of dry land appeared amid the sea of
mud, when the movement of the Federal forces in our front changed
the theatre of war and opened the important campaign of 1862.
When overtaken by unexpected calamity African tribes destroy
the fetich
previously worshiped, and with much noise
seek some new
idol in which they can incarnate their vanities and hopes. Stunned by
the rout at Manassas, the North pulled down an old veteran, Scott,
and his lieutenant, McDowell, and set up McClellan, who caught the
public eye at the moment by reason of some minor successes in
Western Virginia, where the Confederate General, Robert Garnett, was
killed. It is but fair to admit that the South had not emulated the
wisdom of Solomon nor the modesty of Godolphin. The capture of
Fort Sumter, with its garrison of less than a hundred men, was hardly
Gibraltar; yet it would put the grandiloquent hidalgoes of Spain on
their mettle to make more clatter over the downfall of the cross of St.
George from that historic rock. McClellan was the young Napoleon,
the very god of war in his latest avatar. While this was absurd,
and in the end injurious to McClellan, it was of service to his
Government; for it strengthened his loins to the task before
him - a task demanding the highest order of ability and
the influence of a demigod. A great war was to be carried on, and a
great army, the most complex of machines, was necessary.
Page 32
The cardinal principles on which the art of war is based are few
and unchangeable, resembling in this the code of morality; but their
application varies as the theatre of the war, the genius and temper of
the people engaged, and the kind of arms employed. The United States
had never possessed a great army. The entire force engaged in the war
against Mexico would scarcely have made a respectable corps
d'armée, and to study the organization of great armies and
campaigns a recurrence to the Napoleonic era was necessary. The
Governments of Europe for a half century had been improving
armaments, and changing the tactical unit of formation and
manoeuvre to correspond to such improvement. The Italian campaign
of Louis Napoleon established some advance in field artillery, but the
supreme importance of breech-loaders was not admitted until Sadowa,
in 1866. All this must be considered in determining the value of
McClellan's work. Taking the raw material intrusted to
him, he converted it into a great military machine, complete in all its
parts, fitted for its intended purpose. Moreover, he resisted the natural
impatience of his Government and people, and the follies of
politicians and newspapers, and for months refused to put his
machine at work before all its delicate adjustments were perfected.
Thus, much in its own despite, the North obtained armies and the
foundation of success. The correctness of the system adopted by
McClellan proved equal to all emergencies, and remained unchanged
until the close of the war. Disappointed in his hands, and suffering
painful defeats in those of his immediate successors, the "Army of the
Potomac" always recovered, showed itself a vital organism, and finally
triumphed. McClellan organized victory for his section, and those who
deem the preservation of the "Union" the first of earthly duties should
not cease to do him reverence.
I have here written of McClellan, not as a leader, but an organizer
of armies; and as such he deserves to rank with the Von Moltkes,
Scharnhorsts, and Louvois of history.
Constant struggle against the fatal interference of politicians with
his military plans and duties separated McClellan
Page 33
from the civil department of his Government, and led him to adopt a
policy of his own. The military road to Richmond,
and the only one as events proved, was by the peninsula and the
James river, and it was his duty so to advise. He insisted, and had his
way; but not for long. A little of that selfishness which serves lower
intelligences as an instinct of self-preservation would have shown him
that his most dangerous enemies were not in his front. The
Administration at Washington had to deal with a people blind with
rage, an ignorant and meddlesome Congress, and a wolfish horde of
place-hunters. A sudden dash of the Confederates on the capital might
change the attitude of foreign powers. These political considerations
weighed heavily at the seat of government, but were of small moment
to the military commander. In a conflict between civil policy and
military strategy, the latter must yield. The jealousy manifested by the
Venetian and Dutch republics toward their commanders has often been
criticised; but it should be remembered that they kept the military in
strict subjection to the civil power; and when they were overthrown, it
was by foreign invasion, not by military usurpation. Their annals
afford no example of the declaration by their generals that the special
purpose of republican armies is to preserve civil order and enforce civil
law.
After the battle of Chickamauga, in 1863, General Grant was
promoted to the command of the armies of the United States, and
called to Washington. In a conference between him, President
Lincoln, and Secretary Stanton, the approaching campaign in Virginia
was discussed. Grant said that the advance on Richmond should be
made by the James river. It was replied that the Government required
the interposition of an army between Lee and Washington, and could
not consent at that late day to the adoption of a plan which would be
taken by the public as a confession of previous error. Grant
observed that he was indifferent as to routes; but if the Government
preferred its own, so often tried, to the one he suggested, it must be
prepared for the additional loss of a hundred thousand men. The men
were promised, Grant accepted the governmental plan of campaign,
Page 34
and was supported to the end. The above came to me well
authenticated, and I have no doubt of its correctness.
*
* Some of the early pages of this work were published in the
number of the "North American Review" for January, 1878, including the
above account of a conference at Washington between President Lincoln,
Secretary Stanton, and General Grant. In the "New York Herald" of
May 27, 1878, appears an interview with General Grant, in which the
latter says, "The whole story is a fabrication, and whoever vouched
for it to General Taylor vouched for a fiction." General Halleck, who
was at the time in question Chief of Staff at the war office, related the
story of this conference to me in New Orleans, where he was on a visit
from Louisville, Ky., then his headquarters. Several years later General
Joseph E. Johnston gave me the same account, which he had from
another officer of the United States Army, also at the time in the war
office. A letter from General Johnston, confirming the accuracy of my
relations has been published. Since, I have received a letter, dated
New York, June 6, 1878, wherein the writer states that in Washington,
in 1868 or 1869, he had an account of this conference, as I give it, from
General John A. Logan of Illinois. When calling for reënforcements,
after his losses in the Wilderness, General Grant reminded Stanton of
his opposition to the land route in their conference, but added that
"he would now fight it out on this line if it takes all summer." The
writer of this communication is quite unknown to me, but manifests his
sincerity by suggesting that I should write to General Logan, who, he
doubts not, will confirm his statement. I have not so written, because I
have no acquaintance with General Logan, and no desire to press the
matter further. From many sources comes evidence that a conference
was held, which General Grant seems to deny. Moreover, I cannot
forget that in one notable instance a question of fact was raised
against General Grant, with much burden of evidence; and while
declaiming any wish or intent of entering on another, one may hold in
all charity that General Grant's memory may be as treacherous about
facts as mine proved about a date, when, in a letter to the "Herald," I
stupidly gave two years after General Halleck's death as the time of his
conversation with me. These considerations have determined me to let
the account of the conference stand as originally written.
Page 35
During his operations on the peninsula and near Richmond,
McClellan complained much of want of support; but the constancy
with which President Lincoln adhered to him was, under the
circumstances, surprising. He had drifted away from the dominant
Washington sentiment, and alienated the sympathies of his
Government. His fall was inevitable; the affection of the army but
hastened it; even victory could not save him. He adopted the habit of
saying, "My army," "My soldiers." Such phraseology may be
employed by a Frederick or Napoleon, sovereigns as well as generals;
but officers command the armies of their governments. General
McClellan is an upright, patriotic man, incapable of wrong-doing, and
has a high standard of morality, to which he lives more closely than
most men do to a lower one; but it is to be remembered that the examples
of the good are temptations and opportunities to the unscrupulous.
The habit of thought underlying such language, or soon engendered
by its use, has made Mexico and the South American republics the
wonder and scorn of civilization.
The foregoing account of McClellan's downfall is deemed
pertinent because he was the central figure in the Northern field, and
laid the foundation of Northern success. Above all, he and a gallant
band of officers supporting him impressed a generous, chivalric
spirit on the war, which soon faded away; and the future historian, in
recounting some later operations, will doubt if he is dealing with
campaigns of generals or expeditions of brigands.
The intention of McClellan to transfer his base from Washington
to some point farther south was known to Johnston, but there was
doubt whether Fredericksburg or the Peninsula would be selected. To
meet either contingency, Johnston in the spring of 1862 moved
his army from Manassas to the vicinity of Orange Court House, where
he was within easy reach of both Fredericksburg and Richmond. The
movement was executed with the quiet precision characteristic of Johnston, unrivaled as a master of logistics.
I was ordered to withdraw the infantry pickets from the lower Bull
Run after nightfall, and move on a road through the
Page 36
county of Prince William, east of the line of railway from
Manassas to Orange. This road was tough and heavy, and
crossed by frequent streams, affluents of the neighboring
Potomac. These furnished occupation and instruction to a small
body of pioneers, recently organized, while the difficulties of the
road drew heavily on the marching capacity - or rather
incapacity - of the men. Straggling was then, and continued
throughout to be, the vice of Southern armies. The climate of the
South was not favorable to pedestrian exercise, and, centaur-like,
its inhabitants, from infancy to old age, passed their lives on
horseback, seldom walking the most insignificant distance. When
brought into the field, the men were as ignorant of the art of
marching as babes, and required for their instruction the same
patient, unwearied attention. On this and subsequent marches
frequent halts were made, to enable stragglers to close up; and I
set the example to mounted officers of riding to the rear of the
column, to encourage the weary by relieving them of their arms,
and occasionally giving a footsore fellow a cast on my horse.
The men appreciated this care and attention, followed advice as
to the fitting of their shoes, cold bathing of feet, and healing of
abrasions, and soon held it a disgrace to fall out of ranks. Before
a month had passed the brigade learned how to march, and, in
the Valley with Jackson, covered long distances without leaving
a straggler behind. Indeed, in several instances it emulated the
achievement of Crauford's "Light Brigade," whose wonderful
march to join Wellington at Talavera remains the stoutest feat of
modern soldiership.
Arrived at the Rappahannock, I found the railway bridge
floored for the passage of troops and trains. The army, with the
exception of Ewell's division, composed of Elzey's, Trimball's,
and my brigades, had passed the Rapidan, and was lying around
Orange Court House, where General Johnston had his
headquarters. Some horse, under Stuart, remained north of the
Rappahannock, toward Manassas.
For the first time Ewell had his division together and under
his immediate command; and as we remained for many days
between the rivers, I had abundant opportunities for studying
Page 37
the original character of "Dick Ewell." We had known each
other for many years, but now our friendship and intercourse
became close and constant. Graduated from West Point in 1840,
Ewell joined the 1st regiment of United States dragoons, and,
saving the Mexican war, in which he served with such distinction
as a young cavalryman could gain, his whole military life had
been passed on the plains, where, as he often asserted, he had
learned all about commanding fifty United States dragoons, and
forgotten everything else. In this he did himself injustice, as his
career proves; but he was of a singular modesty. Bright,
prominent eyes, a bomb-shaped, bald head, and a nose like that
of Francis of Valois, gave him a striking resemblance to a
woodcock; and this was increased by a bird-like habit of putting
his head on one side to utter his quaint speeches. He fancied that
he had some mysterious internal malady, and would eat nothing
but frumenty, a preparation of wheat; and his plaintive way of
talking of his disease, as if he were some one else, was droll in
the extreme. His nervousness prevented him from taking regular
sleep, and he passed nights curled around a camp-stool, in
positions to dislocate an ordinary person's joints and drive the
"caoutchouc man" to despair. On such occasions, after long
silence, he would suddenly direct his eyes and nose toward me
with "General Taylor! What do you suppose President Davis
made me a major-general for?" - beginning with a sharp accent
and ending with a gentle lisp. Superbly mounted, he was the
boldest of horsemen, invariably leaving the roads to take timber
and water. No follower of the "Pytchley" or "Quorn" could have
lived with him across country. With a fine tactical eye on the
battle field, he was never content with his own plan until he had
secured the approval of another's judgment, and chafed under the
restraint of command, preparing to fight with the skirmish line.
On two occasions in the Valley, during the temporary absence of
Jackson from the front, Ewell summoned me to his side, and
immediately rushed forward among the skirmishers, where some
sharp work was going on. Having refreshed himself, he returned
with the hope that "old Jackson would not catch him
Page 38
at it." He always spoke of Jackson, several years his junior, as
"old," and told me in confidence that he admired his genius, but
was certain of his lunacy, and that he never saw one of
Jackson's couriers approach without expecting an order to
assault the north pole.
Later, after he had heard Jackson seriously declare that he
never ate pepper because it produced a weakness in his left leg,
he was confirmed in this opinion. With all his oddities, perhaps in
some measure because of them, Ewell was adored by officers
and men.
Orders from headquarters directed all surplus provisions, in
the country between the Rappahannock and Rapidan, to be sent
south of the latter stream. Executing these orders strictly, as we
daily expected to rejoin the army, the division began to be
straitened for supplies. The commissary of my brigade, Major
Davis, was the very pearl of commissaries. Indefatigable in
discharge of duty, he had as fine a nose for bullocks and bacon
as Major Monsoon for sherry. The commissaries of the other
brigades were less efficient, and for some days drew rations
from Davis; but it soon became my duty to take care of my own
command, and General Ewell's attention was called to the
subject. The General thought that it was impossible so rich a
country could be exhausted, and sallied forth on a cattle hunt
himself. Late in the day he returned with a bull, jaded as was he
of Ballyraggan after he had been goaded to the summit of that
classic pass, and venerable enough to have fertilized the milky
mothers of the herds of our early Presidents, whose former
estates lie in this vicinity. With a triumphant air Ewell showed
me his plunder. I observed that the bull was a most respectable
animal, but would hardly afford much subsistence to eight
thousand men. "Ah! I was thinking of my fifty dragoons,"
replied the General. The joke spread, and doubtless furnished
sauce for the happy few to whose lot the bull fell.
Meantime, the cavalry force in our front had been
withdrawn, and the Federal pickets made their appearance on
the north bank of the Rappahannock, occasionally exchanging a
shot with ours across the stream. This served to enliven us for a day
Page 39
or two, and kept Ewell busy, as he always feared lest some one
would get under fire before him. At length a fire of artillery and
small arms was opened from the north end of the bridge, near
the south end of which my brigade was camped. Ordering the
command to move out, I galloped down to the river, where I
found Ewell assisting with his own hands to place some guns in
position. The affair was over in a few minutes. The enemy had
quietly run up two pieces of artillery, supported by dismounted
horsemen, and opened fire on my camp; but the promptness
with which the men had moved prevented loss, saving one or
two brush huts, and a few mess pans.
The bridge had previously been prepared for burning, Ewell's
orders being to destroy all railway bridges behind him, to prevent
the use of the rails by the Federals. During the little alerte
mentioned, I saw smoke rising from the bridge, which was soon
a mass of flame. Now, this was the only bridge for some miles
up or down; and though the river was fordable at many points,
the fords were deep and impassable after rains. Its premature
destruction not only prevented us from scouting and foraging on
the north bank, but gave notice to the enemy of our purpose to
abandon the country. Annoyed, and doubtless expressing the
feeling in my countenance, as I watched the flames, Ewell, after
a long silence, said, "You don't like it." Whereupon I related the
following from Bugeaud's "Maxims": At the close of the
Napoleonic wars, Bugeaud, a young colonel, commanded a
French regiment on the Swiss frontier. A stream spanned by a
bridge, but fordable above and below, separated him from an
Austrian force of four times his strength. He first determined to
destroy the bridge, but reflected that if left it might tempt the
enemy, whenever he moved, to neglect the fords. Accordingly,
he masked his regiment as near his end of the bridge as the
topography of the ground permitted, and waited. The Austrians
moved by the bridge, and Bugeaud, seizing the moment, fell upon
them in the act of crossing and destroyed the entire force.
Moral: 'Tis easier to watch and defend one bridge than many
miles of fordable water. "Why did you keep the story until the
bridge was burnt?" exclaimed Ewell. Subsequently,
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alleging that he had small opportunity for study after
leaving West Point, he drew from me whatever some reading
and a good memory could supply; but his shrewd remarks
changed many erroneous opinions I had formed, and our "talks"
were of more value to me than to him.
As our next move, hourly expected, would take us beyond
the reach of railways, I here reduced the brigade to light
marching order. My own kit, consisting of a change of
underwear and a tent "fly," could be carried on my horse. A fly
can be put up in a moment, and by stopping the weather end
with boughs a comfortable hut is made. The men carried each
his blanket, an extra shirt and drawers, two pairs of socks
(woolen), and a pair of extra shoes. These, with his arm and
ammunition, were a sufficient load for strong marching. Tents,
especially in a wooded country, are not only a nuisance,
involving much transportation, the bane of armies, but are
detrimental to health. In cool weather they are certain to be
tightly closed, and the number of men occupying them breeds a
foul atmosphere. The rapidity with which men learn to shelter
themselves, and their ingenuity in accomplishing it under
unfavorable conditions, are surprising. My people grumbled no
little at being "stripped," but soon admitted that they were better
for it, and came to despise useless impedimenta.
I early adopted two customs, and adhered to them
throughout the war. The first was to examine at every halt the
adjacent roads and paths, their direction and condition; distances
of nearest towns and cross-roads; the country, its capacity to
furnish supplies, as well as general topography, etc., all of which
was embodied in a rude sketch, with notes to impress it on
memory. The second was to imagine while on the march an
enemy before me to be attacked, or to be received in my
position, and make the necessary dispositions for either
contingency. My imaginary manoeuvres were sad blunders, but
I corrected them by experience drawn from actual battles, and
can safely affirm that such slight success as I had in command
was due to these customs. Assuredly, a knowledge of details
will not make a great general; but there can be no greatness in
war without
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such knowledge, for genius is but a capacity to grasp and apply
details.
These observations are not for the "heaven-born," who
from their closets scan with eagle glance fields of battle, whose
mighty pens slay their thousands and their tens of thousands,
and in whose "Serbonian" inkstands "armies whole"
disappear; but it is hoped that they may prove useful to the
young adopting the profession of arms, who may feel assured
that the details of the art of war afford "scope and verge" for
the employment of all their faculties. Conscientious study will
not perhaps make them great, but it will make them respectable;
and when the responsibility of command comes, they will not
disgrace their flag, injure their cause, nor murder their men.
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CHAPTER V.
THE VALLEY CAMPAIGN.
AT length the expected order to march came, and we moved
south to Gordonsville. In one of his letters to Madame du
Deffand, Horace Walpole writes of the English spring as
"coming in with its accustomed severity," and such was our
experience of a Virginian spring; or rather, it may be said that
winter returned with renewed energy, and we had for several
days snow, sleet, rain, and all possible abominations in the way
of weather. Arrived at Gordonsville, whence the army had
departed for the Peninsula, we met orders to join Jackson in the
Valley, and marched thither by Swift Run "Gap" - the local
name for mountain passes. Swift Run, an affluent of the
Rapidan, has its source in this gap. The orders mentioned were
the last received from General Joseph E. Johnston, from whom
subsequent events separated me until the close of the war; and
occasion is thus furnished for the expression of opinion of his
character and services.
In the full vigor of mature manhood, erect, alert, quick, and
decisive of speech, General Johnston was the beau ideal of a
soldier. Without the least proneness to blandishments, he gained
and held the affection and confidence of his men. Brave and
impetuous in action, he had been often wounded, and no officer
of the general staff of the old United States army had seen so
much actual service with troops. During the Mexican war he
was permitted to take command of a voltigeur regiment, and
rendered brilliant service. In 1854 he resigned from the
engineers to accept the lieutenant-colonelcy of a cavalry
regiment. When the civil war became certain, a Virginian
Page 43
by birth, he left the position of Quartermaster-General of the
United States, and offered his sword to the Confederacy. To the
East, as his great namesake Albert Sidney to the West, he was
"the rose and fair expectancy" of our cause; and his timely
march from Patterson's front in the Valley to assist Beauregard
at Manassas confirmed public opinion of his capacity. Yet he
cannot be said to have proved a fortunate commander. Leaving
out of view Bentonville and the closing scenes in North Carolina,
which were rather the spasmodic efforts of despair than regular
military movements, General Johnston's "offensive" must be
limited to Seven Pines or Fair Oaks. Here his plan was well
considered and singularly favored of fortune. Some two corps of
McClellan's army were posted on the southwest or Richmond
side of the Chickahominy, and a sudden rise of that stream
swept away bridges and overflowed the adjacent lowlands,
cutting off these corps from their supports. They ought to have
been crushed, but Johnston fell, severely wounded; upon which
confusion ensued, and no results of importance were attained.
Official reports fail, most unwisely, to fix the responsibility of the
failure, and I do not desire to add to the gossip prevailing then
and since.
From his own account of the war we can gather that
Johnston regrets he did not fight on the Oostenaula, after Polk
had joined him. It appears that in a council two of his three
corps commanders, Polk, Hardee, and Hood, were opposed to
fighting there; but to call a council at all was a weakness not to
be expected of a general of Johnston's ability and self-reliant
nature.
I have written of him as a master of logistics, and his skill in
handling troops was great. As a retreat, the precision and
coolness of his movements during the Georgia campaign would
have enhanced the reputation of Moreau; but it never seems to
have occurred to him to assume the offensive during the many
turning movements of his flanks, movements involving time and
distance. Dispassionate reflection would have brought him to
the conclusion that Lee was even more overweighted in
Virginia than he in Georgia; that his Government had given him
every available man, only leaving small garrisons at Wilmington,
Page 44
Charleston, Savannah, and Mobile; that Forrest's command
in Mississippi, operating on Sherman's communications, was
virtually doing his work, while it was idle to expect assistance
from the trans-Mississippi region. Certainly, no more egregious
blunder was possible than that of relieving him from command in
front of Atlanta. If he intended to fight there, he was entitled to
execute his plan. Had he abandoned Atlanta without a struggle,
his removal would have met the approval of the army and
public, an approval which, under the circumstances of its action,
the Richmond Government failed to receive.
I am persuaded that General Johnston's mind was so
jaundiced by the unfortunate disagreement with President Davis,
to which allusion has been made in an earlier part of these
reminiscences, as to seriously cloud his judgment and impair his
usefulness. He sincerely believed himself the Esau of the
Government, grudgingly fed on bitter herbs, while a favored
Jacob enjoyed the flesh-pots. Having known him intimately for
many years, having served under his command and studied his
methods, I feel confident that his great abilities under happier
conditions would have distinctly modified, if not changed, the
current of events. Destiny willed that Davis and Johnston should
be brought into collision, and the breach, once made, was never
repaired. Each misjudged the other to the end.
Ewell's division reached the western base of Swift Run Gap
on a lovely spring evening, April 30, 1862, and in crossing the
Blue Ridge seemed to have left winter and its rigors behind.
Jackson, whom we moved to join, had suddenly that morning
marched toward McDowell, some eighty miles west, where,
after uniting with a force under General Edward Johnson, he
defeated the Federal general Milroy. Some days later he as
suddenly returned. Meanwhile we were ordered to remain in
camp on the Shenandoah near Conrad's store, at which place a
bridge spanned the stream.
The great Valley of Virginia was before us in all its beauty.
Fields of wheat spread far and wide, interspersed with woodlands,
bright in their robes of tender green. Wherever appropriate
Page 45
sites existed, quaint old mills, with turning wheels, were busily
grinding the previous year's harvest; and grove and eminence
showed comfortable homesteads. The soft vernal influence
shed a languid grace over the scene. The theatre of war in this
region was from Staunton to the Potomac, one hundred and
twenty miles, with an average width of some twenty-five miles;
and the Blue Ridge and Alleghanies bounded it east and west.
Drained by the Shenandoah with its numerous
affluents, the surface was nowhere flat, but a succession of
graceful swells, occasionally rising into abrupt hills. Resting on
limestone, the soil was productive, especially of wheat, and the
underlying rock furnished abundant metal for the construction of
roads. Railway communication was limited to the Virginia
Central, which entered the Valley by a tunnel east of Staunton
and passed westward through that town; to the Manassas Gap,
which traversed the Blue Ridge at the pass of that name and
ended at Strasburg; and to the Winchester and Harper's Ferry,
thirty miles long. The first extended to Richmond by
Charlottesville and Gordonsville, crossing at the former place the
line from Washington and Alexandria to Lynchburg; the second
connected Strasburg and Front Royal, in the Valley, with the
same line at Manassas Junction; and the last united with the
Baltimore and Ohio at Harper's Ferry. Frequent passes or gaps
in the mountains, through which wagon roads had been
constructed, afforded easy access from east and west; and
pikes were excellent, though unmetaled roads became heavy
after rains.
But the glory of the Valley is Massanutten. Rising abruptly
from the plain near Harrisonburg, twenty-five miles north of
Staunton, this lovely mountain extends fifty miles, and as
suddenly ends near Strasburg. Parallel with the Blue Ridge, and
of equal height, its sharp peaks have a bolder and more
picturesque aspect, while the abruptness of its slopes gives the
appearance of greater altitude. Midway of Massanutten, a gap
with good road affords communication between Newmarket
and Luray. The eastern or Luray valley, much narrower than
the one west of Massanutten, is drained by the east branch
Page 46
of the Shenandoah, which is joined at Front Royal, near the
northern end of the mountain, by its western affluent, whence
the united waters flow north, at the base of the Blue Ridge, to
meet the Potomac at Harper's Ferry.
The inhabitants of this favored region were worthy of their
inheritance. The north and south were peopled by scions of old
colonial families, and the proud names of the "Old Dominion"
abounded. In the central counties of Rockingham and
Shenandoah were many descendants of German settlers. These
were thrifty, substantial farmers, and, like their kinsmen of
Pennsylvania, expressed their opulence in huge barns and fat
cattle. The devotion of all to the Southern cause was wonderful.
Jackson, a Valley man by reason of his residence at Lexington,
south of Staunton, was their hero and idol. The women sent
husbands, sons, lovers, to battle as cheerfully as to marriage
feasts. No oppression, no destitution could abate their zeal. Upon
a march I was accosted by two elderly sisters, who told me they
had secreted a large quantity of bacon in a well on their estate,
hard by. Federals had been in possession of the country, and,
fearing the indiscretion of their slaves, they had done the work at
night with their own hands, and now desired to give the meat to
their people. Wives and daughters of millers, whose husbands
and brothers were in arms, worked the mills night and day to
furnish flour to their soldiers. To the last, women would go
distances to carry the modicum of food between themselves and
starvation to a suffering Confederate. Should the sons of
Virginia ever commit dishonorable acts, grim indeed will be their
reception on the further shores of Styx. They can expect no
recognition from the mothers who bore them.
Ere the war closed, the Valley was ravaged with a cruelty
surpassing that inflicted on the Palatinate two hundred years
ago. That foul deed smirched the fame of Louvois and Turenne,
and public opinion, in what has been deemed a ruder age, forced
an apology from the "Grand Monarque." Yet we have seen the
official report of a Federal general wherein are recounted the
many barns, mills, and other buildings destroyed,
Page 47
concluding with the assertion that "a crow flying over the
Valley must take rations with him." In the opinion of the
admirers of the officer making this report, the achievement on
which it is based ranks with Marengo. Moreover, this same
officer, General Sheridan, many years after the close of the
war, denounced several hundred thousands of his fellow citizens
as "banditti," and solicited permission of his Government to deal
with them as such. May we not well ask whether religion,
education, science and art combined have lessened the
brutality of man since the days of Wallenstein and Tilly?
While in camp near Conrad's store, the 7th Louisiana,
Colonel Hays, a crack regiment, on picket down stream, had a
spirited affair, in which the enemy was driven with the loss of a
score of prisoners. Shortly after, for convenience of supplies, I
was directed to cross the river and camp some miles to the
southwest. The command was in superb condition, and a four-gun
battery from Bedford county, Virginia, Captain Bowyer, had
recently been added to it. The four regiments, 6th, 7th, 8th, and
9th Louisiana, would average above eight hundred bayonets. Of
Wheat's battalion of "Tigers" and the 7th I have written.
The 6th, Colonel Seymour, recruited in New Orleans, was
composed of Irishmen, stout, hardy fellows, turbulent in camp
and requiring a strong hand, but responding to kindness and
justice, and ready to follow their officers to the death. The 9th,
Colonel Stafford, was from North Louisiana. Planters or sons of
planters, many of them men of fortune, soldiering was a hard
task to which they only became reconciled by reflecting that it
was "niddering" in gentlemen to assume voluntarily the
discharge of duties and then shirk. The 8th, Colonel Kelly, was
from the Attakapas - "Acadians," the race of which
Longfellow sings in "Evangeline." A home loving, simple people,
few spoke English, fewer still had ever before moved ten miles
from their natal cabanas; and the war to them was "a liberal
education," as was the society of the lady of quality to honest
Dick Steele. They had all the light gayety of the Gaul, and, after
the manner of their ancestors, were born cooks. A capital
regimental band accompanied them,
Page 48
and whenever weather and ground permitted, even after long marches,
they would waltz and "polk" in couples with as much zest as if their arms
encircled the supple waists of the Célestines and Mélazies of their
native Téche. The Valley soldiers were largely of the Presbyterian
faith, and of a solemn, pious demeanor, and looked askant at the
caperings of my Creoles, holding them to be "devices and snares."
The brigade adjutant, Captain (afterward Colonel) Eustace Surget,
who remained with me until the war closed, was from Mississippi,
where he had large estates. Without the slightest military training, by
study and zeal, he soon made himself an accomplished staff officer. Of
singular coolness in battle, he never blundered, and, though much
exposed, pulled through without a scratch. My aide, Lieutenant
Hamilton, grandson of General Hamilton of South Carolina, was a cadet
in his second year at West Point when war was declared, upon which
he returned to his State - a gay, cheery lad, with all the pluck of his
race.
At nightfall of the second day in this camp, an order came from
General Jackson to join him at Newmarket, twenty odd miles north; and
it was stated that my division commander, Ewell, had been apprised of
the order. Our position was near a pike leading south of west to
Harrisonburg, whence, to gain Newmarket, the great Valley pike ran
due north. All roads near our camp had been examined and sketched,
and among them was a road running northwest over the southern foothills
of Massanutten, and joining the Valley pike some distance to the
north of Harrisonburg. It was called the Keazletown road, from a little
German village on the flank of Massanutten; and as it was the
hypothenuse
of the triangle, and reported good except at
two points, I
decided to take it. That night a pioneer party was sent forward to light
fires and repair the road for artillery and trains. Early dawn saw us in
motion, with lovely weather, a fairish road, and men in high health and
spirits.
Later in the day a mounted officer was dispatched to report our
approach and select a camp, which proved to be beyond Jackson's
forces, then lying in the fields on both sides of the
Page 49
pike. Over three thousand strong, neat in fresh clothing of gray with
white gaiters, bands playing at the head of their regiments, not a
straggler, but every man in his place, stepping jauntily as on parade,
though it had marched twenty miles and more, in open column with
arms at "right shoulder shift," and rays of the declining sun flaming
on polished bayonets, the brigade moved down the broad, smooth
pike, and wheeled on to its camping ground. Jackson's men, by
thousands, had gathered on either side of the road to see us pass.
Indeed, it was a martial sight, and no man with a spark of sacred fire in
his heart but would have striven hard to prove worthy of such a
command.
After attending to necessary camp details, I sought Jackson, whom
I had never met. And here it may be remarked that he then by no means
held the place in public estimation which he subsequently attained. His
Manassas reputation was much impaired by operations in the Valley,
to which he had been sent after that action. The winter march on
Romney had resulted in little except to freeze and discontent his
troops; which discontent was shared and expressed by the authorities
at Richmond, and Jackson resigned. The influence of Colonel Alek
Boteler, seconded by that of the Governor of Virginia, induced him to
withdraw the resignation. At Kernstown, three miles south of
Winchester, he was roughly handled by the Federal General Shields,
and only saved from serious disaster by the failure of that officer to
push his advantage, though Shields was usually energetic.
The mounted officer who had been sent on in advance pointed out
a figure perched on the topmost rail of a fence overlooking the road
and field, and said it was Jackson. Approaching, I saluted and declared
my name and rank, then waited for a response. Before this came I had
time to see a pair of cavalry boots covering feet of gigantic size, a
mangy cap with visor drawn low, a heavy, dark beard, and weary eyes -
eyes I afterward saw filled with intense but never brilliant light. A low,
gentle voice inquired the road and distance marched that day.
"Keazletown road, six and twenty miles." "You seem to have
Page 50
no stragglers." "Never allow straggling." "You must teach my
people; they straggle badly." A bow in reply. Just then my
creoles started their band and a waltz. After a contemplative
suck at a lemon, "Thoughtless fellows for serious work" came
forth. I expressed a hope that the work would not be less well
done because of the gayety. A return to the lemon gave me the
opportunity to retire. Where Jackson got his lemons "no fellow
could find out," but he was rarely without one. To have lived
twelve miles from that fruit would have disturbed him as much
as it did the witty Dean.
Quite late that night General Jackson came to my camp fire,
where he stayed some hours. He said we would move at dawn,
asked a few questions about the marching of my men, which
seemed to have impressed him, and then remained silent. If
silence be golden, he was a "bonanza." He sucked lemons, ate
hard-tack, and drank water, and praying and fighting appeared
to be his idea of the "whole duty of man."
In the gray of the morning, as I was forming my column on
the pike, Jackson appeared and gave the route - north -
which, from the situation of its camp, put my brigade in advance
of the army. After moving a short distance in this direction, the
head of the column was turned to the east and took the road
over Massanutten gap to Luray. Scarce a word was spoken on
the march, as Jackson rode with me. From time to time a courier
would gallop up, report, and return toward Luray. An ungraceful
horseman, mounted on a sorry chestnut with a shambling gait,
his huge feet with outturned toes thrust into his stirrups, and such
parts of his countenance as the low visor of his shocking cap
failed to conceal wearing a wooden look, our new commander
was not prepossessing. That night we crossed the east branch of
the Shenandoah by a bridge, and camped on the stream, near
Luray. Here, after three long marches, we were but a short
distance below Conrad's store, a point we had left several days
before. I began to think that Jackson was an unconscious poet,
and, as an ardent lover of nature, desired to give strangers an
opportunity to admire the beauties of his Valley. It seemed hard
lines to be wandering
Page 51
like sentimental travelers about the country, instead of gaining
"kudos" on the Peninsula.
Off the next morning, my command still in advance, and
Jackson riding with me. The road led north between the east
bank of the river and the western base of the Blue Ridge. Rain
had fallen and softened it, so as to delay the wagon trains in rear.
Past midday we reached a wood extending from the mountain to
the river, when a mounted officer from the rear called Jackson's
attention, who rode back with him. A moment later, there rushed
out of the wood to meet us a young, rather well-looking woman,
afterward widely known as Belle Boyd. Breathless with speed
and agitation, some time elapsed before she found her voice.
Then, with much volubility, she said we were near Front Royal,
beyond the wood; that the town was filled with Federals, whose
camp was on the west side of the river, where they had guns in
position to cover the wagon bridge but none bearing on the
railway bridge below the former; that they believed Jackson to be
west of Massanutten, near Harrisonburg; that General Banks, the
Federal commander, was at Winchester, twenty miles northwest
of Front Royal, where he was slowly concentrating his widely
scattered forces to meet Jackson's advance, which was expected
some days later. All this she told with the precision of a staff
officer making a report, and it was true to the letter. Jackson was
possessed of these facts before he left Newmarket, and based
his movements upon them; but, as he never told anything, it was
news to me, and gave me an idea of the strategic value of
Massanutten - pointed out, indeed, by Washington before the
Revolution. There also dawned on me quite another view of our
leader than the one from which I had been regarding him for two
days past.
Convinced of the correctness of the woman's statements, I
hurried forward at "a double," hoping to surprise the enemy's
idlers in the town, or swarm over the wagon bridge with them
and secure it. Doubtless this was rash, but I felt immensely
cocky about my brigade, and believed that it would prove equal
to any demand. Before we had cleared the wood Jackson came
galloping from the rear, followed by a company of horse.
Page 52
He ordered me to deploy my leading regiment as skirmishers on both
sides of the road and continue the advance, then passed on. We
speedily came in sight of Front Royal, but the enemy had taken the
alarm, and his men were scurrying over the bridge to their camp, where
troops could be seen forming. The situation of the village is
surpassingly beautiful. It lies near the east bank of the Shenandoah,
which just below unites all its waters, and looks directly on the
northern peaks of Massanutten. The Blue Ridge, with Manassas Gap,
through which passes the railway, overhangs it on the east; distant
Alleghany bounds the horizon to the west; and down the Shenandoah,
the eye ranges over a fertile, well-farmed country. Two bridges spanned
the river - a wagon bridge above, a railway bridge some yards lower. A
good pike led to Winchester, twenty miles, and another followed the
river north, whence many cross-roads united with the Valley pike near
Winchester. The river, swollen by rain, was deep and turbulent, with a
strong current. The Federals were posted on the west bank, here
somewhat higher than the opposite, and a short distance above the
junction of waters, with batteries bearing more especially on the upper
bridge.
Under instructions, my brigade was drawn up in line, a little retired
from the river, but overlooking it - the Federals and their guns in full
view. So far, not a shot had been fired. I rode down to the river's brink to
get a better look at the enemy through a field-glass, when my horse,
heated by the march, stepped into the water to drink. Instantly a brisk
fire was opened on me, bullets striking all around and raising a little
shower-bath. Like many a foolish fellow, I found it easier to get into
than out of a difficulty. I had not yet led my command into action, and,
remembering that one must "strut" one's little part to the best
advantage, sat my horse with all the composure I could muster. A
provident camel, on the eve of a desert journey, would not have laid in a
greater supply of water than did my thoughtless beast. At last he raised
his head, looked placidly around, turned, and walked up the bank.
This little incident was not without value, for my men welcomed
me with a cheer; upon which, as if in response, the enemy's
Page 53
guns opened, and, having the range, inflicted some loss on my
line. We had no guns up to reply, and, in advance as has been
mentioned, had outmarched the troops behind us. Motionless as a
statue, Jackson sat his horse some few yards away, and seemed lost in
thought. Perhaps the circumstances mentioned some pages back had
obscured his star; but if so, a few short hours swept away the cloud,
and it blazed, Sirius-like, over the land. I approached him with the
suggestion that the railway bridge might be passed by stepping on the
cross-ties, as the enemy's guns bore less directly on it than on the
upper bridge. He nodded approval. The 8th regiment was on the right of
my line, near at hand; and dismounting, Colonel Kelly led it across
under a sharp musketry fire. Several men fell to disappear in the dark
water beneath; but the movement continued with great rapidity,
considering the difficulty of walking on ties, and Kelly with his leading
files gained the opposite shore. Thereupon the enemy fired
combustibles previously placed near the center of the wagon bridge.
The loss of this structure would have seriously delayed us, as the
railway bridge was not floored, and I looked at Jackson, who, near by,
was watching Kelly's progress. Again he nodded, and my command
rushed at the bridge. Concealed by the cloud of smoke, the suddenness
of the movement saved us from much loss; but it was rather a near
thing. My horse and clothing were scorched, and many men burned
their hands severely while throwing brands into the river. We were soon
over, and the enemy in full flight to Winchester, with loss of camp,
guns, and prisoners. Just as I emerged from flames and smoke, Jackson
was by my side. How he got there was a mystery, as the bridge was
thronged with my men going at full speed; but smoke and fire had
decidedly freshened up his costume.
In the angle formed by the two branches of the river was another camp
held by a Federal regiment from Maryland. This was captured by a gallant
little regiment of Marylanders, Colonel Bradley Johnson, on our side.
I had no connection with this spirited affair, saving that these Marylanders
had acted with my command during the day, though not attached to it.
Page 54
We followed the enemy on the Winchester road, but to little purpose,
as we had few horsemen over the river. Carried away by his ardor, my
commissary, Major Davis, gathered a score of mounted orderlies and
couriers, and pursued until a volley from the enemy's rear guard laid
him low on the road, shot through the head. During my service west of
the Mississippi River, I sent for the colonel of a mounted regiment from
western Texas, a land of herdsman, and asked him if he could furnish
men to hunt and drive in cattle. "Why! bless you, sir, I have men who
can find cattle where there aint any," was his reply. Whatever were
poor Davis's abilities as to non-existent supplies, he could find all the
country afforded, and had a wonderful way of cajoling old women out
of potatoes, cabbages, onions, and other garden stuff, giving variety
to camp rations, and of no small importance in preserving the health of
troops. We buried him in a field near the place of his fall. He was much
beloved by the command, and many gathered quietly around the
grave. As there was no chaplain at hand, I repeated such portions of
the service for the dead as a long neglect of pious things enabled me
to recall.
Late in the night Jackson came out of the darkness and seated
himself by my camp fire. He mentioned that I would move with him in
the morning, then relapsed into silence. I fancied he looked at me
kindly, and interpreted it into an approval of the conduct of the
brigade. The events of the day, anticipations of the morrow, the death
of Davis, drove away sleep, and I watched Jackson. For hours he sat
silent and motionless, with eyes fixed on the fire. I took up the idea
that he was inwardly praying, and he remained throughout the night.
Off in the morning, Jackson leading the way, my brigade, a small
body of horse, and a section of the Rockbridge (Virginia) artillery
forming the column. Major Wheat, with his battalion of "Tigers," was
directed to keep close to the guns. Sturdy marchers, they trotted along
with the horse and artillery at Jackson's heels, and after several hours
were some distance in advance of the brigade, with which I remained.
A volley in front, followed by wild cheers, stirred us up to
Page 55
a "double," and we speedily came upon a moving spectacle. Jackson
had struck the Valley pike at Middletown, twelve miles south of
Winchester, along which a large body of Federal horse, with many
wagons, was hastening north. He had attacked at once with his handful
of men, overwhelmed resistance, and captured prisoners and wagons.
The gentle Tigers were looting right merrily, diving in and out of
wagons with the activity of rabbits in a warren; but this occupation was
abandoned on my approach, and in a moment they were in line, looking
as solemn and virtuous as deacons at a funeral. Prisoners and spoil
were promptly secured. The horse was from New England, a section in
which horsemanship was an unknown art, and some of the riders were
strapped to their steeds. Ordered to dismount, they explained their
condition, and were given time to unbuckle. Many breastplates and
other protective devices were seen here, and later at Winchester. We
did not know whether the Federals had organized cuirassiers, or were
recurring to the customs of Gustavus Adolphus. I saw a poor fellow
lying dead on the pike, pierced through breastplate and body by a rifle
ball. Iron-clad men are of small account before modern weapons.
A part of the Federal column had passed north before Jackson
reached the pike, and this, with his mounted men, he pursued.
Something more than a mile to the south a road left the pike and led
directly west, where the Federal General Fremont, of whom we shall
hear more, commanded "the Mountain Department." Attacked in front,
as described, a body of Federals, horse, artillery, and infantry, with
some wagons, took this road, and, after moving a short distance, drew
up on a crest, with unlimbered guns. Their number was unknown, and
for a moment they looked threatening. The brigade was rapidly formed
and marched straight upon them, when their guns opened. A shell
knocked over several men of the 7th regiment, and a second, as I rode
forward to an eminence to get a view, struck the ground under my
horse and exploded. The saddle cloth on both sides was torn away,
and I and Adjutant Surget, who was just behind me, were nearly
smothered with earth; but neither man nor horse received a scratch.
The enemy soon limbered up and
Page 56
fled west. By some well-directed shots, as they crossed a hill, our
guns sent wagons flying in the air, with which "P. P. C." we left
them and marched north.
At dusk we overtook Jackson, pushing the enemy with his little
mounted force, himself in advance of all. I rode with him, and we kept
on through the darkness. There was not resistance enough to deploy
infantry. A flash, a report, and a whistling bullet from some covert met
us, but there were few casualties. I quite remember thinking at the time
that Jackson was invulnerable, and that persons near him shared that
quality. An officer, riding hard, overtook us, who proved to be the
chief quartermaster of the army. He reported the wagon trains far
behind, impeded by a bad road in Luray Valley. "The ammunition
wagons?" sternly. "All right, sir. They were in advance, and I
doubled teams on them and brought them through." "Ah!" in a tone
of relief.
To give countenance to this quartermaster, if such can be given of
a dark night, I remarked jocosely: "Never mind the wagons. There are
quantities of stores in Winchester, and the General has invited me to
breakfast there to-morrow."
Jackson, who had no more capacity for jests than a Scotchman,
took this seriously, and reached out to touch me on the arm. In fact, he
was of Scotch-Irish descent, and his unconsciousness of jokes was de
race. Without physical wants himself, he forgot that others were
differently constituted, and paid little heed to commissariat; but woe to
the man who failed to bring up ammunition! In advance, his trains
were left far behind. In retreat, he would fight for a wheelbarrow.
Some time after midnight, by roads more direct from Front Royal,
other troops came on the pike, and I halted my jaded people by the
roadside, where they built fires and took a turn at their haversacks.
Moving with the first light of morning, we came to Kernstown,
three miles from Winchester, and the place of Jackson's fight with
Shields. Here heavy and sustained firing, artillery and small arms,
was
heard. A staff officer approached at full speed to summon me to
Jackson's presence and move up my
Page 57
command. A gallop of a mile or more brought me to him. Winchester
was in sight, a mile to the north. To the east Ewell with a large part of
the army was fighting briskly and driving the enemy on to the town. On
the west a high ridge, overlooking the country to the south and
southeast, was occupied by a heavy mass of Federals with guns in
position. Jackson was on the pike, and near him were several regiments
lying down for shelter, as the fire from the ridge was heavy and
searching. A Virginian battery, Rockbridge artillery, was fighting at a
great disadvantage, and already much cut up. Poetic authority asserts
that "Old Virginny never tires," and the conduct of this battery
justified the assertion of the muses. With scarce a leg or wheel for man
and horse, gun or caisson, to stand on, it continued to hammer away at
the crushing fire above.
Jackson, impassive as ever, pointed to the ridge and said, "You
must carry it." I replied that my command would be up by the time I
could inspect the ground, and rode to the left for that purpose. A small
stream, Abraham's creek, flowed from the west through the little vale at
the southern base of the ridge, the ascent of which was steep, though
nowhere abrupt. At one point a broad, shallow, trough-like depression
broke the surface, which was further interrupted by some low copse,
outcropping stone, and two fences. On the summit the Federal lines
were posted behind a stone wall, along a road coming west from the
pike. Worn somewhat into the soil, this road served as a countersink
and strengthened the position. Further west, there was a break in the
ridge, which was occupied by a body of horse, the extreme right of the
enemy's line.
There was scarce time to mark these features before the head of
my column appeared, when it was filed to the left, close to the base of
the ridge, for protection from the plunging fire. Meanwhile, the
Rockbridge battery held on manfully and engaged the enemy's
attention. Riding on the flank of my column, between it and the hostile
line, I saw Jackson beside me. This was not the place for the
commander of the army, and I ventured to tell him so; but he paid no
attention to the remark.
Page 58
We reached the shallow depression spoken of, where the enemy
could depress his guns, and his fire became close and fatal.
Many men fell, and the whistling of shot and shell occasioned
much ducking of heads in the column. This annoyed me no little,
as it was but child's play to the work immediately in hand.
Always an admirer of delightful "Uncle Toby," I had contracted
the most villainous habit of his beloved army in Flanders, and,
forgetting Jackson's presence, ripped out, "What the h--- are you
dodging for? If there is any more of it, you will be halted under
this fire for an hour." The sharp tones of a familiar voice
produced the desired effect, and the men looked as if they had
swallowed ramrods; but I shall never forget the reproachful
surprise expressed in Jackson's face. He placed his hand on my
shoulder, said in a gentle voice, "I am afraid you are a wicked
fellow," turned, and rode back to the pike.
The proper ground gained, the column faced to the front and
began the ascent. At the moment the sun rose over the Blue
Ridge, without cloud or mist to obscure his rays. It was a lovely
Sabbath morning, the 25th of May, 1862. The clear, pure
atmosphere brought the Blue Ridge and Alleghany and Massanutten
almost overhead. Even the cloud of murderous smoke from
the guns above made beautiful spirals in the air, and the broad
fields of luxuriant wheat glistened with dew. It is remarkable how,
in the midst of the most absorbing cares, one's attention may be
fixed by some insignificant object, as mine was by the flight past
the line of a bluebird, one of the brightest-plumaged of our
feathered tribes, bearing a worm in his beak, breakfast for his
callow brood. Birdie had been on the war path, and was
carrying home spoil.
As we mounted we came in full view of both armies, whose
efforts in other quarters had been slackened to await the result
of our movement. I felt an anxiety amounting to pain for the
brigade to acquit itself handsomely; and this feeling was shared
by every man in it. About half way up, the enemy's horse from
his right charged; and to meet it, I directed Lieutenant-Colonel
Nicholls, whose regiment, the 8th, was on the left, to withhold
slightly his two flank companies. By one volley,
Page 59
which emptied some saddles, Nicholls drove off the horse, but
was soon after severely wounded. Progress was not stayed by
this incident. Closing the many gaps made by the fierce fire,
steadied the rather by it, and preserving an alignment that would
have been creditable on parade, the brigade, with cadenced step
and eyes on the foe, swept grandly over copse and ledge and
fence, to crown the heights from which the enemy had melted
away. Loud cheers went up from our army, prolonged to the
east, where warm-hearted Ewell cheered himself hoarse, and
led forward his men with renewed energy. In truth, it was a
gallant feat of arms, worthy of the pen of him who immortalized
the charge of the "Buffs" at Albuera.
Breaking into column, we pursued closely. Jackson came up
and grasped my hand, worth a thousand words from another,
and we were soon in the streets of Winchester, a quaint old
town of some five thousand inhabitants. There was a little
fighting in the streets, but the people were all abroad - certainly
all the women and babies. They were frantic with delight, only
regretting that so many "Yankees" had escaped, and seriously
impeded our movements. A buxom, comely dame of some five
and thirty summers, with bright eyes and tight ankles, and
conscious of these advantages, was especially demonstrative,
exclaiming, "Oh! you are too late - too late!" Whereupon, a
tall creole from the Téche sprang from the ranks of the 8th
regiment, just passing, clasped her in his arms, and imprinted a
sounding kiss on her ripe lips, with "Madame! je n'arrive jamais
trop tard." A loud laugh followed, and the dame, with a rosy face
but merry twinkle in her eye, escaped.
Past the town, we could see the Federals flying north on the
Harper's Ferry and Martinsburg roads. Cavalry, of which there
was a considerable force with the army, might have reaped a
rich harvest, but none came forward. Raised in the adjoining
region, our troopers were gossiping with their friends, or worse.
Perhaps they thought that the war was over. Jackson joined
me, and, in response to my question, "Where is the cavalry?"
glowered and was silent. After several miles, finding that we
were doing no good - as indeed infantry, preserving
Page 60
its organization, cannot hope to overtake a flying enemy - I turned
into the fields and camped.
Here I will "say my say" about Confederate cavalry; and though
there were exceptions to the following remarks, they were too few to
qualify their general correctness. The difficulty of converting raw men
into soldiers is enhanced manifold when they are mounted. Both man
and horse require training, and facilities for rambling, with temptation
so to do, are increased. There was but little time, and it may be said
less disposition, to establish camps of instruction. Living on
horseback, fearless and dashing, the men of the South afforded the
best possible material for cavalry. They had every quality but
discipline, and resembled Prince Charming, whose manifold gifts,
bestowed by her sisters, were rendered useless by the malignant fairy.
Scores of them wandered about the country like locusts, and were only
less destructive to their own people than the enemy. The universal
devotion of Southern women to their cause led them to give
indiscriminately to all wearing the gray. Cavalry officers naturally
desired to have as large commands as possible, and were too much
indulged in this desire. Brigades and regiments were permitted to do
work appropriate to squadrons and companies, and the cattle were
unnecessarily broken down. Assuredly, our cavalry rendered much
excellent service, especially when dismounted and fighting as infantry.
Such able officers as Stuart, Hampton, and the younger Lees in the
east, Forrest, Green, and Wheeler in the west, developed much talent
for war; but their achievements, however distinguished, fell far below
the standard that would have been reached had not the want of
discipline impaired their efforts and those of their men.
After the camp was established, I rode back to Winchester to look
after my wounded and see my sister, the same who had nursed me the
previous autumn. By a second marriage she was Mrs. Dandridge, and
resided in the town. Her husband, Mr. Dandridge, was on duty at
Richmond. Depot of all Federal forces in the Valley, Winchester was
filled with stores. Prisoners, guns, and wagons, in large numbers, had
fallen into our hands. Of especial value were ordnance and medical
stores.
Page 61
The following day my command was moved ten miles north on the
pike leading by Charlestown to Harper's Ferry, and after a day some
miles east toward the Shenandoah. This was in consequence of the
operations of the Federal General Shields, who, in command of a
considerable force to the east of the Blue Ridge, passed Manassas Gap
and drove from Front Royal a regiment of Georgians, left there by
Jackson. Meanwhile, a part of the army was pushed forward to
Martinsburg and beyond, while another part threatened and shelled
Harper's Ferry. Jackson himself was engaged in forwarding captured
stores to Staunton.
On Saturday, May 31, I received orders to move through
Winchester, clear the town of stragglers, and continue to Strasburg.
Few or no stragglers were found in Winchester, whence the sick and
wounded, except extreme cases, had been taken. I stopped for a
moment, at a house near the field of the 25th, to see Colonel Nicholls.
He had suffered amputation of the arm that morning, and the surgeons
forbade his removal; so that, much to my regret and more to his own, he
was left. We reached camp at Strasburg after dark, a march of thirty odd
miles, weather very warm. Winder, with his brigade, came in later, after a
longer march from the direction of Harpers Ferry. Jackson sat some
time at my camp fire that night, and was more communicative than I
remember him before or after. He said Fremont, with a large force, was
three miles west of our present camp, and must be defeated in the
morning. Shields was moving up Leeway Valley, and might cross
Massanutten to Newmarket, or continue south until he turned the
mountain to fall on our trains near Harrisonburg. The importance of
preserving the immense trains, filled with captured stores, was great,
and would engage much of his personal attention; while he relied on
the army, under Ewell's direction, to deal promptly with Fremont. This
he told in a low, gentle voice, and with many interruptions to afford
time, as I thought and believe, for inward prayer. The men said that his
anxiety about the wagons was because of the lemons among the stores.
Dawn of the following day (Sunday) was ushered in by the
Page 62
sound of Fremont's guns. Our lines had been early drawn out to
meet him, and skirmishers pushed up to the front to attack.
Much cannonading, with some rattle of small arms, ensued. The
country was densely wooded, and little save the smoke from the
enemy's guns could be seen. My brigade was in reserve a short
distance to the rear and out of the line of fire; and here a
ludicrous incident occurred. Many slaves from Louisiana had
accompanied their masters to the war, and were a great
nuisance on a march, foraging far and wide for "prog" for their
owners' messes. To abate this, they had been put under
discipline and made to march in rear of the regiments to which
they pertained. They were now, some scores, assembled under
a large tree, laughing, chattering, and cooking breakfast. On a
sudden, a shell burst in the tree-top, rattling down leaves and
branches in fine style, and the rapid decampment of the servitors
was most amusing. But I must pause to give an account of my
own servant, Tom Strother, who deserves honorable and
affectionate mention at my hands, and serves to illustrate a
phase of Southern life now passed away.
As under feudal institutions the arms of heiresses were
quartered with those of the families into which they married, in
the South their slaves adopted the surname of the mistress; and
one curious in genealogy could trace the descent and alliances
of an old family by finding out the names used by different
slaves on the estate. Those of the same name were a little
clannish, preserving traditions of the family from which their
fathers had come, and magnifying its importance. In childhood I
often listened with credulous ears to wondrous tales of the
magnificence of my forefathers in Virginia and Maryland, who,
these imaginative Africans insisted, dwelt in palaces, surrounded
by brave, handsome sons, lovely, virtuous daughters, and
countless devoted servants. The characters of many Southern
children were doubtless influenced by such tales, impressive
from the good faith of the narrators. My paternal grandmother
was Miss Sarah Strother of Virginia, and from her estate came
these Strother negroes. Tom, three years my senior, was my
foster brother and early playmate. His uncle, Charles Porter Strother
Page 63
(to give him his full name), had been body servant to my
grandfather, Colonel Richard Taylor, whom he attended in his
last illness. He then filled the same office to my father,
following him through his Indian and Mexican campaigns, and
dying at Washington a year before his master. Tom served in
Florida and Mexico as "aide-de-camp" to his uncle, after which
he married and became father of a large family. On this account
I hesitated to bring him to Virginia, but he would come, and was
a model servant. Tall, powerful, black as ebony, he was a mirror
of truth and honesty. Always cheerful, I never heard him laugh
or knew of his speaking unless spoken to. He could light a fire in
a minute under the most unfavorable conditions and with the
most unpromising material, made the best coffee to be tasted
outside of a creole kitchen, was a "dab" at camp stews and
roasts, groomed my horses (one of which he rode near me),
washed my linen, and was never behind time. Occasionally,
when camped near a house, he would obtain starch and flat-irons,
and get up my extra shirt in a way to excite the envy of a
professional clear-starcher; but such red-letter days were few.
I used to fancy that there was a mute sympathy between
General Jackson and Tom, as they sat silent by a camp fire, the
latter respectfully withdrawn; and an incident here at Strasburg
cemented this friendship. When my command was called into
action, I left Tom on a hill where all was quiet. Thereafter from
a change in the enemy's dispositions, the place became rather
hot, and Jackson, passing by, advised Tom to move; but he
replied, if the General pleased, his master told him to stay there
and would know where to find him, and he did not believe shells
would trouble him. Two or three nights later, Jackson was at my
fire when Tom came to give me some coffee; where upon
Jackson rose and gravely shook him by the hand, and then told
me the above.
After the war was closed, Tom returned with me to New
Orleans, found his wife and children all right, and is now
prosperous. My readers have had so much fighting lately, and
are about to have so much more, as to render unnecessary an
apology for introducing Tom's history.
Page 64
To return. Cannonading continued without much effect, and
Ewell summoned me to his presence, directing the brigade to
remain in position till further orders. Jackson, busy with his
trains, was not at the moment on the field, which he visited
several times during the day, though I did not happen to see him.
To reach Ewell, it was necessary to pass under some heavy
shelling, and I found myself open to the reproach visited
previously on my men. Whether from fatigue, loss of sleep, or
what, there I was, nervous as a lady, ducking like a mandarin. It
was disgusting, and, hoping that no one saw me, I resolved to
take it out of myself the first opportunity. There is a story of
Turenne, the greatest soldier of the Bourbons, which, if not true,
is ben trovato. Of a nervous temperament, his legs on the eve of
an action trembled to such an extent as to make it difficult to
mount his horse. Looking at them contemptuously, he said: "If
you could foresee the danger into which I am going to take you,
you would tremble more." It was with a similar feeling, not only
for my legs, but for my entire carcass, that I reached Ewell, and
told him I was no more good than a frightened deer. He laughed,
and replied: "Nonsense! 'tis Tom's strong coffee. Better give it
up. Remain here in charge while I go out to the skirmishers. I
can't make out what these people are about, for my skirmish line
has stopped them. They won't advance, but stay out there in the
wood, making a great fuss with their guns; and I do not wish to
commit myself to much advance while Jackson is absent." With
this, he put spurs to his horse and was off, and soon a brisk
fusillade was heard, which seemed gradually to recede. During
Ewell's absence, surrounded by his staff, I contrived to sit my
horse quietly. Returning, he said: "I am completely puzzled. I
have just driven everything back to the main body, which is
large. Dense wood everywhere. Jackson told me not to commit
myself too far. At this rate my attentions are not likely to
become serious enough to commit any one. I wish Jackson was
here himself." I suggested that my brigade might be moved to
the extreme right, near the Capon road, by which Fremont had
marched, and attempt to strike that road, as this would enable
Page 65
us to find out something. He replied: "Do so; that may stir
them up, and I am sick of this fiddling about." Had Ewell been in
command, he would have "pitched in" long before; but he was
controlled by instructions not to be drawn too far from the pike.
We found the right of our line held by a Mississippi regiment,
the colonel of which told me that he had advanced just before
and driven the enemy. Several of his men were wounded, and
he was bleeding profusely from a hit in his leg, which he was
engaged in binding with a handkerchief, remarking that "it did
not pester him much." Learning our purpose, he was eager to go
in with us, and was not at all pleased to hear that I declined to
change General Ewell's dispositions. A plucky fellow, this
colonel, whose name, if ever known, I cannot recall. The brigade
moved forward until the enemy was reached, when, wheeling to
the left, it walked down his line. The expression is used
advisedly, for it was nothing but a "walk-over." Sheep would
have made as much resistance as we met. Men decamped
without firing, or threw down their arms and surrendered, and it
was so easy that I began to think of traps. At length we got
under fire from our own skirmishers, and suffered some casualties,
the only ones received in the movement.
Our whole skirmish line was advancing briskly as the
Federals retired. I sought Ewell, and reported. We had a fine
game before us, and the temptation to play it was great; but
Jackson's orders were imperative and wise. He had his stores to
save, Shields to guard against, Lee's grand strategy to promote;
and all this he accomplished, alarming Washington, fastening
McDowell's strong corps at Fredericksburg and preventing its
junction with McClellan, on whose right flank he subsequently
threw himself at Cold Harbor. He could not waste time chasing
Fremont, but we, who looked from a lower standpoint, grumbled
and shared the men's opinion about the lemon wagons.
The prisoners taken in our promenade were Germans,
speaking no English; and we had a similar experience a few
days later. In the Federal Army was a German corps, the 11th,
Page 66
commanded by General O. O. Howard, and called by both sides "the
Flying Dutchmen." Since the time of Arminius the Germans have been
a brave people; to-day, in military renown, they lead the van of the
nations; but they require a cause and leaders. In our Revolutionary
struggle the Hessians were unfortunate at Bennington, Saratoga, and
Trenton. We have millions of German citizens, and excellent citizens
they are. Let us hope that the foregoing facts may be commended to
them, so their ways may be ways of peace in their adopted land.
Although the movement along the enemy's line was successful, as
described, it was rash and foolish. Fremont had troops which, had
they been in the place of these Germans, would have made us pass
one of Rabelais's unpleasant quarters of an hour. Alarm and disgust at
my own nervousness occasioned it, proving weak nerves to be the
source of rash acts.
Fremont made no further sign, and as the day declined the army
was recalled to the pike and marched south. Jackson, in person, gave
me instructions to draw up my brigade facing west, on some hills
above the pike, and distant from it several hundred yards, where I was
to remain. He said that the road was crowded, and he wanted time to
clear it, that Fremont was safe for the night, and our cavalry toward
Winchester reported Banks returned to that place from the Potomac,
but not likely to move south before the following day; then rode off,
and so rapidly as to give me no time to inquire how long I was to
remain, or if the cavalry would advise me in the event that Banks
changed his purpose. This was near sunset, and by the time the
command was in position darkness fell upon us. No fires were allowed,
and, stacking arms, the men rested, munching cold rations from their
haversacks. It was their first opportunity for a bite since early morning.
I threw myself on the ground, and tried in vain to sleep. No sound
could be heard save the clattering of hoofs on the pike, which as the
night wore on became constant. Hour after hour passed, when,
thinking I heard firing to the north, I mounted and looked for the pike.
The darkness was so intense that it could not have been found but for
the white limestone.
Page 67
Some mounted men were passing, whom I halted to question. They
said their command had gone on to rejoin the army, and, they
supposed, had missed me in the dark; but there was a squadron
behind, near the enemy's advance, which, a large cavalry force, had
moved from Winchester at an early period of the day and driven our
people south. This was pleasant; for Winder's brigade had marched
several hours since, and a wide interval existed between us.
More firing, near and distinct, was heard, and the command was
ordered down to the pike, which it reached after much stumbling and
swearing, and some confusion. Fortunately, the battery, Captain
Bowyer, had been sent forward at dusk to get forage, and an orderly
was dispatched to put it on the march. The 6th (Irish) regiment was in
rear, and I took two companies for a rear guard. The column had scarce
got into motion before a party of horse rushed through the guard,
knocking down several men, one of whom was severely bruised. There
was a little pistol-shooting and satire-hacking, and for some minutes
things were rather mixed. The enemy's cavalry had charged ours, and
driven it on the infantry. One Federal was captured and his horse given
to the bruised man, who congratulated the rider on his promotion to a
respectable service. I dismounted, gave my horse to Tom to lead, and
marched with the guard. From time to time the enemy would charge, but
we could hear him coming and be ready. The guard would halt, about
face, front rank with fixed bayonets kneel, rear rank fire, when, by the
light of the flash, we could see emptied saddles. Our pursuers' fire was
wild, passing over head; so we had few casualties, and these slight; but
they were bold and enterprising, and well led, often charging close up
to the bayonets. I remarked this, whereupon the Irishmen answered,
"Devil thank 'em for that same." There was no danger on the flanks. The
white of the pike alone guided us. Owls could not have found their way
across the fields. The face of the country has been described as a
succession of rolling swells, and later the enemy got up guns, but
always fired from the summits, so that his shells passed far above us,
exploding in the fields. Had the guns been trained low, with canister, it
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might have proved uncomfortable, for the pike ran straight to the
south. "It was a fine night intirely for divarsion," said the
Irishmen, with which sentiment I did not agree; but they were as
steady as clocks and chirpy as crickets, indulging in many a jest
whenever the attentions of our friends in the rear were
slackened. They had heard of Shields's proximity, and knew him
to be an Irishman by birth, and that he had Irish regiments with
him. During an interlude I was asked if it was not probable that
we would encounter Shields, and answering affirmatively, heard:
"Them Germans is poor creatures, but Shields's boys will be
after fighting." Expressing a belief that my "boys" could match
Shields's any day, I received loud assurance from half a hundred
Tipperary throats: "You may bet your life on that, sor." Thus
we beguiled the weary hours. During the night I desired to
relieve the guard, but was diverted from my purpose by scornful
howls of "We are the boys to see it out." As Argyle's to the
tartan, my heart has warmed to an Irishman since that night.
Daylight came, and I tried to brace myself for hotter work,
when a body of troops was reported in position to the south of
my column. This proved to be Charles Winder with his
(formerly Jackson's own) brigade. An accomplished soldier and
true brother-in-arms, he had heard the enemy's guns during the
night, and, knowing me to be in rear, halted and formed line to
await me. His men were fed and rested, and he insisted on
taking my place in the rear. Passing through Winder's line, we
moved slowly, with frequent halts, so as to remain near, the
enemy pressing hard during the morning. The day was
uncommonly hot, the sun like fire, and water scarce along the
road; and our men suffered greatly.
Just after midday my brisk young aide, Hamilton, whom I
had left with Winder to bring early intelligence, came to report
that officer in trouble and want of assistance. My men were so
jaded as to make me unwilling to retrace ground if it could be
avoided; so they were ordered to form line on the crest of the
slope at hand, and I went to Winder, a mile to the rear. His
brigade, renowned as the "Stonewall," was deployed on both
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sides of the pike, on which he had four guns. Large masses of
cavalry, with guns and some sharp-shooters, were pressing him
closely, while far to the north clouds of dust marked the approach
of troops. His line was on one of the many swells crossing the
pike at right angles, and a gentle slope led to the next crest south,
beyond which my brigade was forming. The problem was to
retire without giving the enemy, eager and persistent, an
opportunity to charge. The situation looked so blue that I offered
to move back my command; but Winder thought he could pull
through, and splendidly did he accomplish it. Regiment by
regiment, gun by gun, the brigade was withdrawn, always
checking the enemy, though boldly led. Winder, cool as a
professor playing the new German game, directed every
movement in person, and the men were worthy of him and of
their first commander, Jackson. It was very close work in the
vale before he reached the next crest, and heavy volleys were
necessary to stay our plucky foes; but, once there, my command
showed so strong as to impress the enemy, who halted to
reconnoiter, and the two brigades were united without further
trouble.
The position was good, my battery was at hand, and our men
were so fatigued that we debated whether it was not more
comfortable to fight than retreat. We could hold the ground for
hours against cavalry, and night would probably come before
infantry got up, while retreat was certain to bring the cavalry on
us. At this juncture up came General Turner Ashby, followed by
a considerable force of horse, with guns. This officer had been
engaged in destroying bridges in Luray Valley, to prevent Shields
from crossing that branch of the Shenandoah, and now came,
much to our satisfaction, to take charge of the rear. He
proceeded to pay his respects to our friends, and soon took them
off our hands. We remained an hour to rest the men and give
Ashby time to make his dispositions, then moved on.
Before sunset heavy clouds gathered, and the intense heat
was broken by a regular downpour, in the midst of which we
crossed the bridge over the west branch of the Shenandoah - a
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large stream - at Mount Jackson, and camped. There was not
a dry thread about my person, and my boots would have
furnished a respectable bath. Notwithstanding the flood, Tom soon
had a fire, and was off to hunt forage for man and beast. Here
we were less than ten miles from Newmarket, between which
and this point the army was camped. Jackson was easy about
Massanutten Gap. Shields must march south of the mountain to
reach him, while the river, just crossed, was now impassable
except by bridge.
We remained thirty-six hours in this camp, from the evening
of the 2d until the morning of the 4th of June - a welcome rest
to all. Two days of light marching carried us thence to
Harrisonburg, thirty miles. Here Jackson quitted the pike leading to
Staunton, and took the road to Port Republic. This village,
twelve miles southeast of Harrisonburg, lies at the base of the
Blue Ridge, on the east bank of the Shenandoah. Several
streams unite here to form the east (locally called south) branch
of that river; and here too was the only bridge from Front Royal
south, all others having been destroyed by Ashby to prevent
Shields from crossing. This commander was pushing a part of
his force south, from Front Royal and Luray, on the east bank.
The army passed the night of June 5 in camp three miles
from Harrisonburg toward Port Republic. Ewell's division,
which I had rejoined for the first time since we met Jackson,
was in rear; and the rear brigade was General George
Stewart's, composed of one Maryland and two Virginia
regiments. My command was immediately in advance of
Stewart's. Ashby had burnt the bridge at Mount Jackson to
delay Fremont, and was camped with his horse in advance of
Harrisonburg. The road to Port Republic was heavy from
recent rains, causing much delay to trains, so that we did not
move on the morning of the 6th. Early in the day Fremont,
reënforced from Banks, got up; and his cavalry, vigorously led,
pushed Ashby through Harrisonburg, where a sharp action
occurred, resulting in the capture of many Federals - among
others, Colonel Percy Wyndham, commanding brigade, whose
meeting with Major Wheat
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has been described. Later, while Ewell was conversing with me,
a message from Ashby took him to the rear. Federal cavalry,
supported by infantry, was advancing on Ashby Stewart's
brigade was lying in a wood, under cover of which Ewell placed
it in position. A severe struggle ensued; the enemy was driven,
and many prisoners were taken. I had ridden back with Ewell,
and so witnessed the affair, uncommonly spirited, and creditable
to both sides. Colonel Kane of Philadelphia was among the
prisoners and painfully wounded. Having known his father,
Judge Kane, as well as his brother, the Arctic explorer, I
solicited and obtained from Jackson his parole.
Colonel Nicholls, left wounded near Winchester, had
married a short time previous to the war, and his young wife
now appeared, seeking to join her husband. Jackson referred
her request to Ewell, who passed it to me. Of this I was
informed by Captain Nicholls, 8th regiment, brother to the
colonel, killed a few days after at Cold Harbor. Much cavalry
skirmishing was still going on around Harrisonburg, dangerous
for a lady to pass through; and besides, she had come from Port
Republic, seen our situation, and might be indiscreet. These
considerations were stated to Captain Nicholls, but his sister-in-law
insisted on seeing me. A small, fairy-like creature, plucky as
a "Dandie Dinmont" terrier, and with a heart as big as
Massanutten, she was seated in a nondescript trap, drawn by
two mules, driven by a negro. One look from the great, tearful
eyes made of me an abject coward, and I basely shuffled the
refusal to let her pass on to Jackson. The Parthian glance of
contempt that reached me through her tears showed that the
lady understood and despised my paltering. Nicholls was
speedily exchanged, became a general officer, lost a foot at
Chancellorsville, and, after leading his people up out of captivity,
is now the conservative Governor of Louisiana.
The skirmishing spoken of in the above connection
developed into severe work, in which General Ashby was killed.
Alluding to his death in an official report, Jackson says, "As a
partisan officer I never knew his superior." Like Claverhouse,
"with a face that painters loved to limn and ladies look upon,"
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he was the most daring and accomplished rider in a region of
horsemen. His courage was so brilliant as to elicit applause
from friend and foe, but he was without capacity or disposition
to enforce discipline on his men. I witnessed his deep chagrin at
the conduct of our troopers after the enemy had been driven
from Winchester in May. With proper organization and
discipline, his bold riders under his lead might have
accomplished all that the lamented Nolan claimed as possible
for light cavalry. Popular imagination, especially the female, is
much in error as to these matters. Graceful young cavaliers,
with flowing locks, leaping cannon to saber countless foes,
make a captivating picture. In the language of Bosquet, " 'Tis
beautiful, but 'tis not war"; and grave mishaps have been
occasioned by this misconception. Valor is as necessary now as
ever in war, but disciplined, subordinated valor, admitting the
courage and energies of all to be welded and directed to a
common end. It is much to be desired that the ladies would
consent to correct their opinions; for, after all, their approval
stimulates our best fighting.
On the 7th of June we marched to a place within four miles
of Port Republic, called Cross Keys, where several roads met.
Near at hand was the meeting-house of a sect of German
Quakers, Tunkers or Dunkards, as they are indifferently named.
Here Jackson determined to await and fight Fremont, who
followed him hard; but as a part of Shields's force was now
unpleasantly near, he pushed on to Port Republic with Winder's
and other infantry, and a battery, which camped on the hither
bank of the river. Jackson himself, with his staff and a mounted
escort, crossed the bridge and passed the night in the village.
Ewell, in immediate charge at Cross Keys, was ready early
in the morning of the 8th, when Fremont attacked. The ground
was undulating, with much wood, and no extended view could
be had. In my front the attack, if such it could be called, was
feeble in the extreme - an affair of skirmishers, in which the
enemy yielded to the slightest pressure. A staff officer of
Jackson's, in hot haste, came with orders from his chief to
march my brigade double-quick to Port Republic. Elzey's brigade,
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in second line to the rear, was asked to take my place and
relieve my skirmishers; then, advising the staff officer to notify
Ewell, whom he had not seen, we started on the run, for such a
message from Jackson meant business. Two of the intervening
miles were quickly passed, when another officer appeared with
orders to halt. In half an hour, during which the sound of battle at
Cross Keys thickened, Jackson came. As before stated, he had
passed the night in the village, with his staff and escort. Up as
usual at dawn, he started alone to recross the bridge, leaving his
people to follow. The bridge was a few yards below the last
house in the village, and some mist overhung the river. Under
cover of this a small body of horse, with one gun, from Shields's
forces, had reached the east end of the bridge and trained the
gun on it. Jackson was within an ace of capture. As he spurred
across, the gun was fired on him, but without effect, and the
sound brought up staff and escort, when the horse retired north.
This incident occasioned the order to me. After relating it (all
save his own danger), Jackson passed on to Ewell. Thither I
followed, to remain in reserve until the general forward
movement in the afternoon, by which Fremont was driven back
with loss of prisoners. We did not persist far, as Shields's force
was near upon us. From Ewell I learned that there had been
some pretty fighting in the morning, though less than might have
been expected from Fremont's numbers. I know not if the
presence of this commander had a benumbing influence on his
troops, but certainly his advanced cavalry and infantry had
proved bold and enterprising.
In the evening we moved to the river and camped. Winder's
and other brigades crossed the bridge, and during the night
Ewell, with most of the army, drew near, leaving Trimble's
brigade and the horse at Cross Keys. No one apprehended
another advance by Fremont. The following morning, Sunday,
June 9, my command passed the bridge, moved several hundred
yards down the road, and halted. Our trains had gone east over
the Blue Ridge. The sun appeared above the mountain while the
men were quietly breakfasting. Suddenly, from
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below, was heard the din of battle, loud and sustained, artillery
and small arms. The men sprang into ranks, formed column, and
marched, and I galloped forward a short mile to see the
following scene:
From the mountain, clothed to its base with undergrowth and
timber, a level - clear, open, and smooth - extended to the
river. This plain was some thousand yards in width. Half a mile
north, a gorge, through which flowed a small stream, cut the
mountain at a right angle. The northern shoulder of this gorge
projected farther into the plain than the southern, and on an
elevated plateau of the shoulder were placed six guns, sweeping
every inch of the plain to the south. Federal lines, their right
touching the river, were advancing steadily, with banners flying
and arms gleaming in the sun. A gallant show, they came on.
Winder's and another brigade, with a battery, opposed them.
This small force was suffering cruelly, and its skirmishers were
driven in on their thin supporting line. As my Irishmen predicted,
"Shields's boys were after fighting." Below, Ewell was hurrying
his men over the bridge, but it looked as if we should be doubled
up on him ere he could cross and develop much strength.
Jackson was on the road, a little in advance of his line, where
the fire was hottest, with reins on his horse's neck, seemingly in
prayer. Attracted by my approach, he said, in his usual voice,
"Delightful excitement." I replied that it was pleasant to learn he
was enjoying himself, but thought he might have an indigestion
of such fun if the six-gun battery was not silenced. He
summoned a young officer from his staff, and pointed up the
mountain. The head of my approaching column was turned short
up the slope, and speedily came to a path running parallel with
the river. We took this path, the guide leading the way. From
him I learned that the plateau occupied by the battery had been
used for a charcoal kiln, and the path we were following, made
by the burners in hauling wood, came upon the gorge opposite
the battery. Moving briskly, we reached the hither side a few
yards from the guns. Infantry was posted near, and riflemen
were in the undergrowth on the slope above. Our approach,
masked by timber, was unexpected.
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The battery was firing rapidly, enabled from elevation
to fire over the advancing lines. The head of my column began to
deploy under cover for attack, when the sounds of battle to our
rear appeared to recede, and a loud Federal cheer was heard,
proving Jackson to be hard pressed. It was rather an anxious
moment, demanding instant action. Leaving a staff officer to
direct my rear regiment - the 7th, Colonel Hays - to form in the
wood as a reserve, I ordered the attack, though the deployment
was not completed, and our rapid march by a narrow path had
occasioned some disorder. With a rush and shout the gorge was
passed and we were in the battery. Surprise had aided us, but the
enemy's infantry rallied in a moment and drove us out. We
returned, to be driven a second time. The riflemen on the slope
worried us no little, and two companies of the 9th regiment were
sent up the gorge to gain ground above and dislodge them, which
was accomplished. The fighting in and around the battery was
hand to hand, and many fell from bayonet wounds. Even the
artillerymen used their rammers in a way not laid down in the
Manual, and died at their guns. As Conan said to the devil,
" 'Twas claw for claw." I called for Hays, but he, the promptest of
men, and his splendid regiment, could not be found. Something
unexpected had occurred, but there was no time for speculation.
With a desperate rally, in which I believe the drummer-boys
shared, we carried the battery for the third time, and held it.
Infantry and riflemen had been driven off, and we began to feel a
little comfortable, when the enemy, arrested in his advance by our
attack, appeared. He had countermarched, and, with left near the
river, came into full view of our situation. Wheeling to the right,
with colors advanced, like a solid wall he marched straight upon
us. There seemed nothing left but to set our backs to the
mountain and die hard. At the instant, crashing through the
underwood, came Ewell, outriding staff and escort. He produced
the effect of a reënforcement, and was welcomed with cheers.
The line before us halted and threw forward skirmishers. A
moment later, a shell came shrieking along it, loud Confederate
cheers reached our delighted ears, and Jackson,
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freed from his toils, rushed up like a whirlwind, the enemy in rapid
retreat. We turned the captured guns on them as they passed, Ewell
serving as a gunner. Though rapid, the retreat never became a rout.
Fortune had refused her smiles, but Shields's brave "boys" preserved
their organization and were formidable to the last; and had Shields
himself, with his whole command, been on the field, we should have
had tough work indeed.
Jackson came up, with intense light in his eyes, grasped my hand,
and said the brigade should have the captured battery. I thought the
men would go mad with cheering, especially the Irishmen. A huge
fellow, with one eye closed and half his whiskers burned by powder,
was riding cock-horse on a gun, and, catching my attention, yelled out,
"We told you to bet on your boys." Their success against brother
Patlanders seemed doubly welcome. Strange people, these Irish!
Fighting every one's battles, and cheerfully taking the hot end of the
poker, they are only found wanting when engaged in what they believe
to be their national cause. Excepting the defense of Limerick under
brilliant Sarsfield, I recall no domestic struggle in which they have
shown their worth.
While Jackson pursued the enemy without much effect, as his
cavalry, left in front of Fremont, could not get over till late, we attended
to the wounded and performed the last offices to the dead, our own
and the Federal. I have never seen so many dead and wounded in the
same limited space. A large farmhouse on the plain, opposite the
mouth of the gorge, was converted into a hospital. Ere long my lost 7th
regiment, sadly cut up, rejoined. This regiment was in rear of the
column when we left Jackson to gain the path in the woods, and before
it filed out of the road his thin line was so pressed that Jackson
ordered Hays to stop the enemy's rush. This was done, for the 7th
would have stopped a herd of elephants, but at a fearful cost. Colonel
Hays was severely wounded, among many others, and the number of
killed was large. Upon my promotion to Major-General, Hays
succeeded to the command of the brigade,
served through the war, returned to the practice of the law, and
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died in New Orleans. He was brother to Colonel Jack Hays, formerly of
Texas, now of California, and shared much of the fighting ability of
that renowned partisan.
The young officer who guided us through the wood deserves
mention, as he was one of the first to reach the battery, where he was
killed. Lieutenant English, near Harper's Ferry, Virginia, proved to be
his name and place of birth.
Many hours passed in discharge of sad duties to the wounded and
dead, during which Fremont appeared on the opposite bank of the river
and opened his guns; but, observing doubtless our occupation, he
ceased his fire, and after a short time withdrew. It may be added here
that Jackson had caused such alarm at Washington as to start Milroy,
Banks, Fremont, and Shields toward that capital, and the great valley
was cleared of the enemy.
We passed the night high up the mountain, where we moved to
reach our supply wagons. A cold rain was falling, and before
we found them every one was tired and famished. I rather took it out of
the train-master for pushing so far up, although I had lunched
comfortably from the haversack of a dead Federal. It is not pleasant to
think of now, but war is a little hardening.
On the l2th of June the army moved down to the river, above Port
Republic, where the valley was wide, with many trees, and no enemy
to worry or make us afraid. Here closed Jackson's wonderful Valley
campaign of 1862. *
The Louisiana brigade marched from its camp near Conrad's
* A part of the foregoing text was published in the number of the
"North American Review" for March, 1878, under the title of
"Stonewall Jackson and the Valley Campaign." In a kind and friendly
letter, dated New York, March 21, General Shields corrects some
misapprehensions into which I had fallen, more especially concerning
his personal connection with the events described. I had been unable
to procure a copy of General Shields's report, which, he informs me in
the same letter, was suppressed by Secretary Stanton.
Page 78
store, to join Jackson at Newmarket, on the 21st of May. In
twenty days it marched over two hundred miles, fought in five
actions, of which three were severe, and several skirmishes,
and, though it had suffered heavy loss in officers and men, was
yet strong, hard as nails, and full of confidence. I have felt it a
duty to set forth the achievements of the brigade, than which no
man ever led braver into action, in their proper light, because
such reputation as I gained in this campaign is to be ascribed to
its excellence.
For the first time since several weeks, friend Ewell and I had
a chance to renew our talks; but events soon parted us again.
Subsequently he was wounded in the knee at the second battle
of Manassas, and suffered amputation of the leg in
consequence. His absence of mind nearly proved fatal.
Forgetting his condition, he suddenly started to walk, came down
on the stump, imperfectly healed, and produced violent
hæmorrhage.
About the close of the war he married Mrs. Brown, a
widow, and daughter of Judge Campbell, a distinguished citizen
of Tennessee, who had represented the United States at the
court of St. Petersburg, where this lady was born. She was a
kinswoman of Ewell, and said to have been his early love. He
brought her to New Orleans in 1866, where I hastened to see
him. He took me by the hand and presented me to "my wife,
Mrs. Brown." How well I remember our chat! How he talked
of his plans and hopes and happiness, and of his great lot of
books, which he was afraid he would never be able to read
through. The while "my wife, Mrs. Brown," sat by, handsome
as a picture, smiling on her General, as well she might, so noble
a gentleman. A few short years, and both he and his wife
passed away within an hour of each other; but his last years
were made happy by her companionship, and comfortable by
the wealth she had brought him. Dear Dick Ewell! Virginia
never bred a truer gentleman, a braver soldier, nor an odder,
more lovable fellow.
On the second day in this camp General Winder came to me
and said that he had asked leave to go to Richmond, been
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refused, and resigned. He commanded Jackson's old brigade, and
was aggrieved by some unjust interference. Holding Winder in
high esteem, I hoped to save him to the army, and went to
Jackson, to whose magnanimity I appealed, and to arouse this
dwelt on the rich harvest of glory he had reaped in his brilliant
campaign. Observing him closely, I caught a glimpse of the
man's inner nature. It was but a glimpse. The curtain closed,
and he was absorbed in prayer. Yet in that moment I saw an
ambition boundless as Cromwell's, and as merciless. This latter
quality was exhibited in his treatment of General Richard
Garnett, cousin to Robert Garnett, before mentioned, and his
codisciple at West Point. I have never met officer or soldier,
present at Kernstown, who failed to condemn the harsh
treatment of Garnett after that action. Richard Garnett was
subsequently restored to command at my instance near Jackson,
and fell on the field of Gettysburg.
No reply was made to my effort for Winder, and I rose to
take my leave, when Jackson said he would ride with me. We
passed silently along the way to my camp, where he left me.
That night a few lines came from Winder, to inform me that
Jackson had called on him, and his resignation was withdrawn.
Charles Winder was born in Maryland, graduated at West
Point in 1850, embarked soon thereafter for California in charge
of a detachment of recruits, was wrecked on the coast, and
saved his men by his coolness and energy. He left the United
States army to join the Confederacy, and was killed at Cedar
Run some weeks after this period. Had he lived, he would have
reached and adorned high position.
And now a great weariness and depression fell upon me. I
was threatened with a return of the illness experienced the
previous autumn. For many weeks I had received no
intelligence from my family. New Orleans had fallen, and my
wife and children resided there or on an estate near the city. I
hoped to learn of them at Richmond; change might benefit
health, and matters were quiet in the Valley. Accordingly, a
short leave was asked for and granted; and although I returned
within three days to join my command on the march to Cold Harbor,
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we were absorbed in the larger army operating against
McClellan, and I saw but little of Jackson.
I have written that he was ambitious; and his ambition was
vast, all-absorbing. Like the unhappy wretch from whose
shoulders sprang the foul serpent, he loathed it, perhaps feared
it; but he could not escape it - it was himself - nor rend it - it
was his own flesh. He fought it with prayer, constant and
earnest - Apollyon and Christian in ceaseless combat. What
limit to set to his ability I know not, for he was ever superior to
occasion. Under ordinary circumstances it was difficult to
estimate him because of his peculiarities - peculiarities that
would have made a lesser man absurd, but that served to
enhance his martial fame, as those of Samuel Johnson did his
literary eminence. He once observed, in reply to an allusion to
his severe marching, that it was better to lose one man in
marching than five in fighting; and, acting on this, he invariably
surprised the enemy - Milroy at McDowell, Banks and
Fremont in the Valley, McClellan's right at Cold Harbor, Pope
at second Manassas.
Fortunate in his death, he fell at the summit of glory, before
the sun of the Confederacy had set, ere defeat, and suffering,
and selfishness could turn their fangs upon him. As one man,
the South wept for him; foreign nations shared the grief; even
Federals praised him. With Wolfe and Nelson and Havelock, he
took his place in the hearts of English-speaking peoples.
In the first years of this century, a great battle was fought
on the plains of the Danube. A determined charge on the
Austrian center gained the victory for France. The courage and
example of a private soldier, who there fell, contributed much to
the success of the charge. Ever after, at the parades of his
battalion, the name of Latour d'Auvergne was first called, when
the oldest sergeant stepped to the front and answered, "Died on
the field of honor." In Valhalla, beyond the grave, where spirits
of warriors assemble, when on the roll of heroes the name of
Jackson is reached, it will be for the majestic shade of Lee to
pronounce the highest eulogy known to our race - "Died on
the field of duty."
I reached Richmond, by Charlottesville and Lynchburg, the
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day after leaving camp, and went to the war office, where I
found letters from my family. My wife and children had left
New Orleans on a steamer just as Farragut's fleet arrived, and
were on the Atchafalaya River with friends, all well. While
reading my letters, an acquaintance in high position in the office
greeted me, but went on to say, if I knew what was afoot, my
stay in Richmond would be short. Taking the hint, and feeling
improved in health in consequence of relief from anxiety about
my family, I returned to the station at once, and took rail to
Charlottesville. Arrived there, I met the Valley army in march to
the southeast, and joined my command.
That night we camped between Charlottesville and
Gordonsville, in Orange County, the birthplace of my father. A
distant kinsman, whom I had never met, came to invite me to his
house in the neighborhood. Learning that I always slept in camp,
he seemed so much distressed as to get my consent to breakfast
with him, if he would engage to have breakfast at the barbarous
hour of sunrise. His house was a little distant from the road; so,
the following morning, he sent a mounted groom to show the
way. My aide, young Hamilton, accompanied me, and Tom of
course followed. It was a fine old mansion, surrounded by well-kept
grounds. This immediate region had not yet been touched
by war. Flowering plants and rose trees, in full bloom, attested
the glorious wealth of June. On the broad portico, to welcome
us, stood the host, with his fresh, charming wife, and, a little
retired, a white-headed butler. Greetings over with host and
lady, this delightful creature, with ebon face beaming hospitality,
advanced, holding a salver, on which rested a huge silver goblet
filled with Virginia's nectar, mint julep. Quantities of cracked ice
rattled refreshingly in the goblet; sprigs of fragant mint peered
above its broad rim; a mass of white sugar, too sweetly indolent
to melt, rested on the mint; and, like rose buds on a snow bank,
luscious strawberries crowned the sugar. Ah! that julep! Mars
ne'er received such tipple from the hands of Ganymede.
Breakfast was announced, and what a breakfast! A beautiful
service, snowy table cloth, damask napkins, long unknown;
above all, a lovely woman in
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crisp gown, with more and handsomer roses on her cheek than
in her garden. 'Twas an idyl in the midst of the stern realities of
war! The table groaned beneath its viands. Sable servitors
brought in, hot and hot from the kitchen, cakes of wondrous
forms, inventions of the tropical imagination of Africa, inflamed
by Virginian hospitality. I was rather a moderate trencherman,
but the performance of Hamilton was Gargantuan, alarming.
Duty dragged us from this Eden; yet in hurried adieus I did not
forget to claim of the fair hostess the privilege of a cousin. I
watched Hamilton narrowly for a time. The youth wore a
sodden, apoplectic look, quite out of his usual brisk form. A
gallop of some miles put him right, but for many days he dilated
on the breakfast with the gusto of one of Hannibal's veterans on
the delights of Capua.
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CHAPTER VI.
"THE SEVEN DAYS AROUND RICHMOND."
LEAVING Gordonsville, we proceeded in a southeasterly
direction, passing Louisa Court House and Frederickshall, and
camped at Ashland on the Fredericksburg Railway, twelve miles
north of Richmond, on the evening of the 25th of June. To
deceive the enemy, General Lee had sent to the Valley a
considerable force under Generals Whiting, Hood, and Lawton.
The movement was openly made and speedily known at
Washington, where it produced the desired impression, that
Jackson would invade Maryland from the Valley. These troops
reached Staunton by rail on the 17th, and, without leaving the
train, turned back to Gordonsville, where they united with
Jackson. The line from Gordonsville to Frederickshall, south of
which point it had been interrupted, was used to facilitate our
movement, but this was slow and uncertain. The advance
frequently halted or changed direction. We were pushing
between McDowell and McClellan's right, over ground recently
occupied by the enemy. Bridges had been destroyed, and, to
conceal the movement, no guides were trusted - an over-caution
occasioning delay.
During the day and night of the 25th I suffered from severe
pains in the head and loins, and on the morning of the 26th
found it impossible to mount my horse; so the brigade marched
under the senior colonel, Seymour, 6th regiment. A small
ambulance was left with me, and my staff was directed to
accompany Seymour and send back word if an engagement was
imminent. Several messages came during the day, the last after
nightfall, reporting the command to be camped near Pole Green
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Church, beyond the Chickahominy; so far, no fighting. Lying on
the floor of a vacant house at Ashland, I had scarce
consciousness to comprehend these messages. Pains in head
and back continued, with loss of power to move my limbs.
Toward daylight of the 27th sleep came from exhaustion,
and lasted some hours. From this I was aroused by sounds of
artillery, loud and constant, brought by the easterly wind. Tom
raised me into a sitting posture, and administered a cup of strong
coffee. The sound of battle continued until it became
unendurable, and I was put into the ambulance by Tom and the
driver, the former following with the horses. We took the route
by which the troops had marched, the din of conflict increasing
with every mile, the rattle of small arms mingling with the thud
of guns. After weary hours of rough road, every jolt on which
threatened to destroy my remaining vitality, we approached Cold
Harbor and met numbers of wounded. Among these was
General Elzey, with a dreadful wound in the head and face. His
aide was taking him to the rear in an ambulance, and,
recognizing Tom, stopped a moment to tell of the fight. Ewell's
division, to which Elzey and I belonged, had just been engaged
with heavy loss. This was too much for any illness, and I
managed somehow to struggle on to my horse and get into the
action.
It was a wild scene. Battle was raging furiously. Shot, shell,
and ball exploded and whistled. Hundreds of wounded were
being carried off, while the ground was strewn with dead.
Dense thickets of small pines covered much of the field, further
obscured by clouds of smoke. The first troops encountered
were D. H. Hill's, and, making way through these, I came upon
Winder's, moving across the front from right to left. Then
succeeded Elzey's of Ewell's division, and, across the road
leading to Gaines's Mill, my own. Mangled and bleeding, as
were all of Ewell's, it was holding the ground it had won close to
the enemy's line, but unable to advance. The sun was setting as
I joined, and at the moment cheers came up from our left, raised
by Winder's command, which had turned and was sweeping the
Federal right, while Lawton's Georgians, fresh and eager,
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attacked in our front. The enemy gave way, and, under cover of
the night, retired over the Chickahominy. Firing continued for
two hours, though darkness concealed everything.
The loss in my command was distressing. Wheat, of whom I
have written, was gone, and Seymour, and many others. I had a
wretched feeling of guilt, especially about Seymour, who led the
brigade and died in my place. Colonel Seymour was born in
Georgia, but had long resided in New Orleans, where he edited
the leading commercial paper - a man of culture, respected of
all. In early life he had served in Indian and Mexican wars, and
his high spirit brought him to this, though past middle age. Brave
old Seymour! I can see him now, mounting the hill at
Winchester, on foot, with sword and cap in hand, his thin gray
locks streaming, turning to his sturdy Irishmen with "Steady,
men! dress to the right!" Georgia has been fertile of worthies,
but will produce none more deserving than Colonel Seymour.
The following morning, while looking to the burial of the
dead and care of the wounded, I had an opportunity of
examining the field of battle. The campaign around Richmond is
too well known to justify me in entering into details, and I shall
confine myself to events within my own experience, only
enlarging on such general features as are necessary to explain
criticism.
The Chickahominy, a sluggish stream and subject to floods,
flows through a low, marshy bottom, draining the country
between the Pamunky or York and James Rivers, into which
last it discharges many miles below Richmond. The upper
portion of its course from the crossing of the Central Railroad,
six miles north of Richmond, to Long Bridge, some three times
that distance to the southeast, is parallel with both the
above-mentioned rivers. The bridges with which we were concerned
at and after Cold Harbor were the Federal military bridges,
Grapevine, York River Railroad, Bottom's, and Long, the lowermost;
after which the stream, affected by tide, spread over a marshy
country. The upper or Grapevine Bridge was on the road leading due
south from Cold Harbor, and, passing Savage's Station on
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York River Railroad, united with the Williamsburg road, which ran east
from Richmond to Bottom's Bridge. A branch from this Williamsburg
road continued on the south bank of the Chickahominy to Long
Bridge, where it joined the Charles City, Darbytown, and Newmarket
roads coming south-southeast from Richmond. Many other roads,
with no names or confusing ones, crossed this region, which was
densely wooded and intersected by sluggish streams, draining the
marshes into both the Chickahominy and James. We came upon two of
these country roads leading in quite different directions, but bearing
the same name, Grapevine; and it will astound advocates of phonics to
learn that the name of Darby (whence Darbytown) was thus pronounced, while
it was spelt and written Enroughty. A German philologist might have
discovered, unaided, the connection between the sound and the
letters; but it would hardly have occurred to mortals of less erudition.
At the beginning of operations in this Richmond campaign, Lee
had seventy-five thousand men, McClellan one hundred thousand.
Round numbers are here given, but they are taken from official
sources. A high opinion has been expressed of the strategy of Lee, by
which Jackson's forces from the Valley were suddenly thrust between
McDowell and McClellan's right, and it deserves all praise; but the
tactics on the field were vastly inferior to the strategy. Indeed, it may
be confidently asserted that from Cold Harbor to Malvern Hill,
inclusive, there was nothing but a series of blunders, one after
another, and all huge. The Confederate commanders knew no more
about the topography of the country than they did about Central
Africa. Here was a limited district, the whole of it within a day's march
of the city of Richmond, capital of Virginia and the Confederacy,
almost the first spot on the continent occupied by the British race, the
Chickahominy itself classic by legends of Captain John Smith and
Pocahontas; and yet we were profoundly ignorant of the country, were
without maps, sketches, or proper guides, and nearly as helpless as if
we had been suddenly transferred to the banks of the Lualaba. The
day before the battle of Malvern Hill, President Davis could not
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find a guide with intelligence enough to show him the way from one of
our columns to another; and this fact I have from him. People find a
small cable in the middle of the ocean, a thousand fathoms below the
surface. For two days we lost McClellan's great army in a few miles of
woodland, and never had any definite knowledge of its movements.
Let it be remembered, too, that McClellan had opened the peninsular
campaign weeks before, indicating this very region to be the necessary
theatre of conflict; that the Confederate commander (up to the time of
his wound at Fair Oaks), General Johnston, had been a topographical
engineer in the United States army; while his successor, General Lee -
another engineer - had been on duty at the war office in Richmond
and in constant intercourse with President Davis, who was educated at
West Point and served seven years; and then think of our ignorance in
a military sense of the ground over which we were called to fight.
Every one must agree that it was amazing. Even now, I can scarcely
realize it. McClellan was as superior to us in knowledge of our own
land as were the Germans to the French in their late war, and owed the
success of his retreat to it, although credit must be given to his ability.
We had much praying at various headquarters, and large reliance on
special providences; but none were vouchsafed, by pillar of cloud or
fire, to supplement our ignorance; so we blundered on like people
trying to read without knowledge of their letters.
To return to the field of Cold Harbor, the morning (Saturday) after
the battle. McClellan had chosen an excellent position, covering his
military bridges over the Chickahominy. His left, resting on the river,
and his center were covered by a small stream, one of its affluents,
boggy and of difficult passage. His right was on high ground, near
Cold Harbor, in a dense thicket of pine-scrub, with artillery massed.
This position, three miles in extent, and enfiladed in front by heavy
guns on the south bank of the Chickahominy was held by three lines
of infantry, one above the other on the rising ground, which was
crowned with numerous batteries, concealed by timber. McClellan
reported thirty-six thousand men present, including Sykes's and
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Porter's regulars; but reënforcements brought over during the action
probably increased this number to fifty thousand. Lee had forty
thousand on the field.
Longstreet attacked on our right, near the river, A. P. Hill on his
left. Jackson approached Cold Harbor from the north, his divisions in
column on one road as follows: Ewell's, Whiting's, Lawton's
(Georgians), and Winder's. At Cold Harbor Jackson united with the
division of D. H. Hill, in advance of him, and directed it to find and
attack the enemy's right. His own divisions, in the order above named,
were to come up on D. H. Hill's right and connect it with A. P. Hill's
left. Artillery was only employed by the Confederates late in the day,
and on their extreme left.
D. H. Hill and Ewell were speedily engaged, and suffered heavily,
as did A. P. Hill and Longstreet, all attacking in front. Ignorance of the
ground, densely wooded, and want of guides occasioned confusion
and delay in the divisions to Ewell's rear. Lawton came to Ewell's
support, Whiting to A. P. Hill's; while of the three brigades of the last
division, the second went to Longstreet's right, the third to A. P. Hill's
center, and the first was taken by Winder, with a fine soldierly instinct,
from right to left, across the battle, to reënforce D. H. Hill and turn the
Federal position. This movement was decisive, and if executed earlier
would have saved loss of men and time. So much for fighting on
unknown ground.
During the day of Saturday, McClellan remained on the south bank
of the Chickahominy with guns in position guarding his bridges; and
the only movement made by Lee was to send Stuart's cavalry east to
the river terminus of the York Railway, and Ewell's division to the
bridge of that line over the Chickahominy and to Bottom's, a short
distance below. Late in the evening General Lee informed me that I
would remain the following day to guard Bottom's and the railway
bridges, while Stuart's cavalry watched the river below to Long Bridge
and beyond. From all indications, he thought that McClellan would
withdraw during the night, and expected to cross the river in the
morning to unite with Magruder and
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Huger in pursuit. Holmes's division was to be brought from the south
side of the James to bar the enemy's road; and he expressed some
confidence that his dispositions would inflict serious loss on
McClellan's army, if he could receive prompt and accurate information
of that General's movements. Meantime, I would remain until the
following (Sunday) evening, unless sooner convinced of the enemy's
designs, when I would cross Grapevine Bridge and follow Jackson. It
is to be presumed that General Lee disclosed so much of his plans to
his subordinates as he deemed necessary to insure their intelligent
execution.
The morning light showed that the Federals had destroyed a part
of the railway bridge near the center of the stream. We were opposite to
Savage's Station (on the line toward Richmond), from which distinct
sounds reached us, but dense forest limited vision to the margin of the
river. Smoke rising above the trees, and explosions, indicated the
destruction of stores. In the afternoon, a great noise of battle came -
artillery, small arms, shouts. This, as we afterward learned, was
Magruder's engagement at Savage's Station, but this din of combat
was silenced to our ears by the following incident: A train was heard
approaching from Savage's. Gathering speed, it came rushing on, and
quickly emerged from the forest, two engines drawing a long string of
carriages. Reaching the bridge, the engines exploded with terrific noise,
followed in succession by explosions of the carriages, laden with
ammunition. Shells burst in all directions, the river was lashed into
foam, trees were torn for acres around, and several of my men were
wounded. The enemy had taken this means of destroying surplus
ammunition.
After this queer action had ceased, as sunset was approaching,
and all quiet at Bottom's Bridge, we moved up stream and crossed
Grapevine Bridge, repaired by Jackson earlier in the day. Darkness fell
as we bivouacked on the low ground south of the river. A heavy rain
came down, converting the ground into a lake, in the midst of which a
half-drowned courier, with a dispatch, was brought to me. With
difficulty, underneath an ambulance, a light was struck to read the
dispatch, which
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proved to be from Magruder, asking for reënforcements in front of
Savage's Station, where he was then engaged. Several hours had
elapsed since the courier left Magruder, and he could tell nothing
beyond the fact of the engagement, the noise of which we had heard.
It must be borne in mind that, during the operations north of the
Chickahominy, the divisions of Magruder and Huger had remained in
position between McClellan's left and Richmond.
In the night the enemy disappeared from Savage's, near which we
passed the following (Monday) morning, in march to rejoin Jackson.
We encountered troops of Magruder's, Huger's, and other divisions,
seeking to find their proper routes. Countless questions about roads
were asked in vain. At length, we discovered that Jackson had
followed the one nearest the Chickahominy, and about noon overtook
the rear of his column, halted in the road. Artillery could be heard in
front, and a staff officer was sent to find out the meaning of it.
Enfeebled by pain, I used an ambulance to husband my little
strength for emergencies; and I think it was here that General Wade
Hampton, accompanied by Senator Wigfall, came up to me. Hampton
had been promoted to brigadier for gallantry at Manassas, where he
was wounded, but not yet assigned to a command. Wigfall had left the
army to take a seat in the Confederate Congress as Senator from Texas,
and from him I learned that he was in hopes some brigadier would be
killed to make a place for Hampton, to whom, as volunteer aide, he
proposed to attach himself and see the fun. Finding me extended in an
ambulance, he doubtless thought he had met his opportunity, and felt
aggrieved that I was not in extremis. Hampton took command of a
brigade in Jackson's old division the next day, and perhaps his friend
Wigfall enjoyed himself at Malvern Hill.
The staff officer returned from the front and reported the situation.
D. H. Hill's division was at White Oak Swamp Creek, a slough, and one
of "despond" to us, draining to the Chickahominy. The enemy held
the high ground beyond, and artillery fire was continuous, but no
infantry was engaged. There
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was no change until nightfall, when we bivouacked where we were. Our
loss, one artilleryman mortally wounded, proved that no serious effort
to pass the slough was made; yet a prize was in reach worth the loss of
thousands. While we were idly shelling the wood, behind which lay
Franklin's corps - the right of McClellan's army - scarce a rifle shot to
the southwest, but concealed by intervening forest, Longstreet and A. P.
Hill were fighting the bloody engagement of Frazier's Farm with
Heintzelman and McCall, the Federal center and left. Again, fractions
against masses; for of the two divisions expected to support them,
Magruder's and Huger's, the latter did not get up, and the former was
taken off by a misleading message from Holmes, who, from the south
bank of the James, had reached the Newmarket road a day later than
was intended. Longstreet and Hill fought into the night, held a large
part of the field, and captured many prisoners (including General
McCall) and guns, but their own loss was severe. After the action,
Franklin quietly passed within a few yards of them, joined Heintzelman,
and with him gained Malvern Hill which McClellan had fortified during
the day, employing for the purpose the commands of Keyes and Porter.
On the succeeding morning (July 1), Jackson followed the enemy's
track from White Oak Swamp Creek toward Malvern Hill, passing the
field of Frazier's Farm, and Magruder's division, which had arrived in
the night and relieved the exhausted commands of Longstreet and Hill.
Malvern Hill was a desperate position to attack in front, though,
like Cold Harbor, it could be turned on the right. Here McClellan was
posted with his whole force. His right was covered by Turkey Creek,
an affluent of the James; his left was near that river and protected by
gunboats, which, though hidden by timber, threw shells across his
entire front. Distance and uncertainty of aim saved us from much loss
by these projectiles, but their shriek and elongated form astonished
our landward men, who called them lamp posts. By its height,
Malvern Hill dominated the ground to the north, the James River, and
the Newmarket road on which we approached, and was crowned
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with a numerous and heavy artillery. On our side, from inferior
elevation, artillery labored under a great disadvantage, and was
brought into action in detail to be overpowered.
The left attack was assigned to Jackson, the right to
Magruder, supported by Huger and Holmes - Longstreet and
A. P. Hill in reserve. Jackson's dispositions were as follows: On
the extreme left, the division of Whiting, then artillery supported
by a brigade under Wade Hampton, my brigade, and on my right
the division of D. H. Hill. In reserve were the remainder of
Ewell's division and the brigades of Winder, Lawton, and
Cunningham. It was perhaps 3 o'clock of the afternoon before
these dispositions were completed.
As it was General Lee's intention to open from his right,
Magruder was waited for, who, following Jackson on the road,
was necessarily later in getting into position. Orders were for
Hill to attack with the bayonet as soon as he heard the cheers
of Magruder's charge. To be ready, Hill advanced over open
ground to some timber within four hundred yards of the enemy's
line, but suffered in doing so. Artillery sent to his support was
crippled and driven off. It was 5 o'clock or after when a loud
shout and some firing were heard on the right, and, supposing
this to be Magruder's attack, Hill led his men to the charge. He
carried the first line of the enemy, who, unoccupied elsewhere,
reënforced at once, and Hill was beaten off with severe loss.
The brigades of Trimble, Lawton, Winder, and Cunningham
were sent to his assistance, but could accomplish nothing beyond
holding the ground. About sunset, after Hill's attack had failed,
Magruder got into position and led on his men with similar
fortune. Like Hill, he and his troops displayed superb courage
and suffered enormously; but it was not to be; such partial
attacks were without the first element of success. My brigade
was not moved from its position, but experienced some loss by
artillery.
After the action, Stuart arrived from the north side of the
Chickahominy, where he had been since Cold Harbor. Had he
been brought over the Long Bridge two days earlier, McClellan's
huge trains on the Charles City road would have fallen an easy
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prey to his cavalry, and he could have blocked the roads
through the forest.
McClellan's guns continued firing long after nightfall, but the
ensuing morning found him and his army at Harrison's Landing,
in an impregnable position. Here ended the campaign around
Richmond.
The strategy displayed on the Confederate side was
magnificent, and gave opportunity for resplendent success; but
this opportunity was lost by tactical mistakes, occasioned by
want of knowledge of the theatre of action, and it is to be feared
that Time, when he renders his verdict, will declare the gallant
dead who fell at Gaines's Mill, Cold Harbor, Frazier's Farm, and
Malvern Hill, to have been sacrificed on the altar of the
bloodiest of all Molochs - Ignorance.
The crisis of my illness now came in a paralysis of the lower
limbs, and I was taken to Richmond, where I learned of my
promotion to major-general, on the recommendation of Jackson,
for services in the Valley, and assignment to a distant field.
Having expressed an opinion of McClellan as an organizer of
armies, I will now treat of his conduct as a commander in this
and his subsequent campaign. His first operations on the
peninsula were marked by a slowness and hesitancy to be
expected of an engineer, with small experience in handling
troops. His opponent, General Magruder, was a man of singular
versatility. Of a boiling, headlong courage, he was too excitable
for high command. Widely known for social attractions, he had a
histrionic vein, and indeed was fond of private theatricals. Few
managers could have surpassed him in imposing on an audience
a score of supernumeraries for a grand army. Accordingly, with
scarce a tenth the force, he made McClellan reconnoiter and
deploy with all the caution of old Melas, till Johnston came up. It
is true that McClellan steadily improved, and gained confidence
in himself and his army; yet he seemed to regard the latter as a
parent does a child, and, like the first Frederick William's
gigantic grenadiers, too precious for gunpowder.
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His position in front of Richmond, necessitated by the
establishment of his base on York River, was vicious, because
his army was separated by the Chickahominy, a stream subject
to heavy floods, which swept away bridges and made the
adjacent lowlands impassable. Attacked at Fair Oaks while the
river was in flood, he displayed energy, but owed the escape of
his two exposed corps to Johnston's wound and the subsequent
blunders of the Confederates. To operate against Richmond on
the north bank of the James, his proper plan was to clear that
river and rest his left upon it, or to make the Potomac and
Rappahannock his base, as the line of rail from Aquia and
Fredericksburg was but little longer than the York River line.
This, keeping him more directly between the Confederate army
and Washington, would have given him McDowell's corps, the
withdrawal of which from his direction he earnestly objected to.
The true line of attack was on the south of the James, where
Grant was subsequently forced by the ability of Lee; but it
should be observed that after he took the field, McClellan had
not the liberty of action accorded to Grant. That Lee caught his
right "in the air" at Hanover and Cold Harbor, McClellan
ascribes to his Government's interference with and withdrawal
of McDowell's corps. Reserving this, he fought well at Gaines's
Mill, Cold Harbor, and Frazier's Farm. Always protecting his
selected line of retreat, bringing off his movable stores, and
preserving the organization of his army, he restored its spirit and
morale by turning at Malvern Hill to inflict a bloody repulse on his
enemy. In his official report he speaks of his movement from the
Chickahominy to Harrison's Landing on the James as a change
of base, previously determined. This his detractors sneer at as
an afterthought, thereby unwittingly enhancing his merit.
Regarded as a change of base, carefully considered and
provided for, it was most creditable; but if suddenly and
unexpectedly forced upon him, he exhibited a courage, vigor, and
presence of mind worthy of the greatest commanders.
Safe at Harrisons Landing, in communication with the fleet,
the army was transferred from McClellan to the command of
General Pope; and the influence of McClellan on his troops
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can not be correctly estimated without some allusion to this
officer, under whose command the Federal Army of the
Potomac suffered such mortifying defeat. Of an effrontery
while danger was remote equaled by helplessness when it was
present, and mendacity after it had passed, the annals of
despotism scarce afford an example of the elevation of such a
favorite. It has been said that his talent for the relation of
obscene stories engaged the attention and confidence of
President Lincoln. However this may be, great was the
consternation at Washington produced by his incapacity. The
bitterness of official rancor was sweetened, and in honeyed
phrase McClellan was implored to save the capital. He
displayed an unselfish patriotism by accepting the task without
conditions for himself, but it may be doubted if he was right in
leaving devoted friends under the scalping-knife, speedily
applied, as might have been foreseen.
With vigor he restored order and spirit to the army, and led it,
through the passes of South Mountain, to face Lee, who was
stretched from Chambersburg to Harper's Ferry. Having
unaccountably permitted his cavalry to separate from him, and
deprived himself of adequate means of information, Lee was to
some extent taken unawares. His thin lines at Antietam, slowly
fed with men jaded by heavy marching, were sorely pressed.
There was a moment, as Hooker's advance was stayed by the
wound of its leader, when McClellan, with storgé of battle, might
have led on his reserves and swept the field. Hard would it have
been for the Confederates, with the river in rear; but this
seemed beyond McClellan or outside of his nature. Antietam
was a drawn battle, and Lee recrossed into Virginia at his
leisure.
While it may be confidently believed that McClellan would
have continued to improve by experience in the field, it is
doubtful if he possessed that divine spark which impels a
commander, at the accepted moment, to throw every man on
the enemy and grasp complete victory. But his Government
gave him no further opportunity. He disappeared from the war,
to be succeeded by mediocrity, too well recognized to disturb the
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susceptibility of a War Secretary who, like Louvois, was able,
but jealous of merit and lustful of power.
Although in the last months of the war, after he had assumed
command of the armies of the Confederacy, I had some
correspondence with General Lee, I never met him again, and
indeed was widely separated from him, and it now behooves me
to set forth an opinion of his place in Southern history. Of all the
men I have seen, he was best entitled to the epithet of
distinguished; and so marked was his appearance in this
particular, that he would not have passed unnoticed through the
streets of any capital. Reserved almost to coldness, his calm
dignity repelled familiarity: not that he seemed without
sympathies, but that he had so conquered his own weaknesses
as to prevent the confession of others before him. At the
outbreak of the war his reputation was exclusively that of an
engineer, in which branch of the military service of the United
States he had, with a short exception, passed his career. He was
early sent to Western Virginia on a forlorn hope against
Rosecrans, where he had no success; for success was
impossible. Yet his lofty character was respected of all and
compelled public confidence. Indeed, his character seemed
perfect, his bath in Stygian waters complete; not a vulnerable
spot remained: totus teres atque rotundus. His soldiers reverenced
him and had unbounded confidence in him, for he shared all their
privations, and they saw him ever unshaken of fortune. Tender
and protecting love he did not inspire: such love is given to
weakness, not to strength. Not only was he destitute of a vulgar
greed for fame, he would not extend a hand to welcome it
when it came unbidden. He was without ambition, and, like
Washington, into whose family connection he had married, kept
duty as his guide.
The strategy by which he openly, to attract attention,
reënforced Jackson in the Valley, to thrust him between
McDowell and McClellan at Cold Harbor, deserves to rank with
Marlborough's cross march in Germany and Napoleon's rapid
concentration around Ulm; though his tactical manoeuvres on the
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field were inferior to the strategy. His wonderful defensive
campaign in 1864 stands with that of Napoleon in 1813; and the
comparison only fails by an absence of sharp returns to the
offensive. The historian of the Federal Army of the Potomac
states (and, as far as I have seen, uncontradicted) that Grant's
army, at second Cold Harbor, refused to obey the order to
attack, so distressed was it by constant butchery. In such a
condition of morale an advance upon it might have changed
history. In truth, the genius of Lee for offensive war had
suffered by a too long service as an engineer. Like Erskine in
the House of Commons, it was not his forte. In both the
Antietam and Gettysburg campaigns he allowed his cavalry to
separate from him, and was left without intelligence of the
enemy's movements until he was upon him. In both, too, his
army was widely scattered, and had to be brought into action by
piecemeal. There was an abundance of supplies in the country
immediately around Harper's Ferry, and had he remained
concentrated there, the surrender of Miles would have been
advanced, and McClellan met under favorable conditions. His
own report of Gettysburg confesses his mistakes; for he was
of too lofty a nature to seek scapegoats, and all the
rambling accounts of that action I have seen published add
but little to his report. These criticisms are written with
unaffected diffidence; but it is only by studying the
campaigns of great commanders that the art of war can be
illustrated.
Nevertheless, from the moment Lee succeeded to the
command of the army in Virginia, he was facile princeps in the
war, towering above all on both sides, as the pyramid of
Ghizeh above the desert. Steadfast to the end, he upheld the
waning fortunes of the Confederacy as did Hector those of
Troy. Last scene of all, at his surrender, his greatness and
dignity made of his adversary but a humble accessory; and if
deported intelligences be permitted to take ken of the affairs of
this world, the soul of Light Horse Harry rejoices that his own
eulogy of Washington, "First in war, first in peace, first in the
hearts of his countrymen," is now, by the united voice of
the South, applied to his noble son.
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Foregoing criticisms have indicated the tendency of engineer
service to unfit men for command. It was once said of a certain
colonel that he was an admirable officer when absent from
soldiers. No amount of theoretical training can supply the
knowledge gained by direct and immediate association with
troops. The ablest and most promising graduates from West
Point are annually assigned to the engineer and ordnance corps.
After some years they become scientists, perhaps pedants, but
not soldiers. Whatever may be the ultimate destination of such
young men, they should be placed on duty for at least one year
with each arm of the service, and all officers of the general
staff below the highest grades should be returned to the line for
limited periods. In no other way can a healthy connection
between line and staff be preserved. The United States will
doubtless continue to maintain an army, however small, as a
model, if for no other purpose, for volunteers, the reliance of the
country in the event of a serious war. It ought to have the best
possible article for the money, and, to secure this, should
establish a camp of instruction, composed of all arms, where
officers could study the actual movements of troops.
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CHAPTER VII.
THE DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA.
A MONTH of rest at Richmond restored my health, which
subsequently remained good; but in leaving Virginia I was
separated from my brigade, endeared by so many memories. It
remained with Lee's army, and gained distinction in many
battles. As the last preserved of Benjamin on the rock of
Rimmon, scarce a handful survived the war; but its story would
comprise much of that of the Army of Northern Virginia, and I
hope some survivor, who endured till the end, will relate it. A
braver command never formed line of battle.
And now I turned my steps toward the West, where, beyond
the "father of waters," two years of hard work and much
fighting awaited me. The most direct route to the Southwest
was by Chattanooga, where General Bragg was concentrating
the Army of Tennessee. This officer had requested the War
Department to assign me to duty with his army as chief of staff,
and it was suggested to me to call on him en route. He had
reached Chattanooga in advance of his troops, then moving
from Tupelo in northern Mississippi. In the two days passed at
Chattanooga, General Bragg communicated to me his plan of
campaign into Kentucky, which was excellent, giving promise of
large results if vigorously executed; and I think its failure may
be ascribed to the infirmities of the commander.
Born in North Carolina, graduated from West Point in 1837,
Bragg served long and creditably in the United States artillery.
In the war with Mexico he gained much celebrity, especially at
Buena Vista, to the success of which action, under the
immediate eye of General Zachary Taylor, he largely contributed.
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Resigning the service, he married a lady of Louisiana and
purchased an estate on the Bayou Lafourche, where he resided
at the outbreak of civil war. Promoted to the rank of general
after the death of Albert Sidney Johnston, he succeeded
Beauregard, retired by ill health, in command of the Army of
Tennessee. Possessing experience in and talent for war, he was
the most laborious of commanders, devoting every moment to
the discharge of his duties. As a disciplinarian he far surpassed
any of the senior Confederate generals; but his method and
manner were harsh, and he could have won the affections of his
troops only by leading them to victory. He furnished a striking
illustration of the necessity of a healthy body for a sound
intellect. Many years of dyspepsia had made his temper sour
and petulant; and he was intolerant to a degree of neglect of
duty, or what he esteemed to be such, by his officers. A striking
instance of this occurred during my visit. At dinner, surrounded
by his numerous staff, I inquired for one of his division
commanders, a man widely known and respected, and received
this answer: "General - is an old woman, utterly worthless."
Such a declaration, privately made, would have been serious;
but publicly, and certain to be repeated, it was astonishing.
As soon as we had withdrawn to his private room, I asked
by whom he intended to relieve General - . "Oh! by no one. I
have but one or two fitted for high command, and have in vain
asked the War Department for capable people." To my
suggestion that he could hardly expect hearty coöperation from
officers of whom he permitted himself to speak contemptuously,
he replied: "I speak the truth. The Government is to blame for
placing such men in high position." From that hour I had
misgivings as to General Bragg's success, and felt no regret at
the refusal of the authorities to assign me to duty with him. It
may be said of his subordinate commanders that they supported
him wonderfully, in despite of his temper, though that ultimately
produced dissatisfaction and wrangling. Feeble health, too,
unfitted him to sustain long-continued pressure of responsibility,
and he failed in the execution of his own plan.
The movement into Kentucky was made by two lines. General
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Kirby Smith led a subordinate force from Knoxville, East
Tennessee, through Cumberland Gap, and, defeating the
Federals in a spirited action at Richmond, Kentucky, reached
Lexington, in the center of the State, and threatened Cincinnati.
Bragg moved on a line west of the Cumberland range toward
Louisville, on the Ohio River; and this movement forced the
Federal commander, Buell, to march north to the same point by
a parallel road, farther west. Buell left garrisons at Nashville
and other important places, and sought to preserve his
communications with Louisville, his base. Weakened by
detachments, as well as by the necessity of a retrograde
movement, Bragg should have brought him to action before he
reached Louisville. Defeated, the Federals would have been
driven north of the Ohio to reorganize, and Bragg could have
wintered his army in the fertile and powerful State of Kentucky,
isolating the garrisons in his rear; or, if this was impossible,
which does not appear, he should have concentrated against
Buell when the latter, heavily reënforced, marched south from
Louisville to regain Nashville. But he fought a severe action at
Perryville with a fraction of his army, and retired to Central
Tennessee. The ensuing winter, at Murfreesboro, he contested
the field with Rosecrans, Buell's successor, for three days; and
though he won a victory, it was not complete, and the summer
of 1863 found him again at Chattanooga. In the mean time, a
Federalforce
under General Burnside passed through
Cumberland Gap, and occupied Knoxville and much of East
Tennessee, severing the direct line of rail communication from
Richmond to the Southwest.
This condensed account of the Kentucky campaign,
extending over many months, is given because of my personal
intimacy with the commander, who apprised me of his plans.
General Bragg died recently in Texas. I have rarely known a
more conscientious, laborious man. Exacting of others, he never
spared himself, but, conquering disease, showed a constant
devotion to duty; and distinguished as were his services in the
cause he espoused, they would have been far greater had he
enjoyed the blessing of health.
Leaving Chattanooga, I proceeded to my destination, western
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Louisiana, and crossed the Mississippi at the entrance of
Red River. Some miles below, in the Atchafalaya, I found a
steamer, and learned that the Governor of the State was at
Opelousas, which could be reached by descending the last river
to the junction of the Bayou Courtableau, navigable at high
water to the village of Washington, six miles north of Opelousas.
Embarking on the steamer, I reached the junction at sunset, but
the water in Courtableau was too low for steam navigation. As
my family had sought refuge with friends in the vicinity of
Washington, I was anxious to get on, and hired a boat, with four
negro oarsmen, to take me up the bayou, twenty miles. The
narrow stream was overarched by trees shrouded with Spanish
moss, the universal parasite of Southern forests. Heavy rain fell,
accompanied by vivid lightning, the flashes of which enabled us
to find our way; and before dawn I had the happiness to
embrace wife and children after a separation of fourteen
months. Some hours later I reached Opelousas, and met the
Governor, Thomas O. Moore, with whom I had served in our
State Assembly. This worthy gentleman, a successful and
opulent planter, had been elected Governor in 1860. He was a
man of moderate temper and opinions, but zealously aided the
Confederate cause after his State had joined it. Forced to leave
New Orleans by the approach of Farragut's fleet, he brought my
family with him, and was unwearied in kind attentions.
Melancholy indeed was the condition of the "District of
Louisiana," to the command of which I was assigned.
Confederate authority had virtually ceased with the fall of
New Orleans in the previous April. Fortifications at Barataria,
Berwick's Bay, and other Gulf-coast points had been
abandoned, the garrisons withdrawn, works dismantled, and
guns thrown into the water. The Confederate Government had
no soldiers, no arms or munitions, and no money, within the
limits of the district. Governor Moore was willing to aid me to
the extent of his ability, but, deprived by the loss of New
Orleans and the lower river parishes of half the population and
three fourths of the resources of his State, he could do little.
General Magruder had recently been assigned to command
Page 103
in Texas, and General Holmes, the senior officer west of the
Mississippi, was far to the north in Arkansas. To him I at once
reported my arrival and necessities. Many days elapsed before
his reply was received, to the effect that he could give me no
assistance, as he meditated a movement against Helena on the
Mississippi River. Without hope of aid from abroad, I addressed
myself to the heavy task of arousing public sentiment, apathetic
if not hostile from disaster and neglect, and the creation of some
means of defense. Such was the military destitution that a
regiment of cavalry could have ridden over the State, while
innumerable rivers and bayous, navigable a large part of the
year, would admit Federal gunboats to the heart of every parish.
To understand subsequent operations in this region, one
must have some idea of its topography and river systems.
Washed on the east, from the Arkansas line to the Gulf of
Mexico, by the Mississippi, western Louisiana is divided into two
not very unequal parts by the Red River, which, entering the
State at its northwestern angle, near the boundaries of Texas
and Arkansas, flows southeast to the Mississippi through a
broad, fertile valley, then occupied by a population of large
slave-owners engaged in the culture of cotton. From the southern
slopes of the Ozark Mountains in Central Arkansas comes the
Washita River to unite with the Red, a few miles above the
junction of the latter with the Mississippi. Preserving a southerly
course, along the eastern foot of the hills, the Washita enters the
State nearly a hundred miles west of the Mississippi, but the
westerly trend of the great river reduces this distance until the
waters meet. The alluvion between these rivers, protected from
inundation by levees along the streams, is divided by many
bayous, of which the Tensas, with its branch the Macon, is the
most important. These bayous drain the vast swamps into the
Washita, and, like this river, are in the season of floods open to
steam navigation. Here was one of the great cotton-producing
regions of the South. Estates of 5,000 acres and more abounded,
and with the numerous slaves necessary to their cultivation,
were largely under the charge of overseers, while the
proprietors resided in distant and more healthy localities.
Abundant facilities
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for navigation afforded by countless streams superseded the
necessity for railways, and but one line of some eighty miles
existed. This extended from Monroe on the Washita to a point
opposite Vicksburg on the Mississippi; but the great flood of
1862 had broken the eastern half of the line. Finally, the lower
Washita, at Trinity, where it receives the Tensas from the east
and Little River from the west, takes the name of Black River.
And it may be well to add that in Louisiana counties are called
parishes, dikes levees, and streams bayous.
South of the Red River, population and industries change.
The first is largely composed of descendants of French colonists,
termed creoles, with some Spanish intermixed, and the sugar
cane is the staple crop, changing as the Gulf is approached to
rice. At the point where the united Red and Washita Rivers join
the Mississippi, which here changes direction to the east, the
Atchafalaya leaves it, and, flowing due south through Grand
Lake and Berwick's Bay, reaches the Gulf at Atchafalaya Bay,
two degrees west of its parent stream, and by a more direct
course. Continuing the line of the Red and Washita, it not only
discharges much of their waters, but draws largely from the
Mississippi when this last is in flood. Midway between the
Atchafalaya and the city of New Orleans, some eighty miles
from either point, another outlet of the great river, the Bayou
Lafourche, discharges into the Gulf after passing through a
densely populated district, devoted to the culture of sugar cane
and rice. A large lake, Des Allemands, collects the waters from
the higher lands on the river and bayou, and by an outlet of the
same name carries them to Barataria Bay. Lying many feet
below the flood level of the streams, protected by heavy dikes,
with numerous steam-engines for crushing canes and pumping
water, and canals and ditches in every direction, this region
resembles a tropical Holland. At the lower end of Lake Des
Allemands passed the only line of railway in southern Louisiana,
from a point on the west bank of the river opposite New Orleans
to Berwick's Bay, eighty miles. Berwick's Bay, which is but the
Atchafalaya after it issues from Grand Lake, is eight hundred
yards wide, with great depth of water, and soon
Page 105
meets the Gulf in Atchafalaya Bay. A few miles above the
railway terminus at Berwick's there enters from the west the
Teche, loveliest of Southern streams. Navigable for more than a
hundred miles, preserving at all seasons an equal breadth and
depth, so gentle is its flow that it might be taken for a canal, did
not the charming and graceful curves, by which it separates the
undulating prairies of Attakapas from the alluvion of the
Atchafalaya, mark it as the handiwork of Nature. Before the
war, the Teche for fifty miles, from Berwick's Bay to New
Iberia, passed through one field of sugar canes, the fertile and
well-cultivated estates succeeding each other. The mansions of
the opulent planters, as well as the villages of their slaves, were
situated on the west bank of the bayou overlooking the broad,
verdant prairie, where countless herds roamed. On the east
bank, the dense forest had given way to fields of luxuriant
canes; and to connect the two parts of estates, floating bridges
were constructed, with openings in the center for the passage of
steamers. Stately live oaks, the growth of centuries, orange
groves, and flowers of every hue and fragrance surrounded the
abodes of the seigneurs; while within, one found the grace of the
salon combined with the healthy cheeriness of country life.
Abundance and variety of game encouraged field sports, and the
waters, fresh and salt, swarmed with fish. With the sky and
temperature of Sicily, the breezes from prairie and Gulf were as
health-giving as those that ripple the heather on Scotch moors.
In all my wanderings, and they have been many and wide, I can
not recall so fair, so bountiful, and so happy a land.
The upper or northern Teche waters the parishes of St.
Landry, Lafayette, and St. Martin's - the Attakapas, home of
the "Acadians." What the gentle, contented creole was to the
restless, pushing American, that and more was the Acadian to
the creole. In the middle of the past century, when the victories
of Wolfe and Amherst deprived France of her Northern
possessions, the inhabitants of Nouvelle Acadie, the present
Nova Scotia, migrated to the genial clime of the Attakapas,
where beneath the flag of the lilies they could preserve their
allegiance, their traditions, and their faith. Isolated up to the
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time of the war, they spoke no language but their own patois;
and, reading and writing not having come to them by nature, they
were dependent for news on their curés and occasional peddlers,
who tempted the women with chiffons and trinkets. The few
slaves owned were humble members of the household, assisting
in the cultivation of small patches of maize, sweet potatoes, and
cotton, from which last the women manufactured the wonderful
Attakapas cotonnade, the ordinary clothing of both sexes. Their
little cabanes dotted the broad prairie in all directions, and it was
pleasant to see the smoke curling from their chimneys, while
herds of cattle and ponies grazed at will. Here, unchanged, was
the French peasant of Fénelon and Bossuet, of Louis le Grand
and his successor le Bien-Aimé. Tender and true were his
traditions of la belle France, but of France before Voltaire and
the encyclopædists, the Convention and the Jacobins - ere she
had lost faith in all things, divine and human, save the
bourgeoisie andavocats. Mounted on his pony, with lariat in
hand, he herded his cattle, or shot and fished; but so gentle was
his nature, that lariat and rifle seemed transformed into pipe and
crook of shepherd. Light wines from the Médoc, native oranges,
and home-made sweet cakes filled his largest conceptions of
feasts; and violin and clarionet made high carnival in his heart.
On an occasion, passing the little hamlet of Grand Coteau, I
stopped to get some food for man and horse. A pretty maiden of
fifteen springs, whose parents were absent, welcomed me. Her
lustrous eyes and long lashes might have excited the envy of
"the dark-eyed girl of Cadiz." Finding her alone, I was about to
retire and try my fortune in another house; but she insisted that
she could prepare "monsieur un dÎner dans un tour de main," and
she did. Seated by the window, looking modestly on the road,
while I was enjoying her repast, she sprang to her feet, clapped
her hands joyously, and exclaimed: "V'là le gros Jean Baptiste
qui passe sur son mulet avec deux bocals. Ah! nous aurons grand
bal ce soir." It appeared that one jug of claret meant a dance,
but two very high jinks indeed. As my hostess declined any
remuneration for her trouble, I
Page 107
begged her to accept a pair of plain gold sleeve buttons, my only
ornaments. Wonder, delight, and gratitude chased each other
across the pleasant face, and the confiding little creature put up
her rose-bud mouth. In an instant the homely room became as
the bower of Titania, and I accepted the chaste salute with all
the reverence of a subject for his Queen, then rode away with
uncovered head so long as she remained in sight. Hospitable
little maiden of Grand Coteau, may you never have graver fault
to confess than the innocent caress you bestowed on the stranger!
It was to this earthly paradise, and upon this simple race,
that the war came, like the tree of the knowledge of evil to our
early parents.
Some weeks before I reached my new field, General Van
Dorn, who commanded the Confederate forces east of the
Mississippi, had successfully resisted a bombardment of
Vicksburg by Federal gunboats, during which the Confederate
ram Arkansas, descending the Yazoo River, passed through the
enemy's fleet, inflicting some damage and causing much alarm,
and anchored under the guns of Vicksburg. To follow up this
success, Van Dorn sent General Breckenridge with a division
against Baton Rouge, the highest point on the river above New
Orleans then held by the Federals, and the Arkansas was to
descend to coöperate in the attack. Breckenridge reached
Baton Rouge at the appointed time, assaulted, and was repulsed
after a severe action; but the Arkansas, disabled by an accident
to her machinery, was delayed, and, learning of Breckenridge's
failure, her commander ran her ashore on the west bank of the
river a few miles above Baton Rouge, and destroyed her.
Strengthening their garrison in this town, the Federals employed
many steamers on the river between it and New Orleans, a
hundred and twenty miles, armed vessels of Farragut's
fleet guarding the stream. From time to time parties of infantry
were landed to plunder and worry the peaceful inhabitants,
though after the fall of New Orleans no Confederate
forces had been on that part of the river, and no resistance was
made by the people.
Page 108
Two days were passed at Opelousas in consultation with Governor
Moore, who transferred to me several small bodies of State troops
which he had organized. Alexandria on the Red River, some seventy-five
miles north of Opelousas, was the geographical center of the State
and of steam navigation, and the proper place for the headquarters of
the district. To escape the intense heat, I rode the distance in a night,
and remained some days at Alexandria, in the organization of
necessary staff departments and in providing means of communication
with different parts of the State. Great distances and the want of
railway and telegraph lines made this last a heavy burden. Without
trained officers, my presence was required at every threatened point,
and I was seldom enabled to pass twenty-four consecutive hours at
headquarters; but Adjutant Surget, of whom mention has been made,
conducted the business of the district with vigor and discretion during
my absence. Subsequently, by using an ambulance in which one could
sleep, and with relays of mules, long distances were rapidly
accomplished; and, like the Irishman's bird, I almost succeeded in
being in two places at the same time.
Leaving Alexandria, I went south to visit the Lafourche and
intervening regions. At Vermilionville, in the parish of Lafayette, thirty
miles south of Opelousas, resided ex-Governor Mouton, a man of
much influence over the creole and Acadian populations, and an old
acquaintance. Desiring his aid to arouse public sentiment, depressed
since the fall of New Orleans, I stopped to see him. Past middle age, he
had sent his sons and kindred to the war, and was eager to assist the
cause in all possible ways. His eldest son and many of his kinsmen fell
in battle, his estate was diminished by voluntary contributions and
wasted by plunder, and he was taken to New Orleans and confined for
many weeks; yet he never faltered in his devotion, and preserved his
dignity and fortitude.
In camp near New Iberia, seven and twenty miles south of
Vermilionville, was Colonel Fournet, with a battalion of five companies
raised in the parish, St. Martin's. The men were without instruction,
and inadequately armed and equipped. Impressing
Page 109
on Fournet and his officers the importance of discipline and
instruction, and promising to supply them with arms, I proceeded to
the residence of Leclerc Fusilier, in the parish of St. Mary's, twenty
miles below New Iberia. Possessor of great estates, and of a
hospitable, generous nature, this gentleman had much weight in his
country. His sons were in the army, and sixty years had not diminished
his energy nor his enthusiasm. He desired to serve on my staff as
volunteer aide, promising to join me whenever fighting was to be
done; and he kept his promise. In subsequent actions on the Teche
and Red River, the first gun seemed the signal for the appearance of
Captain Fusilier, who, on his white pony, could be seen where the
fight was the thickest, leading on or encouraging his neighbors. His
corn bins, his flocks and herds, were given to the public service
without stint; and no hungry, destitute Confederate was permitted to
pass his door. Fusilier was twice captured, and on the first occasion
was sent to Fortress Monroe, where he, with fifty other prisoners from
my command, was embarked on the transport Maple Leaf for Fort
Delaware. Reaching the capes of Chesapeake at nightfall, the prisoners
suddenly attacked and overpowered the guard, ran the transport near
to the beach in Princess Anne County, Virginia, landed, and made their
way to Richmond, whence they rejoined me in Louisiana. Again taken,
Fusilier escaped, while descending the Teche on a steamer, by
springing from the deck to seize the overhanging branch of a live oak.
The guard fired on him, but darkness and the rapid movement of the
steamer were in his favor, and he got off unhurt.
I have dwelt somewhat on the characters of Mouton and Fusilier,
not only because of their great devotion to the Confederacy, but
because there exists a wide-spread belief that the creole race has
become effete and nerveless. In the annals of time no breed has
produced nobler specimens of manhood than these two; and while
descendants of the French colonists remain on the soil of Louisiana,
their names and characters should be reverenced as are those of
Hampden and Sidney in England.
To Berwick's Bay, a hundred and seventy-five miles from
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Alexandria. Here, on the eastern shore, was the terminus of
the New Orleans and Opelousas railroad. A deep, navigable arm
of the bay, called Bayou Boeuf, flows east of the station, which
is on the island fronting the bay proper. Some engines and plant
had been saved from the general wreck at New Orleans, and
the line was operated from the bay to Lafourche crossing, thirty
miles. The intervening territory constitutes the parish of
Terrebonne, with fertile, cultivated lands along the many bayous,
and low swamps between. From Lafourche crossing to Algiers,
opposite New Orleans, is fifty miles; and, after leaving the higher
ground adjacent to the Lafourche, the line plunges into swamps
and marshes, impassable except on the embankment of the line
itself. Midway of the above points, the Bayou des Allemands,
outlet of the large lake of the same name, is crossed; and here
was a Federal post of some two hundred men with two field
guns. On the west bank of the Lafourche, a mile or two above
the railway crossing, and thirty-two miles below Donaldsonville,
where the bayou leaves the Mississippi, lies the town of
Thibodeaux, the most considerable place of this region.
Navigable for steamers, whenever the waters of its parent river
are high, restrained from inundation by levees on both banks, the
Lafourche flows through the fertile and populous parishes of
Assumption and Lafourche, and, after a sinuous course of some
ninety miles, reaches the Gulf to the west of Barataria Bay.
Above Thibodeaux there were no bridges, and communication
between the opposite banks was kept up by ferries.
One or two companies of mounted men, armed with fowling
pieces, had been organized under authority from Governor
Moore, and Colonel Waller's battalion of mounted riflemen had
recently arrived from Texas. These constituted the Confederate
army in this quarter.
Page 111
CHAPTER VIII.
OPERATIONS IN LOUISIANA AND ON THE MISSISSIPPI.
MENTION has been made of the plundering expeditions of the
Federals, and the post at Bayou des Allemands was reported as
the especial center from which raids on the helpless inhabitants
were undertaken. I determined to attempt the surprise and
capture of this post, which could be reached from the river at a
point fifty miles below Donaldsonville. My estate was in the
immediate vicinity of this point, and the roads and paths through
plantations and swamps were well known to me. Colonel Waller
was assigned to the duty, with minute instructions concerning
roads and movements, and competent guides were furnished
him. Moving rapidly by night, and, to escape observation,
avoiding the road near the river, Waller with his Texans gained
the enemy's rear, advanced on his camp, and, after a slight
resistance, captured two companies of infantry and the guns.
The captured arms and accouterments served to equip Waller's
men, whose rifles were altered flintlocks and worthless, and the
prisoners were sent to the Teche to be guarded by Fournet's
Acadiens. This trifling success, the first in the State since the
loss of New Orleans, attracted attention, and the people rejoiced
at the capture of the Des Allemands garrison as might those of
Greece at the unearthing of the accomplished and classic thief
Cacus. Indeed, the den of that worthy never contained such
multifarious "loot" as did this Federal camp. Books, pictures,
household furniture, finger rings, ear rings, breastpins and other
articles of feminine adornment and wear, attested the catholic
taste and temper of these patriots.
Persuaded that the Federal commander at New Orleans,
Page 112
General Benjamin F. Butler, was ignorant of the practices of his
outlying detachments, I requested ex-Governor Wickliffe of
Louisiana, a non-combatant, to visit that officer under a flag of
truce and call his attention to the subject. Duty to the suffering
population would force me to deal with perpetrators of such
misdeeds as robbers rather than as soldiers. General Butler
received Governor Wickliffe politely, invited him to dine, and
listened attentively to his statements, then dismissed him without
committing himself to a definite reply. However, conduct
complained of was speedily stopped, and, as I was informed, by
orders from General Butler. This was the only intercourse I had
with this officer during the war. Some months later he was
relieved from command at New Orleans by General Banks,
whose blunders served to endear him to President Lincoln, as
did those of Villeroy to his master, the fourteenth Louis. When
the good Scotch parson finished praying for all created beings
and things, he requested his congregation to unite in asking a
blessing for the "puir deil," who had no friends; and General
Butler has been so universally abused as to make it pleasant to
say a word in his favor. Not that he needs assistance to defend
himself; for in the war of epithets he has proved his ability to
hold his ground against all comers as successfully as did Count
Robert of Paris with sword and lance.
Preservation of the abundant supplies of the Lafourche
country, and protection of the dense population from which
recruits could be drawn, were objects of such importance as to
justify the attempt to secure them with inadequate means.
A few days after the Des Allemands affair, I was called to
the north, and will for convenience anticipate events in this
quarter during my absence. Minute instructions for his guidance
were given to Colonel Waller. The danger to be guarded against
while operating on the river was pointed out, viz.: that the
enemy might, from transports, throw forces ashore above and
below him, at points where the swamps in the rear were
impassable; and this trap Waller fell into. Most of his men
escaped by abandoning arms, horses, etc. Immunity from attack
for some days had made them careless. Nothing compensates
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for absence of discipline; and the constant watchfulness, even
when danger seems remote, that is necessary in war, can only
be secured by discipline which makes of duty a habit.
Meanwhile, two skeleton regiments, the 18th Louisiana and
Crescent, and a small battalion (Clack's) of infantry, with
Semmes's and Ralston's batteries, reached me from east of the
Mississippi, and were directed to the Lafourche. There also
reported to me Brigadier Alfred Mouton, son of Governor
Mouton, and a West Pointer. This officer had been wounded at
Shiloh, and was now ordered to command on the Lafourche.
His instructions were to make Thibodeaux his centre of
concentration, to picket Bayou Des Allemands and
Donaldsonville, thirty miles distant each, to secure early
information of the enemy's movements, and to provide a
movable floating bridge by which troops could cross the bayou,
as the water was too low to admit steamers from the river.
These same instructions had been given to the senior officer
present before Mouton's arrival, but had been imperfectly
executed. A feint on Des Allemands had induced the movement
of nearly half the little force in that direction, and Mouton had
scant time after he reached Thibodeaux to correct errors before
the enemy was upon him.
In the last days of October the Federal General, Weitzel,
brought up a force of some 4,000 from New Orleans, landed at
Donaldsonville, and advanced down the Lafourche, on the west
bank. There were Confederates on both sides of the bayou, but,
having neglected their floating bridge, they could not unite. With
his own, the 18th, the Crescent, Colonel McPheeters, and the
four-gun battery of Captain Ralston - in all 500 men - Colonel
Armand resisted Weitzel's advance at Labadieville, eight miles
above Thibodeaux. The fighting was severe, and Armand only
retired after his ammunition was exhausted; but he lost many
killed and wounded, and some few prisoners. Colonel
McPheeters was among the former, and Captains Ralston and
Story among the latter. The loss of the Federals prevented
Weitzel from attempting a pursuit; and Mouton, who deemed it
necessary to retire across Berwick's Bay, was not interrupted in
his movement. With his forces well in hand, Mouton would
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have defeated Weitzel and retained possession of the Lafourche
country. The causes of his failure to concentrate have been pointed
out. Information of untoward events reached me on the road from the
north, and I arrived at Berwick's Bay as Mouton was crossing.
To return to the time of departure from the Lafourche. Several days
were passed at New Iberia in attention to a matter of much interest.
Some eight miles to the southwest of the village there rises from the
low prairie and salt marsh, at the head of Vermilion Bay, an island of
high land, near a thousand acres in extent. Connected with the
mainland by a causeway of some length, the island was the property
and residence of Judge Avery. A small bayou, Petit Anse, navigable
for light craft, approached the western side and wound through the
marsh to Vermilion Bay. Salt wells had long been known to exist on the
island, and some salt had been boiled there. The want of salt was
severely felt in the Confederacy, our only considerable source of
supply being in southwestern Virginia, whence there were limited
facilities for distribution. Judge Avery began to boil salt for neighbors,
and, desiring to increase the flow of brine by deepening his wells, came
unexpectedly upon a bed of pure rock salt, which proved to be of
immense extent. Intelligence of this reached me at New Iberia, and
induced me to visit the island. The salt was from fifteen to twenty feet
below the surface, and the overlying soil was soft and friable. Devoted
to our cause, Judge Avery placed his mine at my disposition for the
use of the Government. Many negroes were assembled to get out salt,
and a packing establishment was organized at New Iberia to cure beef.
During succeeding months large quantities of salt, salt beef, sugar, and
molasses were transported by steamers to Vicksburg, Port Hudson, and
other points east of the Mississippi. Two companies of infantry and a
section of artillery were posted on the island to preserve order among
the workmen, and secure it against a sudden raid of the enemy, who
later sent a gunboat up the Petit Anse to shell the mine, but the
gunboat became entangled in the marsh and was impotent.
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At Alexandria, where every effort was made to collect material, but
without funds and among a depressed people, progress was slow. It
was necessary to visit Monroe, the chief place of the important
Washita country; and I was further impelled thereto by dispatches
from Richmond advising me that Lieutenant-General Pemberton had
been assigned to command of the country east of the Mississippi, and
that it was important for me to meet him, in order to secure coöperation
on the river. I rode the distance, via Monroe, to a point opposite
Vicksburg, over two hundred miles, excepting forty miles east of
Monroe, where the railway was in operation. The eastern half of the
line, from Bayou Maçon to the Mississippi, had been broken up by
the great flood of the previous spring.
Near Bayou Maçon was encamped Colonel Henry Grey with his
recently organized regiment, the 28th infantry. Without much
instruction and badly equipped, its material was excellent, and there
were several officers of some experience, notably Adjutant Blackman,
who had accompanied my old regiment, the 9th, to Virginia, where he
had seen service. The men were suffering from camp diseases incident
to new troops, and Colonel Grey was directed to move by easy
marches to the Teche. In the low country between the Maçon and the
Mississippi were some mounted men under Captain Harrison.
Residents of this region, they understood the intricate system of
swamps and bayous by which it is characterized, and furnished me
guides to Vicksburg.
Vicksburg lies on the hills where the river forms a deep reëntering
angle. The peninsula on the opposite or western bank is several miles
in length, narrow, and, when the waters are up, impassable except
along the river's bank. It was through this peninsula that the Federals
attempted, by digging a canal, to pass their gunboats and turn the
Vicksburg batteries. The position of the town with reference to
approach from the west was marked by me at the time, and should be
borne in mind.
General Pemberton, who was at Jackson, came to Vicksburg to
meet me, and we discussed methods of coöperation. It was of vital
importance to control the section of the Mississippi receiving
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the Red and Washita Rivers. By so doing connection
would be preserved between the two parts of the Confederacy,
and troops and supplies crossed at will. Port Hudson, some forty
miles below the entrance of Red River, was as favorably
situated as Vicksburg above: for there again the hills touched
the river and commanded it. My operations on the Lafourche
had induced the enemy to withdraw from Baton Rouge, fifteen
miles below, and one or two heavy guns were already mounted
at Port Hudson. Pemberton engaged to strengthen the position
at once. As there were many steamers in the Red and Washita,
I undertook to supply Vicksburg and Port Hudson with corn,
forage, sugar, molasses, cattle, and salt; and this was done
beyond the ability of the garrisons to store or remove them.
Quantities of these supplies were lying on the river's bank when
the surrenders of the two places occurred.
A Pennsylvanian by birth, Pemberton graduated from West
Point in 1837, and was assigned to an artillery regiment. His first
station was in South Carolina, and he there formed his early
friendships. The storm of "nullification" had not yet subsided, and
Pemberton imbibed the tenets of the Calhoun school. In 1843 or
1844 I met him for the first time on the Niagara frontier, and
quite remember my surprise at his State-rights utterances,
unusual among military men at that period. During the war with
Mexico he was twice brevetted for gallantry in action. Later, he
married a lady of Virginia, which may have tended to confirm
his political opinions. At the beginning of civil strife he was in
Minnesota, commanding a battalion of artillery, and was ordered
to Washington. Arrived there with his command, he resigned his
commission in the United States army, went to Richmond, and
offered his sword to the Confederacy without asking for rank.
Certainly he must have been actuated by principle alone; for he
had everything to gain by remaining on the Northern side.
In the summer of 1862 General Van Dorn, commanding east
of the Mississippi, proclaimed martial law, which he explained to
the people to be the will of the commander. Though a
Mississippian by birth, such a storm was excited against Van
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Dorn in that State that President Davis found it necessary to
supersede him, and Pemberton was created a lieutenant-general
for the purpose. Davis could have known nothing of Pemberton
except that his military record was good, and it is difficult to
foresee that a distinguished subordinate will prove incompetent
in command. Errors can only be avoided by confining the
selection of generals to tradespeople, politicians, and newspaper
men without military training or experience. These are all great
commanders d'état, and universally succeed. The incapacity of
Pemberton for independent command, manifested in the ensuing
campaign, was a great misfortune to the Confederacy, but did
not justify aspersions on his character and motives. The public
howled, gnashed its teeth, and lashed itself into a beautiful rage.
He had joined the South for the express purpose of betraying it,
and this was clearly proven by the fact that he surrendered on
the 4th of July, a day sacred to the Yankees. Had he chosen
any other day, his guilt would not have been so well established;
but this particular day lacerated the tenderest sensibilities of
Southern hearts. President Davis should have known all about it;
and yet he made a pet of Pemberton. "Vox populi, vox diaboli."
Returned to Alexandria, I met my chief of artillery and
ordnance, Major J. L. Brent, just arrived from the east with
some arms and munitions, which he had remained to bring with
him. This officer had served on the staff of General Magruder
in the Peninsular and Richmond campaigns, after which,
learning that I was ordered to Louisiana, where he had family
connections, he applied to serve with me. Before leaving
Richmond I had several interviews with him, and was
favorably impressed.
A lawyer by profession, Major Brent knew nothing of
military affairs at the outbreak of the war, but speedily
acquainted himself with the technicalities of his new duties.
Devoted to work, his energy and administrative ability were felt
in every direction. Batteries were equipped, disciplined, and
drilled. Leather was tanned, harness made, wagons built, and a little
workshop, established at New Iberia by Governor Moore, became
important as an arsenal of construction. The lack of paper for
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cartridges was embarrassing, and most of the country newspapers were
stopped for want of material. Brent discovered a quantity of wall paper
in the shops at Franklin, New Iberia, etc. and used it for cartridges; and
a journal published at Franklin was printed on this paper. A copy of it
would be "a sight" to Mr. Walter and the staff of the "Thunderer."
The esprit de corps of Brents artillery was admirable, and its conduct
and efficiency in action unsurpassed. Serving with wild horsemen,
unsteady and unreliable for want of discipline, officers and men learned
to fight their guns without supports. True, Brent had under his
command many brilliant young officers, whose names will appear in this
narrative; but his impress was upon all, and he owes it to his command
to publish an account of the services of the artillery in western
Louisiana.
En route to Lafourche, I learned of the action at Labadieville, and
hurried on to Berwick's Bay, which Mouton had just crossed, and in
good time; for Federal gunboats entered from the Gulf immediately
after. Their presence some hours earlier would have been
uncomfortable for Mouton. It is curious to recall the ideas prevailing in
the first years of the war about gunboats. To the wide-spread terror
inspired by them may be ascribed the loss of Fort Donelson and New
Orleans. Omne ignotum pro magnifico; and it was popularly
believed that the destructive powers of these monsters were not to be
resisted. Time proved that the lighter class of boats, called "tin-clads,"
were helpless against field guns, while heavy iron-clads could be
driven off by riflemen protected by the timber and levees along streams.
To fire ten-inch guns at skirmishers, widely disposed and under cover,
was very like snipe-shooting with twelve-pounders; and in narrow
waters gunboats required troops on shore for their protection.
Penetrated in all directions by watercourses navigable when the
Mississippi was at flood, my "district" was especially exposed, and
every little bayou capable of floating a cock-boat called loudly for forts
and heavy guns. Ten guns, thirty-two-and twenty-four-pounders, of
those thrown into the water at Barataria and Berwick's Bays after the
surrender of New Orleans,
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had been recovered, and were mounted for defense. To protect Red
River against anything that might chance to run the batteries of
Vicksburg and Port Hudson, two thirty-twos were placed in position
on the south bank, thirty odd miles below Alexandria, where the high
ground of Avoyelles Prairie touches the river; and for the same
purpose two guns were mounted at Harrisonburg on the west bank of
the Washita. An abrupt hill approached the river at this point, and
commanded it.
The presence of gunboats in Berwick's Bay made it necessary to
protect the Atchafalaya also; for access to the Red and Washita could
be had by it. As yet, the waters were too low to navigate Grand Lake;
but it was now November, and the winter flood must be expected. Some
twelve miles from St. Martinsville on the Teche was a large mound on
the west bank of the Atchafalaya, called "Butte à la Rose." A short
distance above the point, where the river expands into Grand Lake, this
"Butte" was the only place for many miles not submerged when the
waters were up. The country between it and the Teche was as almost
impassable even in the dry season - a region of lakes, bayous, jungle,
and bog. I succeeded in making my way through to inspect the
position, the only favorable one on the river, and with much labor two
twenty-fours were taken there and mounted. Forts Beauregard on the
Washita, De Russy on the Red, and Burton on the Atchafalaya, were
mere water batteries to prevent the passage of gunboats, and served
that purpose. It was not supposed that they could be held against
serious land attacks, and but fifty to a hundred riflemen were posted at
each to protect the gunners from boats' crews.
During the floods of the previous spring many steamers had been
brought away from New Orleans, and with others a powerful tow-boat,
the Webb, now lying at Alexandria, and the Cotton. This last, a large
river steamer, was in the lower Teche in charge of Captain Fuller, a
western steamboat man, and one of the bravest of a bold, daring class.
He desired to convert the Cotton into a gunboat, and was assisted to
the extent of his means by Major Brent, who furnished two twenty-fours
and a field piece for armament. An attempt was made to protect the
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boilers and machinery with cotton bales and railway iron, of
which we had a small quantity, and a volunteer crew was put
on board, Fuller in command.
Midway between Berwick's Bay and Franklin, or some
thirteen miles from each, near the Bisland estate, the high
ground from Grand Lake on the east to Vermilion Bay on the
west is reduced to a narrow strip of some two thousand yards,
divided by the Teche. Here was the best position in this quarter
for a small force; and Mouton, who had now ten guns and about
thirteen hundred men, was directed to hold it, with scouts and
pickets toward Berwick's. A floating bridge, of the kind
described, was just above the position, and two others farther up
stream afforded ready communication across the bayou. A light
earthwork was thrown up from Grand Lake Marsh to the
Teche, and continued west to the embankment of the
uncompleted Opelousas Railway, which skirted the edge of
Vermilion Marsh. The objection to this position was the facility
of turning it by a force embarking at Berwick's, entering Grand
Lake immediately above, and landing at Hutchin's, not far from
Franklin, through which last passed the only line of retreat from
Bisland. This danger was obvious, but the people were so
depressed by our retreat from Lafourche that it was necessary
to fight even with this risk.
Weitzel had followed slowly after Mouton, and now, in
connection with gunboats, made little attacks on our pickets
below Bisland; but I knew his force to be too small to attempt
anything serious. In these affairs Fuller was always forward
with the Cotton, though her boilers were inadequately protected,
and she was too large and unwieldy to be handled in the narrow
Teche. Meanwhile, I was much occupied in placing guns on the
rivers at the points mentioned, getting out recruits for the two
skeleton infantry regiments, consolidating independent
companies, and other work of administration.
In the first days of January, 1863, Weitzel's force was
increased to forty-five hundred men (see "Report on the Conduct of
the War," vol. ii., p. 307); and on the 11th of the month, accompanied
by gunboats, he advanced up the Teche and drove in
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Mouton's pickets. Left unprotected by the retreat of the
pickets, the Cotton was assailed on all sides. Fuller fought
manfully, responding to the fire of the enemy's boats with his
twenty-fours, and repulsing the riflemen on either bank with his
field piece. His pilots were killed and he had an arm broken, but
he worked the wheel with his feet, backing up the bayou, as
from her great length the boat could not be turned in the narrow
channel. Night stopped the enemy's advance, and Mouton,
deeming his force too weak to cope with Weitzel, turned the
Cotton across the bayou, and scuttled and burned her to arrest
the further progress of the Federal boats. Weitzel returned to
Berwick's, having accomplished his object, the destruction of
the Cotton, supposed by the Federals to be a formidable iron-clad.
Much disturbed by the intelligence of these events, as they
tended still further to depress public sentiment and increase the
dread of gunboats, I went to Bisland and tried to convince
officers and men that these tin-clads could not resist the rapid
fire of field guns, when within range. At distances the thirty-pound
Parrotts of the boats had every advantage, but this would
be lost by bringing them to close quarters. During my stay
several movements from Berwick's were reported, and Mouton
and I went down with a battery to meet them, hoping to
illustrate my theory of the proper method of fighting gunboats;
but the enemy, who intended nothing beyond annoyance, always
retired before we could reach him. Yet this gave confidence to
our men.
The two twenty-fours removed from the wreck of the
Cotton were mounted in a work on the west bank of the Teche,
to command the bayou and road, and the line of breastworks
was strengthened. Some recruits joined, and Mouton felt able to
hold the lines at Bisland against the force in his front.
In the last days of January, 1863, General Grant, with a
large army, landed on the west bank of the Mississippi and
began operations against Vicksburg, a fleet of gunboats under
Admiral Porter coöperating with him. The river was now in
flood, and the Federals sought, by digging a canal through the
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narrow peninsula opposite Vicksburg, to pass their fleet below
the place without exposing it to fire from the batteries. Many
weeks were devoted to this work, which in the end was
abandoned. In February the Federal gunboat Queen of the
West, armed with a thirty-pound Parrott and five field guns, ran
the batteries at Vicksburg and caused much alarm on the river
below. The tow-boat Webb, before mentioned, had powerful
machinery and was very fast, and I determined to use her as a
ram and attempt the destruction of the Queen. A thirty-two-pounder,
rifled and banded, was mounted forward, some cotton
bales stuffed around her boilers, and a volunteer crew
organized. Pending these preparations I took steamer at
Alexandria and went down to Fort De Russy, and thence to
Butte à la Rose, which at this season could only be reached by
river. The little garrison of sixty men, with their two twenty-fours,
had just before driven off some gunboats, attempting to
ascend the Atchafalaya from Berwick's Bay. Complimenting
them on their success and warning them of the presence of the
Queen in our waters, I turned back, hoping to reach De Russy;
but at Simmsport, on the west bank of the Atchafalaya, a mile or
two below the point at which it leaves the Red, I learned that the
Federal boat had passed up the latter river, followed by one of
our small steamers captured on the Mississippi. Accompanied
by Major Levy, an officer of capacity and experience, I took
horse and rode across country to De Russy, thirty miles.
It was the 14th of February, a cold, rainy day; and as we
emerged from the swamps of Deglaize on to the prairie of
Avoyelles, the rain changed to sleet and hail, with a fierce north
wind. Occasional gusts were so sharp that our cattle refused to
face them and compelled us to halt. Suddenly, reports of heavy
guns came from the direction of De Russy, five miles away.
Spurring our unwilling horses through the storm, we reached the
river as night fell, and saw the Queen of the West lying against
the opposite shore, enveloped in steam. A boat was manned and
sent over to take possession. A wounded officer, with a surgeon
in charge, and four men, were found on board. The remainder
of the crew had passed through the
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forest to the captured steamer below, embarked, and made off
down river. A shot from De Russy had cut a steam pipe and the
tiller rope, but in other respects the Queen was not materially
injured. She was an ordinary river steamer, with her bow
strengthened for ramming. A heavy bulwark for protection
against sharp-shooters, and with embrasures for field guns,
surrounded her upper deck.
Pushing on to Alexandria, I found the wildest alarm and
confusion. The arrival of the Federal gunboat was momentarily
expected, and the intelligence of her capture was hardly
credited. The Webb was dispatched to overtake the escaped
crew of the Queen, and the latter towed up to Alexandria for
repairs. Entering the Mississippi, the Webb went up river,
sighted the escaped steamer, and was rapidly overhauling her,
when there appeared, coming down, a heavy iron-clad that had
passed the Vicksburg batteries. This proved to be the Indianola,
armed with two eleven-inch guns forward and two nine-inch aft,
all in iron casemates. The Webb returned to De Russy with this
information, which was forwarded to Alexandria. We had
barely time to congratulate ourselves on the capture of the
Queen before the appearance of the Indianola deprived us again
of the navigation of the great river, so vital to our cause. To
attempt the destruction of such a vessel as the Indianola with
our limited means seemed madness; yet volunteers for the work
promptly offered themselves.
Major Brent took command of the expedition, with Captain
McCloskey, staff quartermaster, on the Queen, and Charles
Pierce, a brave steamboatman, on the Webb. On the 19th of
February Brent went down to De Russy with the Queen,
mechanics still working on repairs, and there called for
volunteer crews from the garrison. These were furnished at
once, sixty for the Webb under Lieutenant Handy, seventy for
the Queen, on which boat Brent remained. There were five and
twenty more than desired; but, in their eagerness to go, many
Texans and Louisianians smuggled themselves aboard. The
fighting part of the expedition was soon ready, but there was
difficulty about stokers. Some planters from the upper Red
River had brought
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down their slaves to De Russy to labor on earthworks, but they
positively refused to furnish stokers for the boats. It was a
curious feature of the war that the Southern people would
cheerfully send their sons to battle, but kept their slaves out of
danger. Having exhausted his powers of persuasion to no
purpose, Major Brent threw some men ashore, surrounded a
gang of negroes at work, captured the number necessary, and
departed. A famous din was made by the planters, and
continued until their negroes were safely returned.
In the night of the 22d of February the expedition, followed
by a tender, entered the Mississippi, and met a steamer from
Port Hudson, with two hundred men, sent up by General
Gardiner to destroy the Queen of the West, the capture of which
was unknown. This, a frail river boat without protection for her
boilers, could be of no service; but she followed Brent up the
river, keeping company with his tender. On the 23d Natchez
was reached, and here the formidable character of the Indianola
was ascertained. While steaming up river in search of the
enemy, the crews were exercised at the guns, the discharge of
which set fire to the cotton protecting the boilers of the Queen.
This was extinguished with difficulty, and showed an additional
danger, to be guarded against by wetting the cotton thoroughly.
Arrived in the afternoon of the 24th at a point sixty miles below
Vicksburg, Brent learned that the Indianola was but a short
distance ahead, with a coal barge lashed on each side. He
determined to attack in the night, to diminish the chances of the
enemy's fire. It was certain that a shell from one of the eleven-or
nine-inch guns would destroy either of his boats.
At 10 P. M. the Indianola was seen near the western shore,
some thousand yards distant, and the Queen, followed by the
Webb, was driven with full head of steam directly upon her,
both boats having their lights obscured. The momentum of the
Queen was so great as to cut through the coal barge and indent
the iron plates of the Indianola, disabling by the shock the engine
that worked her paddles. As the Queen backed out the Webb
dashed in at full speed, and tore away the remaining coal
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barge. Both the forward guns fired at the Webb, but missed her.
Returning to the charge, the Queen struck the Indianola abaft
the paddle box, crushing her frame and loosening some plates of
armor, but received the fire of the guns from the rear
casemates. One shot carried away a dozen bales of cotton on
the right side; the other, a shell, entered the forward port-hole
on the left and exploded, killing six men and disabling two field
pieces. Again the Webb followed the Queen, struck near the
same spot, pushing aside the iron plates and crushing timbers.
Voices from the Indianola announced the surrender, and that
she was sinking. As she was near the western shore, not far
below Grant's army, Major Brent towed her to the opposite side,
then in our possession, where, some distance from the bank, she
sank on a bar, her gun deck above water.
Thus we regained control of our section of the Mississippi,
and by an action that for daring will bear comparison with any
recorded of Nelson or Dundonald. Succeeding events at
Vicksburg and Gettysburg so obscured this one, that in justice to
the officers and men engaged it has seemed to me a duty to
recount it.
Brent returned to Red River, with his boats much shattered
by the fray; and before we could repair them, Admiral Farragut
with several ships of war passed Port Hudson, and the
navigation of the great river was permanently lost to us. Of the
brave and distinguished Admiral Farragut, as of General Grant,
it can be said that he always respected non-combatants and
property, and made war only against armed men.
In the second week of March a brigade of mounted Texans,
with a four-gun battery, reached Opelousas, and was directed
to Bisland on the lower Teche. This force numbered thirteen
hundred, badly armed; and to equip it exhausted the resources
of the little arsenal at New Iberia. Under Brigadier Sibley, it had
made a campaign into New Mexico and defeated the Federals
in some minor actions, in one of which, Valverde, the four guns
had been captured. The feeble health of Sibley caused his
retirement a few days after he reached the Teche, and Colonel
Thomas Green, a distinguished soldier, succeeded
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to the command of the brigade. The men were hardy and many
of the officers brave and zealous, but the value of these qualities
was lessened by lack of discipline. In this, however, they
surpassed most of the mounted men who subsequently joined
me, discipline among these "shining by its utter absence." Their
experience in war was limited to hunting down Comanches and
Lipans, and, as in all new societies, distinctions of rank were
unknown. Officers and men addressed each other as Tom,
Dick, or Harry, and had no more conception of military
gradations than of the celestial hierarchy of the poets.
I recall an illustrative circumstance. A mounted regiment
arrived from Texas, which I rode out to inspect. The profound
silence in the camp seemed evidence of good order. The men
were assembled under the shade of some trees, seated on the
ground, and much absorbed. Drawing near, I found the colonel
seated in the center, with a blanket spread before him, on which
he was dealing the fascinating game of monte. Learning that I
would not join the sport, this worthy officer abandoned his
amusement with some displeasure. It was a scene for that
illustrious inspector Colonel Martinet to have witnessed.
There also arrived from the east, in the month of March,
1863, to take command of the "Trans-Mississippi Department,"
Lieutenant-General E. Kirby Smith, which "department,"
including the States of Missouri, Arkansas, Louisiana, and
Texas, and the Indian Territory, with claims on New Mexico,
extended over some millions of square miles. The occupation of
a large part of this region by the Federals would have spared
General Smith some embarrassments, had he not given much of
his mind to the recovery of his lost empire, to the detriment of
the portion yet in his possession; and the substance of Louisiana
and Texas was staked against the shadow of Missouri and
northern Arkansas.
General E. Kirby Smith graduated from West Point in 1845,
in time to see service in the war with Mexico. Resigning from
the United States cavalry to join the Confederacy, he moved
with General Joseph E. Johnston's forces from the Valley to
reënforce Beauregard at Manassas, where he was wounded
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while bringing up some troops to our left. Commanding in
eastern Tennessee in the summer of 1862, he led a force into
Kentucky through Cumberland Gap, to coöperate with Bragg.
At Richmond, Kentucky, a body of Federals was driven off, and
Smith moved north to Lexington and Frankfort; after which his
column was absorbed by Bragg's army. The senior general west
of the Mississippi, Holmes, was in Arkansas, where he had
accomplished nothing except to lose five thousand of his best
troops, captured at Arkansas Post by General Sherman. It was
advisable to supersede Holmes; and, though he proved unequal
to extended command, Smith, from his training and services,
seemed an excellent selection. General Smith remained for
several weeks in Alexandria, when he was driven away by the
enemy's movements. The military situation of my immediate
command was explained to him.
To reopen the navigation of the Mississippi was the great
desire of the Federal Government, and especially of the
Western people, and was manifested by declarations and acts.
Grant was operating against Vicksburg, and Banks would
certainly undertake the reduction of Port Hudson; but it was
probable that he would first clear the west bank of the
Mississippi to prevent interruption of his communications with
New Orleans, threatened so long as we had a force on the
lower Atchafalaya and Teche. Banks had twenty thousand men
for the field, while my force, including Green's Texans, would
not exceed twenty-seven hundred, with many raw recruits, and
badly equipped. The position at Bisland might be held against a
front attack, but could be turned by the way of Grand Lake.
With five thousand infantry I would engage to prevent the
investment of Port Hudson; and as such a reënforcement must
come from Holmes, and could not reach me for a month, I
hoped immediate orders would be issued.
On the 28th of March Weitzel, who had been quiet at Berwick's
Bay for some time, sent the gunboat Diana, accompanied by a
land force, up the Teche to drive in our pickets. The capture of
the Queen of the West and destruction of the Indianola had impaired
the prestige of gunboats, and the troops at
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Bisland were eager to apply my theory of attacking them at
close quarters. The enemy's skirmishers were driven off; a
section of the "Valverde" battery, Captain Sayres, rapidly
advanced; the fire of the gunboat was
silenced in a moment and she surrendered, with two companies
of infantry on board. She was armed with a thirty-pounder
Parrott and two field guns, and had her boilers protected by
railway iron. Moved up to Bisland, her "Parrott" became a valuable
adjunct to our line of defense.
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CHAPTER IX.
ATTACKED BY THE FEDERALS - ATTEMPT TO RELIEVE
VICKSBURG - CAPTURE OF BERWICK'S BAY.
INCREASED activity of the enemy at Berwick's Bay in the
first days of April indicated an advance; and to guard against the
danger from Grand Lake, Fuller, whose wounds in the Cotton
affair were partially healed, was sent to Alexandria to complete
repairs on the Queen and convert one or two other steamers
into gunboats. It was hoped that he might harass the enemy on
Grand Lake, delay the landing of troops, and aid the little
garrison at Butte à la Rose in defending the Atchafalaya. Fuller
was as energetic as brave, but the means at his disposal were
very limited. Accompanied by a tender, he descended the
Atchafalaya on the Queen, leaving orders for his steamers to
follow as soon as they were armed. They failed to reach him,
and his subsequent fate will be mentioned.
On the 10th of April the enemy had assembled at Berwick's
sixteen thousand men under Weitzel, Emory, and Grover
("Report on the Conduct of the War," vol. ii., page 309).
On the 12th Weitzel and Emory, twelve thousand strong,
advanced up the Teche against Bisland, while Grover, with four
thousand men, embarked on transports to turn our position by
Grand Lake. Weitzel and Emory came in sight of our lines before
nightfall, threw forward skirmishers, opened guns at long
range, and bivouacked; and our scouts reported the movement
on the lake. My dispositions were as follows: Mouton, with six
hundred men and six guns, held the left from the lake to the
Teche. The Diana in the bayou and two twenty-fours on the
right bank guarded the stream and the main road; and sixteen hundred
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men, with twelve guns, prolonged the line to the railway
embankment on our extreme right, held by Green with his
dismounted horsemen. One of Green's regiments, Colonel
Reilly, the 2d Louisiana cavalry, Colonel Vincent, recently
embodied, and a section of guns, were at Hutchin's Point on
Grand Lake.
The cannonading ceased at dark, and when all was quiet I
rode up to Franklin, thirteen miles, to look after my rear. A staff
officer had been previously sent to direct the removal of stores
from New Iberia, order down Clack's battalion, some ninety
men, from the salt mines, and communicate with Fuller at Butte
à la Rose; but the country around the Butte was flooded, and he
was unable to reach it.
Above Franklin the Teche makes a great bend to the east
and approaches Grand Lake at Hutchin's Point, where there
was a shell bank, and a good road leading to the high ground
along the bayou. The road to New Iberia leaves the Teche at
Franklin to avoid this bend, and runs due north across the
prairie. Just clear of the village it enters a small wood, through
which flows a sluggish stream, the Bayou Yokely, crossed by a
bridge. In the wood and near the stream the ground was low
and boggy, impassable for wagons except on a causeway. The
distance from Hutchin's Point to Yokely Bridge was less than
that from Bisland; and this bridge, held by the enemy, made
escape from the latter place impossible; yet to retreat without
fighting was, in the existing condition of public sentiment, to
abandon Louisiana.
I remained at Franklin until after midnight, when, learning
from Reilly that no landing had been made at Hutchin's, I
returned to Bisland. The enemy was slow in moving on the 13th,
apparently waiting for the effect of his turning movement to be
felt. As the day wore on he opened his guns, and gradually
increased his fire until it became very heavy. Many of his field
pieces were twenty-pounder Parrotts, to which we had nothing
to reply except the Parrott on the Diana and the twenty-fours;
and, as our supply of ammunition was small, Major Brent
desired to reserve it for an emergency.
With the exception of Green's command, the troops on the
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right of the Teche were raw, and had never been in action. As
shot and shell tore over the breastwork behind which they were
lying, much consternation was exhibited, and it was manifest
that an assault, however feeble, would break a part of the line.
It was absolutely necessary to give the men some morale; and,
mounting the breastwork, I made a cigarette, struck fire with
my briquet, and walked up and down, smoking. Near the line was
a low tree with spreading branches, which a young officer,
Bradford by name, proposed to climb, so as to have a better
view. I gave him my field glass, and this plucky youngster sat in
his tree as quietly as in a chimney corner, though the branches
around were cut away. These examples, especially that of
Captain Bradford, gave confidence to the men, who began to
expose themselves, and some casualties were suffered in
consequence.
From the extreme right Colonel Green sent word that his
corner was uncomfortably hot, and I found it so. The battery
near him was cut up, its captain, Sayres, severely wounded, and
Major Brent withdrew it. Green was assured that there were
no places on our line particularly cool, and there was nothing to
be done but submit to the pounding.
A heavy fire was concentrated on the twenty-fours and the
Diana. Captain Semmes, son of Admiral Semmes of Alabama
fame, and an officer of much coolness in action, had been
detached from his battery and placed in command of the boat.
A message from him informed me that the Diana was disabled.
She was lying against the bank under a severe fire. The waters
of the bayou seemed to be boiling like a kettle. An officer came
to the side of the boat to speak to me, but before he could open
his mouth a shell struck him, and he disappeared as suddenly as
Harlequin in a pantomine. Semmes then reported his condition.
Conical shells from the enemy's Parrotts had pierced the
railway iron, killed and wounded several of his gunners and
crew, and cut a steam pipe. Fortunately, he had kept down his
fires, or escaping steam would have driven every one from the
boat. It was necessary to take her out of fire for repairs. To
lose even temporarily our best gun, the thirty-pounder, was
hard, but there was no help for it.
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During the day staff officers were frequently sent to
Mouton to ascertain his condition; and, as the bridge over which
they passed was in the line of fire directed on the Diana and the
twenty-fours, the promenade was not a holiday affair.
Several times in the afternoon the enemy appeared to be
forming for an assault; and after my men had become steady, I
hoped an attack would be made, feeling confident of repulsing it.
Night brought quiet, and no report came from Reilly at
Hutchin's. No news seemed good news; for I would have ample
time to provide against a debarkation north of Hutchin's. The
force at Bisland was in fine spirits. Protected by the breastwork,
we had suffered but little; and the Diana was expected to
resume her position before morning.
At 9 P. M. appeared Colonel Reilly to make the following
report: The enemy had landed at Hutchin's, several thousand
strong, with artillery, and advanced to the Teche, pushing our
people back to and through Franklin. Reilly had left his
command in camp below Franklin, toward Bisland, but thought
the enemy had not reached the village at nightfall. Here was
pleasant intelligence! There was no time to ask questions. I
hoped to cut my way through, but feared the loss of wagons and
material. Mouton was directed to withdraw from the left bank of
the bayou, start the artillery and trains to Franklin, and follow
with the infantry. Green, with his mounted men and a section of
guns, was to form the rear guard; and Semmes was told to hurry
his repairs and get the Diana to Franklin by dawn. As there was
no means of removing the two twenty-fours, they were to be
disabled. Leaving Major Brent to look after his artillery and
Major Levy to superintend the prompt execution of orders, I
rode for Franklin, taking Reilly with me. Reaching his camp,
three miles from the town, I found the men sleeping and the
trains parked, though the enemy was so near at hand. The camp
was aroused, the troops were ordered under arms, and Reilly
left to move up at once, with his trains following.
Two hours after midnight, and the village of Franklin was
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as silent as the grave. Beyond the last houses, toward New
Iberia, a faint light from some camp fires could be seen. Were
the Federals in possession of the road? Approaching the fires
cautiously, I saw a sentinel walking his post, and, as he passed
between me and the light, marked his ragged Confederate garb.
Major Clack had reached this point after dark, and intended to
resume his march to Bisland in the morning. He speedily got his
little band under arms, and in the darkness we beat the wood to
our right. Not a picket nor scout was found, and Yokely
Causeway and Bridge were safe. From the farther edge of the
wood, in open fields, Federal camp fires were visible. It was a
wonderful chance. Grover had stopped just short of the prize.
Thirty minutes would have given him the wood and bridge,
closing the trap on my force. Reilly, with his own and Vincent's
regiments of horse and the two guns, came up. The guns were
placed on the road near the Teche, with orders to stand fast.
Reilly and Vincent dismounted their men, sent horses well to the
rear, and formed line in the wood to the left of the guns, with
Clack to the left of Vincent.
The first light of dawn made objects visible and aroused the
Federals, some two hundred yards distant. Advancing rapidly
from the wood, our line poured in a fire and rushed forward
with a shout. Taken by surprise, the Federals fell back, leaving
a battery on their right exposed. To prevent the sleepy gunners
from opening, I rode straight on the guns, followed by my staff
and four mounted couriers, and the gunners made off. All this
was easy enough. Surprise and the uncertain light had favored
us; but broad day exposed our weakness, and the enemy threw
forward a heavy line of skirmishers. It was necessary for us to
regain the wood, now four hundred yards to the rear. Officers
behaved admirably in seconding my efforts to encourage and
steady their men and keep them well in hand. Our two guns on
the road fired rapidly and effectively, but the Federals came on
in numbers, and their fire began to tell. Reilly was killed, Vincent
wounded in the neck, and many others went down. At this
moment the peculiar whistle of a Parrott shell was heard, and
Semmes appeared with the Diana.
Page 134
The enemy's advance was arrested; Gray's infantry from
Bisland came up; the wood was occupied; Mouton with the
remaining infantry arrived, and all danger was over. Green, in
command of the rear guard, showed great vigor, and prevented
Emory and Weitzel from pressing the trains. Besides the twenty-fours
mentioned, one gun of Cornay's battery, disabled in the
action of the 13th, was left at Bisland, and with these exceptions
every wagon, pot, or pan was brought off. Two months later
these guns were recaptured, much to the delight of our men.
The trains over Yokely Bridge and on the road to New
Iberia, Mouton skillfully withdrew from Grover's front as Green
entered Franklin from below. To facilitate this, Semmes was
directed to work the Diana's gun to the last moment, then get
ashore with his crew, and blow up the boat. With his usual
coolness Semmes carried out his instructions, but, remaining too
long near the Diana to witness the explosion he had arranged,
was captured.
The object sought in holding on to Bisland was attained.
From this time forward I had the sympathy and support of the
people, and my troops were full of confidence. Our retreat to
Opelousas, by New Iberia and Vermilionville, was undisturbed,
Green with his horse keeping the enemy in check. Indeed, the
pursuit was without energy or vigor. The first defensible position
was at the Bayou Vermilion, thirty miles south of Opelousas.
Here, after an action of some warmth, the enemy was held back
until night and the bridge destroyed. From Opelousas the
infantry, by easy marches, moved to and up the valley of the
Red River, where supplies were abundant. The country was
open, and the great superiority of his numbers enabled the
enemy to do as he liked. Mouton, with Green's horse, marched
west of Opelousas. It was hoped that he could find subsistence
between that place and the Mermentou River, and be in position
to fall on the enemy's rear and capture any small force left on
the Teche. I supposed that the Federal army, after reaching
Alexandria, would turn to the east, cross the Mississippi, and
invest Port Hudson; and this supposition proved to be correct.
Meantime, accompanied by a tender, Fuller on the Queen
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entered Grand Lake on the 13th, expecting his two armed
steamers to follow. On the morning of the 14th the Federal
gunboats from Berwick's Bay appeared, and Fuller, dispatching
the tender up the Atchafalaya to hasten his steamers, prepared
for action, as he doubtless would have done in presence of
Admiral Farragut's fleet. A shell set fire to the Queen, and
Fuller with his crew was captured. On the 20th the enemy's
gunboats, assisted by four companies of infantry, captured Butte
à la Rose with two twenty-four-pounders and sixty men.
Semmes, Fuller, and the prisoners taken from the Queen and at
the Butte, were on the transport Maple Leaf with Captain
Fusilier, and escaped in the manner related, excepting Fuller,
who from wounds received in his last action was unable to
walk. Remaining in charge of the Maple Leaf until his friends
were ashore, he restored her to the Federals, was taken to Fort
Delaware, and died in prison. A braver man never lived.
The Federal army reached Opelousas on the 20th of April,
and remained there until the 5th of May, detained by fear of
Mouton's horse to the west. Unfortunately, this officer was
forced by want of supplies to move to the Sabine, more than a
hundred miles away, and thrown out of the game for many
days.
In the "Report on the Conduct of the War," vol. ii., pp. 309
and 310, the Federal General Banks makes the following
statements: "During these operations on the Teche we captured
over twenty-five hundred prisoners and twenty-two guns;
destroyed three gunboats and eight steamers"; and further: "A
dispatch from Governor Moore to General Taylor was
intercepted, in which Taylor was directed to fall back into
Texas." At the time, my entire force in western Louisiana was
under three thousand, and it is rather startling to learn that we
were all captured. Two twenty-fours and one field gun were
abandoned at Bisland, and two twenty-fours lost at Butte à la
Rose. We scuttled and burnt the Cotton at Bisland, and blew up
the Diana (captured from the enemy) at Franklin. The Queen
(also captured) was destroyed in action on Grand Lake. The
Federals caught two small steamers, the Ellen and Cornie, in the
Atchafalaya, and we destroyed two in the Teche. The other four
Page 136
reported by General Banks must have come from the realm of the
multitude of prisoners and guns. It also appears from the
intercepted dispatch of Governor Moore that major-generals of
the Confederate army were under the orders of State governors
- an original discovery.
The delay of the Federals at Opelousas gave abundant time
to remove our stores from Alexandria. General Kirby Smith, the
new departmental commander, was advised to retire to
Shreveport, two hundred miles up Red River, where, remote
from danger or disturbance, he could organize his administration.
Threatened in rear, Fort De Russy was untenable; so the place
was dismantled and the little garrison withdrawn. On the 16th of
April Admiral Porter with several gunboats had passed the
Vicksburg batteries, and the abandonment of De Russy now left
the Red River open to him. He reached Alexandria on the 9th of
May, a few hours in advance of Banks's army. From the 8th to
the 11th of the same month some of his gunboats bombarded
Fort Beauregard, on the Washita, but were driven off by the
garrison under Colonel Logan.
At this time I was sorely stricken by domestic grief. On the
approach of the enemy to Alexandria my family embarked on a
steamer for Shreveport. Accustomed to the gentlest care, my
good wife had learned to take action for herself, insisting that she
was unwilling to divert the smallest portion of my time from public
duty. A moment to say farewell, and she left with our four
children, two girls and two boys, all pictures of vigorous health.
Before forty-eight hours had passed, just as she reached
Shreveport, scarlet fever had taken away our eldest boy, and
symptoms of the disease were manifest in the other children. The
bereaved mother had no acquaintance in Shreveport, but the
Good Samaritan appeared in the person of Mr. Ulger Lauve, a
resident of the place, who took her to his house and showed her
every attention, though he exposed his own family to great danger
from contagion. The second boy died a few days later. The two
girls, older and stronger, recovered. I was stunned by this
intelligence, so unexpected, and it was well perhaps that the
absorbing character of my duties left no time for the indulgence
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of private grief; but it was sad to think of the afflicted mother, alone
with her dead and dying, deprived of the consolation of my
presence. Many days passed before we met, and then but for an hour.
My infantry, hardly a thousand strong, with the trains, had
marched to Natchitoches and camped, and some mounted
scouts to observe the enemy were kept in the vicinity of Alexandria.
On page 309 of the "Report" before quoted, General Banks
says: "A force under Generals Weitzel and Dwight pursued the
enemy nearly to Grand Ecore, so thoroughly dispersing his
forces that he was unable to reorganize a respectable army until
July." A party of Federal horse crossed Cane River at
Monette's Ferry, forty miles below Grand Ecore, and chased a
mounted orderly and myself about four miles, then turned back
to Alexandria; but I maintain that the orderly and I were not
dispersed, for we remained together to the end.
The Federal army withdrew from Alexandria on the 13th of
May, and on the 23d crossed the Mississippi and proceeded to
invest Port Hudson; whereupon I returned by steamer to
Alexandria, directing the infantry at Natchitoches to march
back to the Teche to unite with Mouton. Having obtained
supplies on the Sabine, Mouton and Green, the latter promoted
to brigadier for gallant conduct, returned to the Teche country,
but arrived too late to cut off the enemy, who with large plunder
had crossed to the east side of Berwick's Bay, where he had
fortifications and gunboats.
At Alexandria a communication from General Kirby Smith
informed me that Major-General Walker, with a division of
infantry and three batteries, four thousand strong, was on the
march from Arkansas, and would reach me within the next few
days; and I was directed to employ Walker's force in some
attempt to relieve Vicksburg, now invested by General Grant,
who had crossed the Mississippi below on the 1st of May.
The peculiar position of Vicksburg and the impossibility of
approaching it from the west bank of the Mississippi have been
stated, and were now insisted upon. Granting the feasibility
Page 138
of traversing the narrow peninsula opposite the place, seven
miles in length and swept by guns afloat on both sides, what
would be gained? The problem was to withdraw the garrison,
not to reënforce it; and the correctness of this opinion was
proved by the fact that Pemberton could not use the peninsular
route to send out messengers.
On the other hand, I was confident that, with Walker's force,
Berwick's Bay could be captured, the Lafourche overrun,
Banks's communication with New Orleans interrupted, and that
city threatened. Its population of two hundred thousand was
bitterly hostile to Federal rule, and the appearance of a
Confederate force on the opposite bank of the river would raise
such a storm as to bring General Banks from Port Hudson, the
garrison of which could then unite with General Joseph Johnston
in the rear of General Grant. Too late to relieve Port Hudson, I
accomplished all the rest with a force of less than
three thousand of all arms.
Remonstrances were of no avail. I was informed that all the
Confederate authorities in the east were urgent for some effort
on our part in behalf of Vicksburg, and that public opinion would
condemn us if we did not try to do something. To go two
hundred miles and more away from the proper theatre of action
in search of an indefinite something was hard; but orders are
orders. Time was so important that I determined to run the risk
of moving Walker by river, though the enemy could bring
gunboats into the lower Red and Washita, as well as into the
Tensas, and had some troops in the region between this last and
the Mississippi. Steamers were held in readiness, and as soon as
Walker arrived his command was embarked and taken up the
Tensas. I went on in advance to give notice to the boats behind
of danger; for, crowded with troops, these would have been
helpless in the event of meeting an enemy.
Without interference, a point on the Tensas opposite
Vicksburg was reached and the troops disembarked. Here
Captain Harrison's mounted men, previously mentioned, met us.
For safety the steamers were sent down the Tensas to its
junction with the Washita, and up the last above Fort
Beauregard; and
Page 139
bridges were thrown over the Tensas and Maçon to give
communication with the terminus of the Monroe Railway.
Walker rapidly advanced to the village of Richmond, midway
between the Tensas and Mississippi, some twelve miles from
each, where he surprised and captured a small Federal party.
At Young's Point, ten miles above Vicksburg, on the west bank
of the river, the enemy had a fortified camp, and a second one
four miles above Young's, both occupied by negro troops.
Holding one brigade in reserve at the point of separation of the
roads, Walker sent a brigade to Young's and another to the
camp above. Both attacks were made at dawn, and, with the
loss of some scores of prisoners, the negroes were driven over
the levee to the protection of gunboats in the river.
Fifteen miles above Vicksburg the Yazoo River enters the
Mississippi from the east, and twenty-five miles farther up
Steele's Bayou connects the two rivers. Before reaching the
Mississippi the Yazoo makes a bend to the south, approaching
the rear of Vicksburg. The right of Grant's army rested on this
bend, and here his supplies were landed, and his transports
were beyond the reach of annoyance from the west bank of the
Mississippi.
As foreseen, our movement resulted, and could result, in
nothing. Walker was directed to desist from further efforts on
the river, and move to Monroe, where steamers would be in
readiness to return his command to Alexandria, to which place I
pushed on in advance. Subsequently, General Kirby Smith
reached Monroe direct from Shreveport, countermanded my
orders, and turned Walker back into the region east of the
Tensas, where this good soldier and his fine division were kept
idle for some weeks, until the fall of Vicksburg. The time
wasted on these absurd movements cost us the garrison of Port
Hudson, nearly eight thousand men; but the pressure on
General Kirby Smith to do something for Vicksburg was too
strong to be resisted.
At Alexandria I found three small regiments of Texan horse,
just arrived. Together they numbered six hundred and fifty, and
restored the loss suffered in action and in long marches
Page 140
by the forces on the Teche. Colonel (afterward brigadier)
Major, the senior officer, was ordered to move these regiments
to Morgan's Ferry on the Atchafalaya; and by ambulance, with
relays of mules, I reached Mouton and Green on the lower
Teche in a few hours.
The Federals had a number of sick and convalescent at
Berwick's Bay, but the effective force was small. Some works
strengthened their positions, and there was a gunboat anchored
in the bay. Mouton and Green were directed to collect small
boats, skiffs, flats, even sugar-coolers, in the Teche; and the
importance of secrecy was impressed upon them. Pickets were
doubled to prevent communication with the enemy, and only a
few scouts permitted to approach the bay. Returning north to
Morgan's Ferry, I crossed the Atchafalaya with Major's command,
and moved down the Fordoche and Grosse-Tête, bayous
draining the region between the Atchafalaya and Mississippi. A
short march brought us near the Fausse Rivière, an ancient bed
of the Mississippi, some miles west of the present channel, and
opposite Port Hudson.
Halting the command on the Fordoche, I rode out to the
estate of an acquaintance on Fausse Riviere, whence the noise
of battle at Port Hudson could be heard. Two ladies of the
family, recently from New Orleans, told me that the Federal
force left in the city would not exceed a thousand men; that a
small garrison occupied a work near Donaldsonville, where the
Lafourche leaves the Mississippi, and with this exception there
were no troops on the west bank of the river. From our position
on the Fordoche to the Bayou Boeuf, in rear of the Federal
camp at Berwick's Bay, was over a hundred miles. The route
followed the Grosse-Tête to Plaquemine on the Mississippi, and
to escape observation Plaquemine must be passed in the night.
Below this point there was an interior road that reached the
Lafourche some distance below Donaldsonville. Minute
instructions and guides were given to Major.
It was now the 19th of June, and he was expected to reach
the Boeuf on the morning of the 23d. The necessity of punctuality
was impressed on him and his officers, as I would attack
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Berwick's at dawn on the 23d, and their coöperation was
required to secure success. Indeed, their own safety depended
on promptness. The men carried rations, with some forage, and
wagons were sent back across the Atchafalaya. Major moved
in time to pass Plaquemine, twenty odd miles, before midnight,
and I hastened to Mouton's camp below Bisland, reaching it in
the afternoon of the 22d.
Fifty-three small craft, capable of transporting three hundred
men, had been collected. Detachments for the boats were
drawn from Green's brigade and the 2d Louisiana horse. Major
Hunter of Baylor's Texans was placed in command, with Major
Blair of the 2d Louisiana as second. After nightfall Hunter
embarked his men, and paddled down the Teche to the
Atchafalaya and Grand Lake. Fortunately, there was no wind;
for the slightest disturbance of the lake would have swamped
his fleet. He had about twelve miles to make, and was expected
to reach before daylight the northeast end of the island, a mile
from Berwick's and the railway terminus, where he was
instructed to lie quiet until he heard General Green's guns from
the west side of the bay, then rush on the rear of the Federal
works. During the night Green placed a battery opposite the
gunboat and railway station, and deployed five hundred
dismounted men along the shores of the bay, here eight hundred
yards wide. The battery was run up by hand, and every
precaution to secure silence taken. At dawn of the 23d (June,
1863) our guns opened on the gunboat, and speedily drove it
away. Fire was then directed on the earthwork, where the
enemy, completely surprised, had some heavy pieces with
which he attempted to reply. A shout was heard in his rear, and
Hunter with his party came rushing on. Resistance ceased at
once; but before Hunter closed in, a train of three engines and
many carriages escaped from the station toward the Boeuf,
seven miles away. I crossed in a "pirogue" with Green, and
sent back two flats and several skiffs found on the east side for
his men, who used them to get over, their horses swimming
alongside.
It was a scene of the wildest excitement and confusion. The
sight of such quantities of "loot" quite upset my hungry
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followers. Wandering through the station and warehouse, filled
with stores, a Texan came upon a telegraphic instrument, clicking
in response to one down the line. Supposing this to be some
infernal machine for our destruction, he determined to save his
friends at the risk of his own life, and smashed the instrument
with his heavy boots; then rushed among his comrades, exclaiming:
"Boys! they is trying to blow us up. I seen the triggers a-working,
but I busted 'em."
Mouton now crossed with some infantry, and order was
restored; and Green, who had brought over several scores of
horses, mounted his men and followed the rail toward the
Boeuf. Before reaching it he heard the noise of the train; then,
firing and moving forward, found the train stopped, and Major,
up to time, in possession of the bridge. The capture of the train
was of importance, as it enabled us to operate the thirty miles
of rail between Berwick's and the Lafourche.
In the combined movements described, Green and Major
had set out from points more than a hundred miles apart, the
latter marching through a region in possession or under control
of the enemy, while the boat expedition of Hunter passed over
twelve miles of water; yet all reached their goal at the appointed
time. Although every precaution had been taken to exclude
mistakes and insure coöperation, such complete success is not
often attained in combined military movements; and I felt that
sacrifices were due to Fortune.
In his rapid march from the Fordoche Major captured
seventy prisoners and burned two steamers at Plaquemine. He
afterward encountered no enemy until he reached Thibodeaux,
near which place, at Lafourche Crossing, there was a stockade
held by a small force to protect the railway bridge. Colonel
Pyron, with two hundred men, was detached to mask or carry
this stockade, and Major passed on to the Boeuf. Pyron's
attack was repulsed with a loss of fifty-five killed and wounded,
Pyron among the latter; but the enemy, after destroying the
bridge, abandoned the post and three guns and retired to New
Orleans.
The spoils of Berwick's were of vast importance. Twelve
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guns, thirty-twos and twenty-fours (among which were our old
friends from Bisland), seventeen hundred prisoners, with many
small arms and accouterments, and great quantities of quarter-master's,
commissary, ordnance, and medical stores, fell into
our hands. For the first time since I reached western Louisiana
I had supplies, and in such abundance as to serve for the Red
River campaign of 1864. Three fourths of the prisoners were
sick and convalescent men left here, as well as the stores, by
General Banks, when he marched up the Teche in April.
Excepting those too ill to be moved, the prisoners were paroled
and sent to New Orleans under charge of their surgeons.
I was eager to place batteries on the Mississippi to interrupt
Banks's communication with New Orleans; but the passage of
Berwick's Bay consumed much time, though we worked night
and day. We were forced to dismount guns and carriages and
cross them piecemeal in two small flats, and several days
elapsed before a little steamer from the upper Teche could be
brought down to assist. It must be remembered that neither
artillery nor wagons accompanied Major's march from the
Fordoche.
On the 24th General Green, with Major's men and such of
his own as had crossed their horses, marched for
Donaldsonville, sixty-five miles, and General Mouton, with two
regiments of infantry, took rail to Thibodeaux and sent pickets
down the line to Bayou Des Allemands, twenty-five miles from
New Orleans. Our third regiment of infantry remained at the
bay, where Major Brent was at work mounting the captured
guns on the southern end of the island and on the western shore
opposite. Gunboats could stop the crossing, and entrance from
the Gulf was open. While we might drive off "tin-clads" the
enemy had boats capable of resisting field guns, and it is
remarkable that, from the 23d of June to the 22d of July, he
made no attempt to disturb us at Berwick's Bay.
General Green reached the vicinity of Donaldsonville on the
27th, and found an earthwork at the junction of the Lafourche
and Mississippi. This work, called Fort Butler, had a ditch on
three sides, and the river face was covered by gunboats in the
stream. The garrison was reported to be from two
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to three hundred negro troops. After some correspondence
with Mouton, Green determined to assault the place, and drew
around it five hundred of his men in the night of the 27th. Two
hours before dawn of the 28th Colonel Joseph Phillipps led his
regiment, two hundred strong, to the attack. Darkness and
ignorance of the ground caused much blundering. The levee
above the fort was mistaken for the parapet, and some loss was
sustained from the fire of gunboats. Changing direction, Phillipps
came upon the ditch, unknown to him as to Green, who had been
deceived by false information. The ditch passed, Phillipps
mounted the parapet and fell dead as he reached the top. An
equally brave man, Major Ridley, worthy of his leader, followed,
and, calling on his men to come, jumped into the work.
Frightened by his appearance, the enemy abandoned the
parapet; but finding that Ridley was alone, returned and captured
him. A dozen men would have carried the place; but the ditch
afforded protection from fire, and the men, disheartened by
Phillipps's death, could not be induced to leave it. Indeed, the
largest part of our loss, ninety-seven, was made up of these men,
who remained in the ditch until daylight and surrendered.
The above statements are taken from the report of Major
Ridley, made after he was exchanged. The affair was
unfortunate. Open to fire from vessels on the river, Fort Butler
was of no value to us, and the feeble garrison would have
remained under cover; but, like the Irishman at Donnybrook,
Green's rule was to strike an enemy whenever he saw him - a
most commendable rule in war, and covering a multitude of such
small errors as the attack on Fort Butler.
Meantime I was detained at Berwick's Bay, engaged in
hurrying over and forward artillery and arranging to transport
the more valuable stores into the interior. It was not, however,
until near the end of the first week in July that I succeeded in
placing twelve guns on the river below Donaldsonville. Fire
was opened, one transport destroyed and several turned back.
Gunboats attempted to dislodge us, but were readily driven
away by the aid of Green's men, dismounted and protected by
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the levee. For three days the river was closed to transports, and
our mounted scouts were pushed down to a point opposite
Kenner, sixteen miles above New Orleans. A few hours more,
and the city would have been wild with excitement; but in war
time once lost can not be regained. The unwise movement
toward Vicksburg retarded operations at Berwick's and on the
river, and Port Hudson fell. During the night of the 10th of July
intelligence of its surrender on the previous day reached me,
and some hours later the fall of Vicksburg on the 4th was
announced.
An iron-clad or two in Berwick's Bay, and the road at
Plaquemine held by troops, supported by vessels in the river,
would close all egress from the Lafourche, and the enemy
could make arrangements to bag us at his leisure; while Grant's
army and Porter's fleet, now set free, might overrun the
Washita and Red River regions and destroy Walker's division,
separated from me by a distance of more than three hundred
miles. The outlook was not cheerful, but it was necessary to
make the best of it, and at all hazards save our plunder.
Batteries and outposts were ordered in to the Lafourche; Green
concentrated his horse near Donaldsonville, the infantry moved
to Labadieville to support him, and Mouton went to Berwick's,
where he worked night and day in crossing stores to the west
side of the bay.
On the 13th of July Generals Weitzel, Grover, and Dwight,
with six thousand men, came from Port Hudson, disembarked
at Donaldsonville, and advanced down the Lafourche. Ordering
up the infantry, I joined Green, but did not interfere with his
dispositions, which were excellent. His force, fourteen hundred,
including a battery, was dismounted and in line. As I reached
the field the enemy came in sight, and Green led on his charge
so vigorously as to drive the Federals into Donaldsonville,
capturing two hundred prisoners, many small arms, and two
guns, one of which was the field gun lost at Bisland. The
affair was finished too speedily to require the assistance of the
infantry.
Undisturbed, we removed not only all stores from Berwick's,
but many supplies from the abundant Lafourche country,
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including a large herd of cattle driven from the prairies of
Opelousas by the Federals some weeks before. On the 21st of
July we ran the engines and carriages on the railway into the
bay, threw in the heavy guns, and moved up the Teche, leaving
pickets opposite Berwick's. Twenty-four hours thereafter the
enemy's scouts reached the bay. The timidity manifested after
the action of the 13th may be ascribed to the fertile imagination
of the Federal commander, General Banks, which multiplied my
force of less than three thousand of all arms into nine or twelve
thousand.
In the "Report on the Conduct of the War," vol. ii., pages
313 and 314, General Banks states:
"Orders had been sent to Brashear City [Berwick's] to
remove all stores, but to hold the position, with the aid of
gunboats, to the last. The enemy succeeded in crossing Grand
Lake by means of rafts, and surprised and captured the
garrison, consisting of about three hundred men. The enemy,
greatly strengthened in numbers, then attacked the works at
Donaldsonville, on the Mississippi, which were defended by a
garrison of two hundred and twenty-five men, including convalescents,
commanded by Major J. D. Bullen, 28th Maine volunteers. The
attack was made on the morning of the 28th of June, and lasted
until daylight. The garrison made a splendid defense, killing and
wounding more than their own number, and capturing as many
officers and nearly as many men as their garrison numbered.
The enemy's troops were under the command of General Green
of Texas, and consisted of the Louisiana troops under General
Taylor and five thousand Texas cavalry, making a force of nine
to twelve thousand in that vicinity.
"The troops engaged in these different operations left but
four hundred men for the defense of New Orleans. Upon the
surrender of Port Hudson it was found that the enemy had
established batteries below, on the river, cutting off our
communication with New Orleans, making it necessary to send
a large force to dislodge them. On the 9th of July seven
transports, containing all my available force, were sent below
against the enemy in the vicinity of Donaldsonville. The country was
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speedily freed from his presence, and Brashear City
[Berwick's] was recaptured on the 22d of July."
Here are remarkable statements. Fourteen hundred men and
the vast stores at Berwick's (Brashear City) are omitted, as is
the action of the 13th of July with "all my [his] available
force . . . The country was speedily freed from his [my]
presence, and Brashear City reoccupied," though I remained in
the country for eleven days after the 9th, and had abandoned
Brashear City twenty-four hours before the first Federal scout
made his appearance. The conduct of Major J. D. Bullen, 28th
Maine volunteers, with two hundred and twenty-five negroes,
"including convalescents," appears to have surpassed that of
Leonidas and his Spartans; but, like the early gods, modern
democracies are pleased by large utterances.
While we were engaged in these operations on the
Lafourche, a movement of Grant's forces from Natchez was
made against Fort Beauregard on the Washita. The garrison
of fifty men abandoned the place on the 3d of September,
leaving four heavy and four field guns, with their ammunition,
to be destroyed or carried off by the enemy.
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CHAPTER X.
MOVEMENT TO THE RED RIVER - CAMPAIGN AGAINST
BANKS.
RECENT events on the Mississippi made it necessary to
concentrate my small force in the immediate valley of Red
River. Indeed, when we lost Vicksburg and Port Hudson, we
lost not only control of the river but of the valley from the
Washita and Atchafalaya on the west to Pearl River on the
east. An army of forty odd thousand men, with all its material,
was surrendered in the two places, and the fatal consequences
were felt to the end of the struggle. The policy of shutting up
large bodies of troops in fortifications, without a relieving army
near at hand, can not be too strongly reprobated. Vicksburg
should have been garrisoned by not more than twenty-five
hundred men, and Port Hudson by a thousand. These would
have been ample to protect the batteries against a sudden coup,
and forty thousand men added to General Joseph Johnston's
force would have prevented the investment of the places, or at
least made their loss of small moment.
After wasting three months in ineffectual attempts to divert
the channel of the Mississippi, General Grant ran gunboats and
transports by the batteries, and crossed the river below. Instead
of meeting this movement with every available man, Pemberton
detached General Bowen with a weak division, who
successfully resisted the Federal advance for many hours, vainly
calling the while for reënforcements. Pemberton then illustrated
the art of war by committing every possible blunder. He fought
a series of actions with fractions against the enemy's masses,
and finished by taking his defeated fragments into the Vicksburg
trap. It may be stated, however, that, had he acted
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wisely and kept out of Vicksburg, he would have been quite as
much hounded as he subsequently was.
Grant's error in undertaking an impossible work cost him
three months' time and the loss by disease of many thousands of
his men. The event showed that he could as readily have
crossed the river below Vicksburg at first as at last; but, once
over, he is entitled to credit for promptly availing himself of his
adversary's mistakes and vigorously following him. The same
may be said of his first success at Fort Donelson on the
Cumberland. The terror inspired by gunboats in the first year of
the war has been alluded to; and at Fort Donelson General
Grant had another potent ally. The two senior Confederate
generals, politicians rather than warriors, retired from command
on the approach of the enemy. One can imagine the effect of
such conduct, unique in war, on the raw troops left behind.
General Buckner, an educated soldier, was too heavily
handicapped by his worthy superiors to make a successful
defense, and General Grant secured an easy victory. "Among
the blind, the one-eyed are kings."
General Grant's first essay at Belmont failed, and at Shiloh
he was out-manoeuvred and out-fought by Sidney Johnston, and,
indeed, he was saved from destruction by Johnston's death.
Before he moved against Bragg at Missionary Ridge, the latter
had detached Longstreet with a third of his force, while he
(Grant) reënforced Thomas with most of the Vicksburg army
and two strong corps under Hooker from the east. The historian
of the Federal Army of the Potomac states that, in reply to a
question of General Meade, Grant said: "I never manoeuvre";
and one has but to study the Virginia campaign of 1864, and
imagine an exchange of resources by Grant and Lee, to find the
true place of the former among the world's commanders. He
will fall into the class represented by Marshal Villars and the
Duke of Cumberland.
Genius is God-given, but men are responsible for their acts;
and it should be said of General Grant that, as far as I am
aware, he made war in the true spirit of a soldier, never by
deed or word inflicting wrong on non-combatants. It would be to
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the credit of the United States army if similar statements could
be made of Generals Sherman and Sheridan.
Released at length from the swamps of the Tensas, where it
had suffered from sickness, Walker's division of Texas infantry
joined me in the early autumn, and was posted to the north of
Opelousas. Major-General J. G. Walker served as a captain of
mounted rifles in the war with Mexico. Resigning from the
United States army to join the Confederacy, he commanded a
division at the capture of Harper's Ferry in 1862, and in the
subsequent battle of Antietam; after which he was transferred
to Arkansas. Seconded by good brigade and regimental officers,
he had thoroughly disciplined his men, and made them in every
sense soldiers; and their efficiency in action was soon
established.
On the 29th of September Green, with his horse and a part
of Mouton's brigade of Louisiana infantry, crossed the
Atchafalaya at Morgan's Ferry, and attacked and routed the
enemy on the Fordoche, capturing four hundred and fifty
prisoners and two guns. Green lost a hundred in killed and
wounded; the enemy, who fought under cover, less than half
that number.
In October the Federals moved a large force of all arms up
the Teche, their advance reaching the Courtableau. I
concentrated for a fight, but they suddenly retired to the Bayou
Bourbeau, three miles south of Opelousas, where they left a
considerable body under General Burbridge. On the 3d of
November Green, reënforced by three regiments of Walker's
division, was ordered to attack them, and they were beaten with
the loss of six hundred prisoners. This was the first opportunity I
had had of observing the admirable conduct of Walker's men in
action. Green's pursuit was stopped by the approach of heavy
masses of the enemy from the south, who seemed content with
the rescue of Burbridge, as they retired at once to the vicinity of
New Iberia, fifty miles away. Green followed with a part of his
horse, and kept his pickets close up; but one of his regiments
permitted itself to be surprised at night, on the open prairie near
New Iberia, and lost a hundred men out of a hundred and
twenty-five. So much for want of discipline and
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over-confidence. General Banks's report mentions this capture,
but is silent about Bourbeau.
The prisoners taken at the Bourbeau were marched to the
Red River, where supplies could be had. The second day after
the action, en route for Alexandria in an ambulance, I turned out of
the road on to the prairie to pass the column, when I observed
an officer, in the uniform of a colonel, limping along with his
leg bandaged. Surprised at this, I stopped to inquire the reason,
and was told that the colonel refused to separate from his men.
Descending from the ambulance, I approached him, and, as
gently as possible, remonstrated against the folly of walking on a
wounded leg. He replied that his wound was not very painful,
and he could keep up with the column. His regiment was from
Wisconsin, recruited among his neighbors and friends, and he
was very unwilling to leave it. I insisted on his riding with me,
for a time at least, as we would remain on the road his men
were following. With much reluctance he got into the
ambulance, and we drove on. For some miles he was silent,
but, avoiding subjects connected with the war, I put him at ease,
and before Alexandria was reached we were conversing
pleasantly. Impressed by his bearing and demeanor, I asked him
in what way I could serve him, and learned that he desired to
send a letter to his wife in Wisconsin, who was in delicate
health and expecting to be confined. She would hear of the
capture of his regiment, and be uncertain as to his fate. "You
shall go to the river to-night," I replied, "catch one of your
steamers, and take home the assurance of your safety. Remain
on parole until you can send me an officer of equal rank, and I
will look to the comfort of your men and have them exchanged
at the earliest moment." His manly heart was so affected by
this as to incapacitate him from expressing his thanks.
During the administration of Andrew Johnson a convention
met in the city of Philadelphia which, at the earnest instance of
the President, I attended. The gallant Wisconsin colonel was
also there to lend his assistance in healing the wounds of civil
strife. My presence in the city of brotherly love furnished an
occasion to a newspaper to denounce me as "a rebel who,
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with hands dripping with loyal blood, had the audacity to show
myself in a loyal community." Whereupon my Wisconsin friend,
accompanied by a number of persons from his State, called on
me to express condemnation of the article in question, and was
ready, with the slightest encouragement, to make the newspaper
office a hot place. This was the difference between brave
soldiers and non-fighting politicians, who grew fat by inflaming
the passions of sectional hate.
The ensuing winter of 1863-4 was without notable events.
Control of the Mississippi enabled the enemy to throw his forces
upon me from above and below Red River, and by gunboats
interfere with my movements along this stream; and as soon as
the Lafourche campaign ended, steps were taken to provide
against these contingencies. Twenty miles south of Alexandria a
road leaves the Boeuf, an effluent of Red River, and passes
through pine forest to Burr's Ferry on the Sabine. Twenty odd
miles from the Boeuf this road intersects another from
Opelousas to Fort Jesup, an abandoned military post, thence to
Pleasant Hill, Mansfield, and Shreveport. At varying distances
of twelve to thirty miles the valley of the Red River is an arc, of
which this last-mentioned road is the chord, and several routes
from the valley cross to ferries on the Sabine above Burr's. But
the country between the Boeuf and Pleasant Hill, ninety miles,
was utterly barren, and depots of forage, etc. were necessary
before troops could march through it. With great expenditure of
time and labor depots were established, with small detachments
to guard them; and events proved that the time and labor were
well bestowed.
Movements of the Federals along the west coast of Texas in
November induced General Kirby Smith to withdraw from me
Green's command of Texas horse, and send it to Galveston.
This left me with but one mounted regiment, Vincent's 2d
Louisiana, and some independent companies, which last were
organized into two regiments - one, on the Washita, by Colonel
Harrison, the other, on the Teche, by Colonel Bush; but they
were too raw to be effective in the approaching campaign.
Mouton's brigade of Louisiana infantry could be recruited to
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some extent; but the Texas infantry received no recruits, and
was weakened by the ordinary casualties of camp life, as well
as by the action of the Shreveport authorities. The commander
of the "Trans-Mississippi Department" displayed much ardor in
the establishment of bureaux, and on a scale proportioned rather
to the extent of his territory than to the smallness of his force.
His staff surpassed in numbers that of Von Moltke during the
war with France; and, to supply the demands of bureaux and
staff, constant details from the infantry were called for, to the
great discontent of the officers in the field. Hydrocephalus at
Shreveport produced atrophy elsewhere. Extensive works for
defense were constructed there, and heavy guns mounted; and,
as it was known that I objected to fortifications beyond mere
water batteries, for reasons already stated, the chief engineer of
the "department" was sent to Fort De Russy to build an
iron-casemated battery and other works. We shall see what became
of De Russy.
In the winter there joined me from Arkansas a brigade of
Texas infantry, numbering seven hundred muskets. The men
had been recently dismounted, and were much discontented
thereat. Prince Charles Polignac, a French gentleman of
ancient lineage, and a brigadier in the Confederate army,
reported for duty about the same time, and was assigned to
command this brigade. The Texans swore that a Frenchman,
whose very name they could not pronounce, should never
command them, and mutiny was threatened. I went to their
camp, assembled the officers, and pointed out the
consequences of disobedience, for which I should hold them
accountable; but promised that if they remained dissatisfied
with their new commander after an action, I would then remove
him. Order was restored, but it was up-hill work for General
Polignac for some time, notwithstanding his patience and good temper.
The incongruity of the relation struck me, and I thought of sending my
monte-dealing Texas colonel to Paris, to command a brigade of the
Imperial Guard.
In the first weeks of 1864 the enemy sent a gunboat expedition
up the Washita, and Polignac's brigade, with a battery,
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was moved to Trinity to meet it. The gunboats were driven off,
and Polignac, by his coolness under fire, gained the confidence
of his men, as he soon gained their affections by his care and
attention. They got on famously, and he made capital soldiers
out of them. General Polignac returned to Europe in 1865, and
as he had shown great gallantry and talent for war while serving
with me, I hoped that he might come to the front during the
struggle with Germany; but he belonged to that race of historic
gentry whose ancestors rallied to the white plume of Henry at
Ivry, and followed the charge of Condé at Rocroy. Had he been
a shopkeeper or scribbling attorney, he might have found favor
with the dictator who ruled France.
All the information received during the months of January
and February, 1864, indicated a movement against me in the
early spring; and in the latter month it was ascertained that
Porter's fleet and a part of Sherman's army from Vicksburg
would join Banks's forces in the movement, while Steele would
coöperate from Little Rock, Arkansas. This information was
communicated to department headquarters, and I asked that
prompt measures should be taken to reënforce me; but it was
"a far cry" to Shreveport as to "Lochow," and the emergency
seemed less pressing in the rear than at the front.
The end of February found my forces distributed as follows:
Harrison's mounted regiment (just organized), with a four-gun
battery, was in the north, toward Monroe; Mouton's brigade
near Alexandria; Polignac's at Trinity on the Washita, fifty-five
miles distant; Walker's division at Marksville and toward
Simmsport on the Atchafalaya, with two hundred men under
Colonel Byrd detached to assist the gunners at De Russy,
which, yet unfinished, contained eight heavy guns and two field
pieces. Walker had three companies of Vincent's horse on the
east side of the Atchafalaya, watching the Mississippi. The
remainder of Vincent's regiment was on the Teche.
Increased activity and concentration at Berwick's Bay, and
a visit of Sherman to New Orleans to confer with Banks,
warned me of the impending blow; and on the 7th of March Polignac
was ordered to move at once to Alexandria, and thence, with
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Mouton's brigade, to the Boeuf, twenty-five miles south.
Harrison was directed to get his regiment and battery to the
west bank of the Washita, gather to him several independent
local companies of horse, and report to General Liddel, sent to
command on the north bank of Red River, whence he was to
harass the enemy's advance up that stream. Vincent was
ordered to leave flying scouts on the Teche and move his
regiment, with such men as Bush had recruited, to Opelousas,
whence he afterward joined me on the Burr's Ferry road. At
Alexandria steamers were loaded with stores and sent above
the falls, and everything made ready to evacuate the place.
These arrangements were not completed a moment too soon.
On March 12th Admiral Porter, with nineteen gunboats,
followed by ten thousand men of Sherman's army, entered the
mouth of Red River. (These numbers are from Federal official
reports.) On the 13th, under cover of a part of the fleet, the
troops debarked at Simmsport, on the Atchafalaya near the
Red, other vessels ascending the latter stream, and on the 14th,
under command of General A. J. Smith, marched to De Russy,
thirty miles, which they reached about 5 P.M. As stated, the work
was incomplete, and had time been given me would have been
abandoned. Attacked in the rear, the garrison surrendered after
losing ten killed and wounded. Byrd's two hundred men were
in rifle pits on the river below, where gunboats, under
Commander Phelps, were removing obstructions in the channel.
A number of Byrd's men and a few gunners escaped to the
swamps and rejoined their commands; but we lost a hundred
and eighty-five prisoners, eight heavy guns, and two field
pieces. Thus much for our Red River Gibraltar.
Cut off from direct communication by the sudden
appearance of the enemy on the 12th, the three mounted
companies east of the Atchafalaya were forced to cross at
Morgan's Ferry, Simmsport, and did not rejoin Walker until the
15th. This officer was thereby left without means of
information; but, judging correctly of the numbers of the enemy
by a personal observation of his transports and fleet, he fell back from
his advanced position to the Boeuf, forty miles, where he was
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united with Mouton and Polignac. His division at this time was
reduced to some thirty-three hundred muskets, too weak to
make head against A. J. Smith's column.
On the afternoon of the 15th of March the advanced boats
of Porter's fleet reached Alexandria, whence all stores had
been removed; but, by the mismanagement of a pilot, one
steamer was grounded on the falls and had to be burned.
In the "Report on the Conduct of the War," vol. ii., page
192, Colonel J. S. Clarke, aide-de-camp to General Banks,
states that Banks's army in this campaign was twenty-eight
thousand strong, eighteen thousand under Franklin, ten thousand
under A. J. Smith. General Steele, operating from Arkansas,
reports his force at seven thousand; and the number of
gunboats given is taken from the reports of Admiral Porter to
the Secretary of the Navy.
To meet Porter and A. J. Smith, Major-General Franklin had
left the lower Teche on the 13th for Alexandria, with eighteen
thousand men. My entire force on the south side of Red River
consisted of fifty-three hundred infantry, five hundred horse,
and three hundred artillerymen; and Liddel, on the north, had
about the same number of horse and a four-gun battery. From
Texas, if at all, the delayed reënforcements must come, and it
was vital to cover the roads from the Sabine.
From the Boeuf, on the 16th, I marched on the Burr's Ferry
road to Carroll Jones's, which was reached on the evening of
the 15th. Here, where the Burr's Ferry and Natchitoches roads
separated, was a depot of forage, and I camped.
Polignac's and the Louisiana brigade, under Colonel Gray,
were united in a division for General Mouton. Vincent's horse,
from Opelousas, joined on the 19th, and on the following day
was sent forward to the Bayou Rapides, twelve miles, where it
skirmished with the enemy's horse from Alexandria, twenty
miles below. At dawn of the 21st Edgar's battery, four guns,
was sent to strengthen Vincent, and posted in a strong position
near James's Store, where it overlooked and commanded the
valley.
Meanwhile, couriers were dispatched to the Sabine to inform
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approaching reënforcements of my position, and direct them on
to the Fort Jesup road. The 21st proved to be a cold, rainy day,
with gusts of wind. Toward evening the sound of Edgar's guns
was heard. Fearing a surprise during the night, Captain Elgee of
my staff was sent to withdraw the battery and warn Vincent of
the necessity of vigilance; but the enemy had been too prompt.
Vincent's pickets found their fires more agreeable than
outposts. At nightfall the battery and a number of the horse
were captured, as was Captain Elgee, who rode up just after
the event. We lost the four guns, with their caissons, and two
hundred men. Vincent, with the remainder of his command
escaped. In truth, my horse was too ill disciplined for close
work. On the 22d we marched to Beaseley's, twelve miles, and
remained until the 29th, hoping that reënforcements would
reach us. Beaseley's was a depot of forage, and covered roads
to Fort Jesup and Natchitoches; and a cross road reached the
Red River valley at a point twenty-five miles below the latter
place, by which some supplies were obtained. As no
reënforcements arrived, and the enemy was moving up the
river, the troops were ordered to Pleasant Hill via Fort Jesup,
forty miles, and I went to Natchitoches, thirty miles. Here, on
the night of the 30th, I met Colonel McNeill's regiment of Texas
horse, numbering two hundred and fifty men, of whom fifty
were without arms; and the following morning Colonel Herbert
came in, with a hundred and twenty-five of his three hundred
and fifty men unarmed. These were a part of Green's
command, and the first reënforcements received.
The enemy's advance reached Natchitoches, by the river
road, on the 31st, and McNeill and Herbert were directed to fall
back slowly toward Pleasant Hill, thirty-six miles. I remained in
the town until the enemy entered, then rode four miles to Grand
Ecore, where, in the main channel of Red River, a steamer was
awaiting me. Embarking, I went up river to Blair's Landing,
forty miles by the windings of the stream, whence was a road,
sixteen miles, to Pleasant Hill. Four miles from Blair's was
Bayou Pierre, a large arm of the river, crossed by a ferry. At
Pleasant Hill, on the 1st of April, Walker and
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Mouton, with their infantry divisions, artillery, and trains joined
me, as did Green with his staff. From the latter I learned that
De Bray's regiment of cavalry, with two batteries and trains
was in march from Fort Jesup. As the enemy was moving from
Natchitoches, and could strike the Jesup road across country
De Bray was ordered to push forward his artillery and
wagons, and look well to his right. He reached Pleasant Hill
after dark. The enemy attempted to impede the march, but was
driven off, with a loss of five wounded to De Bray. During the
day our horse, toward Natchitoches, had some skirmishing.
It appeared that General Major, with the remainder of
Green's horse, could not get up before the 6th, and he was
directed to cross the Sabine at Logansport and march to
Mansfield, twenty miles in my rear. This insured his march
against disturbance; and, to give him time, I halted two days at
Pleasant Hill, prepared for action. But the enemy showed no
disposition to advance seriously, and on the 4th and 5th the
infantry moved to Mansfield, where on the following day
Major, with his horse and Buchell's regiment of cavalry, joined.
General Major was sent to Pleasant Hill to take charge of the
advance.
De Bray's and Buchell's regiments have been spoken of as
cavalry to distinguish them from mounted infantry, herein
called horse. They had never before left their State (Texas),
were drilled and disciplined, and armed with sabers. Buchell's
regiment was organized in the German settlement of New
Braunfels. The men had a distinct idea that they were fighting
for their adopted country, and their conduct in battle was in
marked contrast to that of the Germans whom I had
encountered in the Federal army in Virginia. Colonel Buchell
had served in the Prussian army, and was an instructed soldier.
Three days after he joined me, he was mortally wounded in
action, and survived but a few hours. I sat beside him as his
brave spirit passed away. The old "Fatherland" sent no bolder
horseman to battle at Rossbach or Gravelotte.
During this long retreat of two hundred miles from the
banks of the Atchafalaya to Mansfield, I had been in correspondence
Page 159
with General Kirby Smith at Shreveport, and always expressed
my intention to fight as soon as reënforcements reached me.
General Kirby Smith thought that I would be too weak to
meet the enemy, even with all possible reënforcements, and
suggested two courses: one, to hold the works at Shreveport
until he could concentrate a force to relieve me; the other, to
retire into Texas and induce the enemy to follow us.
My objection to the first suggestion was, that it would result
in the surrender of the troops and Shreveport, as it would be
impossible to raise a new force for their relief; and to the
second, that its consequences would be quite as disastrous as a
defeat, as it would be an abandonment of Louisiana and
southern Arkansas. The men from these States might be
expected to leave us, and small blame to them; while from the
interior of Texas we could give no more aid to our brethren on
the east of the Mississippi than from the Sandwich Islands.
Geneal Kirby Smith did not insist on the adoption of either of
his own suggestions, nor express an approval of mine; but
when Mansfield was reached, a decision became necessary.
Three roads lead from this place to Shreveport, the
Kingston, Middle, and Keachi. The distance by the first, the
one nearest to the valley of Red River, is thirty-eight miles; by
the second, forty; and by the third, forty-five. From Keachi,
five and twenty miles from Mansfield and twenty from
Shreveport, roads cross the Sabine into Texas. Past Mansfield,
then, the enemy would have three roads, one of which would
be near his fleet on the river, and could avail himself of his
great superiority in numbers. This was pointed out to the
"Aulic Council" at Shreveport, but failed to elicit any definite
response.
On the 21st of March there had reached Shreveport, from
Price's command in Arkansas, two brigades of Missouri
infantry and two of Arkansas, numbering together forty-four
hundred muskets. These troops I had repeatedly asked for, but
they were retained at Shreveport until the afternoon of the 4th of
April, when they marched to Keachi, and reported to me from
that place on the morning of the 6th. Supplies were far from
abundant in the vicinity of Mansfield; and as I might at any
Page 160
moment receive an order to retire to Keachi, they were directed
to remain there for the present. Green, now promoted to major-general,
was placed in command of all the horse, with Brigadiers Bee, Major,
and Bagby under him.
On the morning of the 7th of April, Major, from Pleasant
Hill, reported the enemy advancing in force; whereupon Green
went to the front. Later in the day the southerly wind brought
such distinct sounds of firing to Mansfield as to induce me to
join Green. Riding hard, I suddenly met some fifty men from
the front, and reined up to speak to them; but, before I could
open my mouth, received the following rebuke from one of the
party for a bad habit: "General! if you won't curse us, we
will go back with you." I bowed to the implied homily, rode
on, followed by the men, and found Green fighting a superior
force of horse. Putting in my little reënforcement, I joined
him, and enjoyed his method of managing his wild horsemen;
and he certainly accomplished more with them than any one
else could have done. After some severe work, the enemy's
progress was arrested, and it became evident that Green could
camp that night at a mill stream seven miles from Pleasant Hill,
a matter of importance.
The roads in this region follow the high ridge dividing the
drainage of Red River from that of the Sabine, and water in
very scarce. Between Pleasant Hill and Mansfield but two
streams are found, the one above mentioned, and a smaller, seven
miles nearer to the latter place. For twenty miles from Pleasant Hill
toward Natchitoches there was little or no water; and
at Pleasant Hill itself we had exhausted the wells and reduced
the store in cisterns during our stay. This, as it affected movements
and positions of troops, should be borne in mind.
Leaving Green, I returned to Mansfield, stopping on the
road to select my ground for the morrow. This was in the edge
of a wood, fronting an open field eight hundred yards in width
by twelve hundred in length, through the center of which the
road to Pleasant Hill passed. On the opposite side of the field
was a fence separating it from the pine forest, which, open on
the higher ground and filled with underwood on the lower,
Page 161
spread over the country. The position was three miles in front
of Mansfield, and covered a cross-road leading to the Sabine.
On either side of the main Mansfield-Pleasant Hill road, at two
miles' distance, was a road parallel to it and connected by this
Sabine cross-road.
General Churchill, commanding the Missouri-Arkansas troops
at Keachi, was ordered to march for Mansfield at dawn of the
8th, and advised that a battle was impending. My medical director
was instructed to prepare houses in the village for hospitals,
and quartermasters were told to collect supplies and park
surplus wagons. An officer with a small guard was selected to
preserve order in the town, and especially among the wagoners,
always disposed to "stampede." Walker and Mouton were ordered
to move their divisions in the morning, ready for action,
to the position selected; and a staff officer was sent to Green,
with instructions to leave a small force in front of the enemy,
and before dawn withdraw to the appointed ground. These
arrangements made, a dispatch was sent to General Kirby Smith
at Shreveport, informing him that I had returned from the
front, found the enemy advancing in force, and would give battle
on the following day, April 8,1864, unless positive orders to
the contrary were sent to me. This was about 9 P. M. of
the 7th.
My confidence of success in the impending engagement was
inspired by accurate knowledge of the Federal movements, as
well as the character of their commander, General Banks, whose
measure had been taken in the Virginia campaigns of 1862 and
since.
On the morning of the 7th of April Admiral Porter left
Grand Ecore with six gunboats and twenty transports, on which
last were embarked some twenty-five hundred troops. The progress
of these vessels up the river was closely watched by an
officer of my staff, who was also in communication with General
Liddel on the north side. Banks began his movement from
Grand Ecore to Pleasant Hill on the 6th, with an estimated
force of twenty-five thousand. Though lateral roads existed, his
column marched by the main one, and in the following order:
Page 162
Five thousand mounted men led the advance, followed by a large
wagon train and much artillery. Infantry succeeded, then more
wagons and artillery, then infantry again. In the afternoon of
the 7th I knew that the front and rear of his column were separated
by a distance of twenty miles.
My troops reached the position in front of Sabine cross-road
at an early hour on the 8th, and were disposed as follows: On
the right of the road to Pleasant Hill, Walker's infantry division
of three brigades, with two batteries; on the left, Mouton's,
of two brigades two batteries. As Green's men came in
from the front, they took position, dismounted, on Mouton's
left. A regiment of horse was posted on each of the parallel
roads mentioned, and De Bray's cavalry, with McMahon's
battery, held in reserve on the main road. Dense forest prevented
the employment of much artillery, and, with the exception of
McMahon's, which rendered excellent service, none was used in
the action.
I had on the field fifty-three hundred infantry, three thousand
horse, and five hundred artillerymen - in all, eight thousand
eight hundred men, a very full estimate. But the vicious
dispositions of the enemy made me confident of beating all the
force he could concentrate during the day; and on the morrow
Churchill, with forty-four hundred muskets, would be up.
The forenoon of the 8th wore on as the troops got into position.
Riding along the line, I stopped in front of the Louisiana
brigade of Mouton's division, and made what proved to be
an unfortunate remark to the men: "As they were fighting in
defense of their own soil I wished the Louisiana troops to draw
the first blood." But they were already inflamed by many outrages
on their homes, as well as by camp rumors that it was
intended to abandon their State without a fight. At this moment
our advanced horse came rushing in, hard followed by the
enemy. A shower of bullets reached Mouton's line, one of
which struck my horse, and a body of mounted men charged up
to the front of the 18th Louisiana. A volley from this regiment
sent them back with heavy loss. Infantry was reported
in the wood opposite my left. This was a new disposition of
Page 163
the enemy, for on the 6th and 7th his advance consisted of horse
alone; and to meet it, Mouton was strengthened by moving
Randall's brigade of Walker's from the right to the left of the
road. To cover this change, skirmishers were thrown forward
and De Bray's regiment deployed in the field.
The enemy showing no disposition to advance, at 4 P. M. I
ordered a forward movement of my whole line. The ardor of
Mouton's troops, especially the Louisianians, could not be
restrained by their officers. Crossing the field under a heavy fire
of artillery and small arms, the division reached the fence,
paused for a moment to draw breath, then rushed into the wood
on the enemy. Here our loss was severe. General Mouton was
killed, as were Colonels Armand, Beard, and Walker, commanding
the 18th, Crescent, and 28th Louisiana regiments of Gray's
brigade. Major Canfield of the Crescent also fell, and Lieutenant-Colonel
Clack of the same regiment was mortally wounded.
As these officers went down, others, among whom Adjutant
Blackman was conspicuous, seized the colors and led on the
men. Polignac's brigade, on the left of Gray's, also suffered
heavily. Colonel Noble, 17th Texas, with many others, was
killed. Polignac, left in command by the death of Mouton,
displayed ability and pressed the shattered division steadily
forward. Randall, with his fine brigade, supported him on the
right; while Major's dismounted men, retarded by dense wood,
much to the impatience of General Green, gradually turned the
enemy's right, which was forced back with loss of prisoners and
guns.
On the right of the main road General Walker, with Waul's
and Scurry's brigades, encountered but little resistance until he
had crossed the open field and entered the wood. Finding that
he outflanked the enemy's left, he kept his right brigade, Scurry's,
advanced, and swept everything before him.
The first Federal line, consisting of all the mounted force
and one division of the 13th army corps, was in full flight, leaving
prisoners, guns, and wagons in our hands. Two miles to
the rear of the first position, the 2d division of the 13th corps
was brought up, but was speedily routed, losing guns and prisoners;
Page 164
and our advance continued. Near sunset, four miles
from our original position, the 19th army corps was found,
drawn up on a ridge overlooking a small stream. Fatigued,
and disordered by their long advance through dense wood, my
men made no impression for a time on this fresh body of troops;
but possession of the water was all-important, for there was none
other between this and Mansfield. Walker, Green, and Polignac
led on their weary men, and I rode down to the stream.
There was some sharp work, but we persisted, the enemy fell
back, and the stream was held, just as twilight faded into darkness.
Twenty-five hundred prisoners, twenty pieces of artillery,
several stands of colors, many thousands of small arms, and two
hundred and fifty wagons were the fruits of victory in the battle
of Mansfield. Eight thousand of the enemy, his horse and
two divisions of infantry, had been utterly routed, and over five
thousand of the 19th corps driven back at sunset. With a
much smaller force on the field, we invariably outnumbered the
enemy at the fighting point; and foreseeing the possibility of
this, I was justified in my confidence of success. The defeat
of the Federal army was largely due to the ignorance and
arrogance of its commander, General Banks, who attributed my
long retreat to his own wonderful strategy.
Night put an end to the struggle along the little stream, and
my troops camped by the water.
A dispatch was sent to General Kirby Smith, at Shreveport,
to inform him of the result of the day's fighting, and of my
intention to push the enemy on the following morning. Leaving
instructions for Green, with all the mounted force, to pursue
at dawn, I rode to Mansfield to look after our wounded and
meet Churchill. The precautions taken had preserved order in
the village throughout the day. Hospitals had been prepared,
the wounded brought in and cared for, prisoners and captured
property disposed of. Churchill came and reported his command
in camp, four miles from Mansfield, on the Keachi road;
and he was directed to prepare two days' rations, and march
toward Pleasant Hill at 3 A. M.
Page 165
Sitting by my camp fire to await the movement of Churchill's
column, I was saddened by recollection of the many dead,
and the pleasure of victory was turned to grief as I counted the
fearful cost at which it had been won. Of the Louisianians
fallen, most were acquaintances, many had been neighbors and
friends; and they were gone. Above all, the death of gallant
Mouton affected me. He had joined me soon after I reached
western Louisiana, and had ever proved faithful to duty. Modest,
unselfish, and patriotic, he showed best in action, always
leading his men. I thought of his wife and children, and of
his father, Governor Mouton, whose noble character I have
attempted to portray.
Churchill's march disturbed these solemn reveries, and I returned
to the front, where Walker and Green were awaiting the
approaching day. The horse, with a battery, moved early to
Pleasant Hill, fourteen miles, leaving Walker and Polignac to
follow Churchill's column as soon as it had passed. I rode with
Green, and we found many stragglers, scattered arms, and burning
wagons, showing the haste of the enemy's retreat. The
mill stream, seven miles distant, was reached, then the vicinity
of Pleasant Hill, before a shot was fired. A short mile in front
of the latter place the enemy was found; and as our rapid advance
had left the infantry far to the rear, feints were made to
the right and left to develop his position and strength.
The village of Pleasant Hill occupies part of a plateau, a
mile wide from east to west, along the Mansfield and Fort Jesup
road. The highest ground, called College Hill, is on the west,
and here enters a road from the Sabine, which, sixteen miles to
the east, strikes the Red River at Blair's Landing; while, from
the necessity of turning Spanish Lake, the distance to Natchitoches
and Grand Ecore is thirty-six miles. The Federal fleet,
with accompanying troops, was now many miles above Blair's,
which by river is forty-five miles above Grand Ecore. Driven
from Pleasant Hill to the latter place, the Federal forces would
be widely separated, and might be destroyed in detail. Though
it appeared to be the enemy's intention to continue his retreat,
as he was known to be moving back his trains, yet if undisturbed
Page 166
he might find courage to attempt a junction with his
fleet at Blair's Landing; and I did not wish to lose the advantage
of the morale gained by success on the previous day.
Our reconnaissance showed that the Federal lines extended
across the open plateau, from College Hill on their left to a
wooded height on the right of the road to Mansfield. Winding
along in front of this position was a gully cut by winter rains,
but now dry, and bordered by a thick growth of young pines,
with fallen timber interspersed. This was held by the enemy's
advanced infantry, with his main line and guns on the plateau.
Separating the gully and thicket from the forest toward Mansfield
was an open field, several hundred yards wide near the
road, but diminishing in width toward the west. Here the
Federal commander had concentrated some eighteen thousand,
including A. J. Smith's force, not engaged on the previous day.
My plan of attack was speedily determined. Orders were
sent to the infantry to fill canteens at the mill stream, and to
the trains to park there. Shortly after midday the infantry
appeared, Churchill in advance; but a glance showed that his
men were too much exhausted to attack. They had marched
forty-five miles, and were thoroughly jaded. Walker's and
Polignac's divisions had been heavily engaged on the previous day,
and all were suffering from heat and thirst. Accordingly, two
hours were given to the troops to lie down and rest.
At 3 P. M. Churchill, with two batteries and three regiments
of horse, was directed to move to the right and turn the enemy's
left. His route was through the forest for two miles to the
road coming from the Sabine. The enemy's left outflanked,
he was to attack from the south and west, keeping his regiments
of horse well to his right, and Walker would attack on his left.
This was explained to Churchill, and Mr. T. J. Williams, formerly
sheriff of De Soto parish, and acquainted with every road
in the vicinity, was sent with him as a guide. On Walker's
left, near the road from Mansfield, Major Brent had twelve
guns in the wood, with four on the road, where were posted
Buchell's and De Bray's cavalry, under General Bee, and
Page 167
Polignac's division, the last in reserve. In the wood on the left of
the road from Mansfield, Major, with two brigades of horse
dismounted, was to drive back the enemy's skirmishers, turn
his right, and gain the road to Blair's Landing. As no offensive
movement by the enemy was anticipated, he would be
turned on both flanks, subjected to a concentric fire, and overwhelmed.
Though I had but twelve thousand five hundred
men against eighteen thousand in position, the morale was
greatly in our favor, and intelligent execution of orders was
alone necessary to insure success.
At 4.30 P. M. Churchill was reported to be near the position
whence he would attack; and, to call off attention, Major Brent
advanced his twelve guns into the field, within seven hundred
yards of the enemy's line, and opened fire. Soon thereafter
the sound of Churchill's attack was heard, which the cheers of
his men proved to be successful. Walker at once led forward
his division by echelons of brigades from his right, Brent
advanced his guns, and Major turned the enemy's right and gained
possession of the road to Blair's. Complete victory seemed
assured when Churchill's troops suddenly gave way, and for a
time arrested the advance of Walker and Major.
The road from the Sabine reached, Churchill formed his line
with the two Missouri brigades, General Parsons on the right,
and the two Arkansas, General Tappan, on the left. Advancing
three fourths of a mile through the forest, he approached
the enemy's line, and found that he had not gained ground
enough to outflank it. Throwing forward skirmishers, he moved
by the right flank until the Missouri brigades were on the right
of the Sabine road, the regiments of horse being farther to the
right. Churchill should have placed his whole command on
the right of the Sabine road, and he would have found no difficulty
in successfully executing his orders. In his official report
he states "that had my [his] line extended a half mile more to
the right, a brilliant success would have been achieved"; and
he gives as the reason for not so disposing his force that he
judged, from information furnished by his guides, the enemy's
left to be already outflanked.
Page 168
The attack ordered, the Missourians threw themselves on
the enemy, drove him from the gully and thicket, mounted the
plateau, broke an opposing line, captured and sent to the rear
three hundred prisoners, got possession of two batteries, the
horses of which had been killed, and reached the village. Here
a Federal brigade, left by Churchill's error on his right, attacked
them in flank and rear, while their rapid charge had put three
hundred yards between them and the Arkansas brigades, delayed
by the gully. The enemy's reserve was thrust into this opening
and advanced in front. Finding themselves assaulted on all
sides, the Missourians retreated hastily, and in repassing the
gully and thicket fell into much confusion. Colonel Hardiman,
commanding the horse, checked the enemy, and Parsons rallied
his men on the line first formed by Churchill. The Arkansas
brigades had forced the gully and mounted the plateau as the
Missourians retreated, whereupon they fell back, their left
brigade (Gause's) running into Walker's right (Scurry's) and
impeding its advance. Gause imagined that Scurry had fired on
him; but as his entire loss in the action amounted to but fifteen
killed and fifty-nine wounded, out of eleven hundred men, there
appears little ground for this belief. Churchill's two batteries
followed the Missourians, and with much difficulty reached the
plateau, where they opened an effective fire. When the infantry
retreated three carriages broke down in the attempt to get
through the thicket and fallen timber, and the guns were lost.
Night ended the conflict on this part of the field, and both sides
occupied their original positions. We brought off three hundred
prisoners, but lost three guns and one hundred and seventy-nine
prisoners from Churchill's command. Out of two thousand
men, the Missourians lost three hundred and thirty-one in killed
and wounded, and the Arkansas brigades, of equal strength, one
hundred and forty-two.
Within a few minutes of the time when our whole line became
engaged, an officer came to inform me that General Walker
was wounded. Directing Polignac to move up his division and
hold it in readiness, I left General Green in charge of the center
and hastened to Walker, whose division was now fully engaged
Page 169
in the wood. I found him suffering from a contusion in the
groin, and ordered him to retire, which he unwillingly did.
Here it was that our right gave way in the manner described.
Scurry's brigade of Walker's, disordered by the sudden retreat
upon it of Gause, was heavily pressed by the enemy. Scurry
and his men struggled gallantly, but required immediate relief;
and to give it, Waul and Randall on their left were ordered to
drive back the line fronting them. Never was order more thoroughly
executed. Leading on their fine brigades with skill and
energy, these officers forced back the Federals and relieved
Scurry.
Meanwhile, the fire of Brent's guns had overpowered a Federal
battery posted on the plateau in front of the road from
Mansfield. The confusion attending the withdrawal of this battery,
coupled with the fierce attack of Waul and Randall, led
General Green to believe that the enemy was retreating, and
he ordered Bee to charge with his two regiments of cavalry,
Buchell's and De Bray's. Bee reached the plateau, where he
was stopped by a heavy fire from infantry, in the wood on both
sides of the road. Some men and horses went down, Buchell
was mortally wounded, and Bee and De Bray slightly. The
charge was premature and cost valuable lives, but was of use in
moral effect. I returned to the road as Bee, with coolness and
pluck, withdrew. Brent advanced his guns close up to the
opposing line, Polignac attacked on Randall's left with his
reduced but stubborn division, and Green urged on his dismounted
horsemen, cleared the wood from the Mansfield to the Blair's
Landing road, and at nightfall held the position previously
occupied by the Federal battery.
Severe fighting continued in the dense thicket, where Polignac,
Randall, Waul, and Scurry were steadily driving back the
enemy. Approaching twilight obscured the wood, but resistance
in front was becoming feeble, and, anxious to reach the
village, I urged on our men. As Randall and Waud gained
ground to the front, they became separated by a ravine in which
was concealed a brigade of Federals. Isolated by the retreat
of their friends, these troops attempted to get out. Fired on
Page 170
from both sides of the ravine, a part of them appeared on the
field in front of Brent's guns, to be driven back by grape. With
heavy loss they at length succeeded in escaping through the
thicket. A letter from the commander was subsequently captured,
wherein he denounces the conduct of his superiors who
abandoned him to his fate. However true the allegation, it is
doubtful if his brigade could have rendered more service elsewhere.
The suddenness of its appearance stopped our forward
movement, and a cry arose that we were firing on our own people.
The thickening gloom made it impossible to disabuse the
troops of this belief, and I ordered them to withdraw to the
open field. The movement was made slowly and in perfect
order, the men forming in the field as they emerged from the
thicket. The last light of day was fading as I rode along the
line, and the noise of battle had ceased.
Churchill came to report the result of his attack, and seemed
much depressed. I gave such consolation as I could, and
directed him to move his command to the mill stream, seven
miles to the rear, where he would find his trains and water.
A worthy, gallant gentleman, General Churchill, but not
fortunate in war.
The mill stream was the nearest water to be had, and I was
compelled to send the troops back to it. The enemy made no
attempt to recover the ground from which his center and right
had been driven. Bee picketed the field with his cavalry, his
forage wagons were ordered up from the mill stream, and it was
hoped that water for his two regiments could be found in the
wells and cisterns of the village. Sounds of retreat could be
heard in the stillness of the night. Parties were sent on the
field to care for the wounded, and Bee was ordered to take up
the pursuit toward Grand Ecore at dawn, to be followed by the
horse from the mill stream as soon as water and forage had been
supplied. These dispositions for the morning made, worn out
by fatigue and loss of sleep, I threw myself on the ground,
within two hundred yards of the battle field, and sought rest.
The enemy retreated during the night, leaving four hundred
wounded, and his many dead unburied. On the morning of
Page 171
the 10th Bee pursued for twenty miles before he overtook his
rear guard, finding stragglers and burning wagons and stores,
evidences of haste.
In the two actions of Mansfield and Pleasant Hill my loss
in killed and wounded was twenty-two hundred. At Pleasant
Hill we lost three guns and four hundred and twenty-six prisoners,
one hundred and seventy-nine from Churchill's, and two
hundred and forty-seven from Scurry's brigade at the time it
was so nearly overwhelmed. The Federal loss in killed and
wounded exceeded mine, and we captured twenty guns and
twenty-eight hundred prisoners, not including stragglers picked
up after the battle. The enemy's campaign for conquest was
defeated by an inferior force, and it was doubtful if his army
and fleet could escape destruction.
These were creditable results, yet of much less importance
than those that would have been accomplished but for my blunder
at Pleasant Hill. Instead of intrusting the important attack
by my right to a subordinate, I should have conducted it myself
and taken Polignac's division to sustain it. True, this would
have removed my reserve from the center and line of retreat, and
placed it on a flank; but I was confident that the enemy had
no intention of resuming the offensive, and should have acted
on that conviction. All this flashed upon me the instant I
learned of the disorder of my right. Herein lies the vast
difference between genius and commonplace: one anticipates
errors, the other discovers them too late.
The foregoing account of Churchill's attack at Pleasant Hill,
hidden from me by intervening wood, is taken from his official
report and the reports of his subordinates; and I will now
supplement it by some extracts from the testimony given by
General Francis Fessenden of the Federal army. On pages 94 and
95 of the second volume of the "Report on the Conduct of the
War," the following appears:
"In the afternoon we were changed, from a position in the
woods in front of Pleasant Hill, to a position in rear of a deep
ditch near the town. We were placed behind this ditch, in
open ground, and practically held the left of the front line; and
Page 172
my regiment was on the left. I think it was not expected that
an attack would be made by the enemy in that direction. The
attack was expected by the road which led in by the right center
of the army. Instead of that, however, the enemy came
around through the woods, and about half-past 5 o'clock drove
in our skirmishers, and made a very fierce attack on the brigade
I was in - Colonel Benedict's brigade. The brigade fell
back under the attack a great deal broken up, and my regiment
was separated from the other three regiments which went off in
another direction. I had fallen back still further to the left,
as I knew there was a brigade of troops in there to protect our
left flank and rear from attack in that direction. My regiment
being the last of the brigade to fall back, the enemy had already
advanced so far after the other three regiments that I could not
fall back where they did. I therefore fell back in another
direction, rallying my regiment and forming on the right of
the brigade referred to; and that brigade, my regiment, and
another brigade, which I think had been brought up under
General Emory, made an attack upon the enemy's column,
which had advanced some distance, and drove them back with
great loss. We continued to advance, and drove them a mile
or more, so completely off the field that there was no other
attack made by the enemy in that direction.
"That night we fell back again, marching all night and all
the next morning, until we reached the camping ground at the
end of our first day's march from Grand Ecore. I ought to
state here that in that attack of the enemy on our left the
brigade commander, Colonel Benedict, was killed, and I then
assumed command of the brigade. We remained at Grand
Ecore some eight or nine days, where we built intrenchments
to a certain extent - rifle pits. I think the whole army threw
up a kind of temporary work in front."
General Fessenden's statements accord with the reports of
Churchill and his officers, and in other respects are accurate.
On page 62 of the volume quoted from, General A. L.
Lee, commanding mounted division of Banks's army, testifies:
Page 173
"The next morning (9th of April) I was ordered by General Banks
to detach one thousand cavalry to act as scouts and
skirmishers, and to take the remainder of my division, and
take whatever was left of the detachment of the 13th army
corps and some negro troops that were there, and take the trains
and the majority of the artillery of the army to Grand Ecore.
It was thought that the enemy would get between us and Grand
Ecore. I started about 11 o'clock with this train, and with six
or eight batteries of artillery, and reached Grand Ecore the next
day. The battle of the 9th of April commenced just as I was
leaving. The next day at night the main army had reached
Grand Ecore and joined me there. General Banks impressed
on me very strongly that, in sending me back from Pleasant
Hill just as the fight was commencing, it was of the greatest
importance to save what material we had left. Early the next
morning, when I was distant from Pleasant Hill eighteen miles,
I received a dispatch from General Banks. I have not the dispatch
with me, but it was to this effect: that they had whipped
the enemy terribly; that Price was killed, also two or three
other rebel generals whom he named, but who have since recovered;
and that I was to send back the subsistence trains for
such and such troops. I was very much puzzled by that order,
and immediately sent a staff officer back for more specific
instructions. But he had not been gone more than half an hour
when a staff officer of General Banks arrived with an order
to me, with which he had left in the night, for me to continue
pressing on with the whole train to Grand Ecore, and
with instructions if any wagons broke down to burn them,
not stop to fix anything, but get everything into Grand Ecore
as quickly as I could, and look out very carefully on the
flanks." There can be no question
of the correctness of these statements
of General A. L. Lee.
The following quotations from the reports of Admiral Porter
to the Secretary of the Navy are taken from page 239, and
succeeding pages of the same volume:
Page 174
"FLAG-SHIP CRICKET,
GRAND ECORE,
April 14, 1864.
"The army here has
met with a great defeat, no matter what
the generals try to make of it. With the defeat has come
demoralization, and it will take some time to reorganize and make
up the deficiencies in killed and prisoners. The whole affair
has been seriously mismanaged. It was well we came up, for
I am convinced the rebels would have attacked this broken
army at Grand Ecore had we not been here to cover them. I
do not think our army would be in a condition to resist them.
I must confess that I feel a little uncertain how to act. I could
not leave this army now without disgracing myself forever; and,
when running a risk in their cause, I do not want to be deserted.
One of my officers has already been asked 'If we would
not burn our gunboats as soon as the army left?' speaking as
if a gunboat was a very ordinary affair, and could be burned
with indifference. I inclose two notes I received from Generals
Banks and Stone. There is a faint attempt to make a victory
out of this, but two or three such victories would cost us our
existence."
Again, on page 166 of the same volume appears this dispatch
from Lieutenant-General Grant, at Culpepper, Virginia, to
General Halleck, Chief of Staff, at Washington:
"You can see from General Brayman's dispatch to me something of
General Banks's disaster."
Concerning the battle of Pleasant Hill General Banks reports (page 326):
"The whole of the reserves were now ordered up, and in
turn we drove the enemy, continuing the pursuit until night
compelled us to halt. The battle of the 9th was desperate and
sanguinary. The defeat of the enemy was complete, and his
loss in officers and men more than double that sustained by our
forces. There was nothing in the immediate position and condition
of the two armies to prevent a forward movement the
next morning, and orders were given to prepare for an advance.
But representations subsequently received from General Franklin
and all the general officers of the 19th corps, as to the
Page 175
condition of their respective commands for immediate active
operations against the enemy, caused a suspension of this order, and
a conference of the general officers was held in the evening, in
which it was determined to retire upon Grand Ecore the following
day. The reasons urged for this course were: 1. That
the absence of water made it absolutely necessary to advance
or retire without delay. General Emory's command had been
without rations for two days, and the train, which had been
turned to the rear during the battle, could not be put in
condition to move forward upon the single road through dense
woods, in which it stood, without great difficulty and much loss
of time."
Again, on page 13, General Banks states:
"The enemy was driven from the field. It was as clear a
rout as it was possible for any army to suffer. After consulting
with my officers, I concluded, against my own judgment, to
fall back to Grand Ecore and reorganize. We held the field
of battle. Our dead were buried. The wounded men were
brought in and placed in the best hospitals we could organize,
and surgeons were left with them, with provisions, medicines,
and supplies; and at daybreak we fell back to Grand Ecore."
Here the proportion of fiction to fact surpasses that of sack
to bread in Sir John's tavern bill; and it may be doubted if a
mandarin from the remotest province of the Celestial Empire
ever ventured to send such a report to Peking. General Fessenden's
testimony, given above, shows that the army marched
during the night of the 9th, and continued to Grand Ecore,
where it intrenched; and General A. L. Lee's, that the main
army joined him at that place on the evening of the 10th.
Twenty of the thirty-six miles between Pleasant Hill and Grand
Ecore were passed on the 10th by my cavalry before the rear
of the enemy's column was seen; yet General Banks officially
reports that his army left Pleasant Hill at daybreak of the 10th.
Homeric must have been the laughter of his troops when this
report was published.
Page 176
CHAPTER XI.
ESCAPE OF BANKS AND PORTER.
FROM my resting-place on the ground at Pleasant Hill, after
the battle of the 9th, I was aroused about 10 P. M. by General
Kirby Smith, just arrived from Shreveport. This officer
disapproved of further pursuit of Banks, except by a part of our
mounted force, and ordered the infantry back to Mansfield.
He was apprehensive that the troops on the transports above
would reach Shreveport, or disembark below me and that place.
In addition, Steele's column from Arkansas caused him much
uneasiness, and made him unwilling for my troops to increase
their distance from the capital of the "Trans-Mississippi
Department." It was pointed out that the water in Red River
was falling, and navigation becoming more and more difficult;
that I had a staff officer watching the progress of the fleet, which
was not accompanied by more than three thousand men, too
few to attempt a landing, and that they would certainly hear of
Banks's defeat and seek to rejoin him at Grand Ecore. As to
Steele he was more than a hundred miles distant from Shreveport,
harassed by Price's force; he must learn of Banks's misfortune,
and, leading but a subsidiary column, would retire to
Little Rock. Banks, with the remains of his beaten army, was
before us, and the fleet of Porter, with barely water enough to
float upon. We had but to strike vigorously to capture or destroy
both. But it was written that the sacrifices of my little
army should be wasted, and, on the morning of the 10th, I was
ordered to take all the infantry and much of the horse to Mansfield.
Page 177
The Bayou Pierre, three hundred feet wide and too deep to
ford, leaves the Red River a few miles below Shreveport, and
after a long course, in which it frequently expands into lakes,
returns to its parent stream three miles above Grand Ecore,
dividing the pine-clad hills on the west from the alluvion of the
river on the east. Several roads lead from the interior to landings
on the river, crossing Bayou Pierre by ferries. One from
Pleasant Hill to Blair's Landing, sixteen miles, has been mentioned.
Another led from Mansfield to Grand Bayou Landing,
eighteen miles. Dispatches from Captain McCloskey informed
me that the enemy's fleet had passed this last place on the morning
of the 9th, pushing slowly up river, impeded by low water.
Feeling assured that intelligence of Banks's defeat would send
the fleet back to Grand Ecore, and hoping to cut off its communication,
at dawn of the 11th I sent General Bagby, with a brigade
of horse and a battery, from Mansfield to Grand Bayou
landing. Before reaching the ferry at Bayou Pierre, he ascertained
that the fleet had turned back on the afternoon of the
10th. There was a pontoon train at Shreveport that I had in
vain asked for, and Bagby experienced great delay in crossing
Bayou Pierre by means of one small flat. The fleet, descending,
passed Grand Bayou Landing at 10 o'clock A. M. of the 11th,
some hours before Bagby reached the river; and he pushed on
toward Blair's Landing, where he arrived on the night of the
12th, after the close of Green's operations of that day.
General Green, from Pleasant Hill, had been directing the
movements of our advanced horse, a part of which, under Bee,
was in front of Grand Ecore and Natchitoches. Advised of
the movements of the enemy's fleet, he, with seven hundred
and fifty horse and two batteries, left Pleasant Hill for Blair's
Landing at 6 o'clock P. M. on the 11th. As in the case of Bagby,
he was delayed at Bayou Pierre, and, after hard work, only
succeeded in crossing three guns and a part of his horse before
the fleet came down on the 12th. Green attacked at once, and
leading his men in his accustomed fearless way, was killed by a
discharge of grape from one of the gunboats. Deprived of
their leader, the men soon fell back, and the fleet reached Grand
Page 178
Ecore without further molestation from the west bank. The
enemy's loss, supposed by our people to have been immense,
was officially reported at seven on the gunboats and fifty on the
transports. Per contra, the enemy believed that our loss was
stupendous; whereas we had scarcely a casualty except the
death of General Green, an irreparable one. No Confederate
went aboard the fleet and no Federal came ashore; so there was
a fine field of slaughter in which the imagination of both sides
could disport itself.
With facilities for crossing the Pierre at hand, the fleet,
during the 11th and 12th, would have been under the fire of
two thousand riflemen and eighteen guns and suffered heavily,
especially the transports, crowded with troops. As it was, we
accomplished but little and lost General Green.
Like Mouton, this officer had joined me at an early period
of my service in western Louisiana. Coming to me with the
rank of colonel, his conspicuous services made it my pleasant
duty to recommend him for promotion to brigadier and major-general.
Upright, modest, and with the simplicity of a child,
danger seemed to be his element, and he rejoiced in combat.
His men adored him, and would follow wherever he led; but
they did not fear him, for, though he scolded at them in action,
he was too kind-hearted to punish breaches of discipline. In
truth, he had no conception of the value of discipline in war,
believing that all must be actuated by his own devotion to duty.
His death was a public calamity, and mourned as such by the
people of Texas and Louisiana. To me he was a tried and devoted
friend, and our friendship was cemented by the fact that,
through his Virginia mother, we were related by blood. The
great Commonwealth, whose soil contains his remains, will never
send forth a bolder warrior, a better citizen, nor a more upright
man than Thomas Green.
The brigade of horse brought by General Green to Louisiana,
and with which he was so long associated, had some peculiar
characteristics. The officers such as Colonels Hardiman,
Baylor, Lane, Herbert, McNeill, and others, were bold and
enterprising. The men, hardy frontiersmen, excellent riders, and
Page 179
skilled riflemen, were fearless and self-reliant, but discharged
their duty as they liked and when they liked. On a march they
wandered about at will, as they did about camp, and could be
kept together only when a fight was impending. When their
arms were injured by service or neglect, they threw them away,
expecting to be supplied with others. Yet, with these faults,
they were admirable fighters, and in the end I became so much
attached to them as to be incapable of punishing them.
After the affair at Blair's Landing on the 12th, the horse
returned to Pleasant Hill, and thence joined Bee in front of
Grand Ecore, where Banks had his army concentrated behind
works, with gunboats and transports in the river, Bee occupying
the town of Natchitoches, four miles away. On the morning
of the 13th General Kirby Smith visited me at Mansfield.
Relieved of apprehension about the fleet, now at Grand Ecore, he
expressed great anxiety for the destruction of Steele's column.
I was confident that Steele, who had less than ten thousand
men and was more than a hundred miles distant from Shreveport,
would hear of Banks's disaster and retreat; but General
Kirby Smith's views differed from mine. I then expressed my
willingness to march, with the main body of the infantry, to
join Price in Arkansas, and serve under his command until
Steele's column was destroyed or driven back; insisting, however,
that in the event of Steele's retreat I should be permitted
to turn on Banks and Porter, to complete the work of Mansfield
and Pleasant Hill. The destruction of the Federal army and
capture of the fleet, helpless alone by reason of low and falling
water in Red River, were the legitimate fruits of those victories,
and I protested with all possible earnestness against a policy
that would fail to reap them. After this conversation General
Kirby Smith returned to Shreveport, leaving me under the
impression that my last proposition was acceded to. The loss
of valuable time incurred by a wild-goose chase after Steele
was most annoying, but I was hopeful it might be recovered.
To get the fleet down to Alexandria and over the falls at that
place would require much time in the low condition of the
water; and Banks's army was so much demoralized by defeat
Page 180
that Bee found no difficulty in restraining its movements with
his horse.
At dawn of the 14th Walker's and Churchill's divisions of
infantry, with their artillery, prepared for an active campaign,
marched for Shreveport, forty miles. The same day Polignac's
infantry division, reduced to some twelve hundred muskets, was
sent toward Grand Ecore to strengthen the horse in front of the
enemy. On the evening of the 15th I reached Shreveport, and
had a short interview with General Kirby Smith, who informed
me that Steele had begun his retreat from a point a hundred and
ten miles distant, but that he hoped to overtake him, and would
personally direct the pursuit. I was further informed that my
presence with the troops was not desired, and that I would
remain in nominal command of Shreveport, but might join the
force near Grand Ecore if I thought proper. All this with the
curt manner of a superior to a subordinate, as if fearing
remonstrance. General Kirby Smith marched north of
Shreveport on the 16th, and three days thereafter I received a
dispatch from his "chief of staff" informing me that the
pontoon train, asked for in vain when it would have been of
priceless value, would be sent back from his army and placed at
my disposition. Doubtless General Kirby Smith thought that a
pontoon train would supply the place of seven thousand infantry
and six batteries.
I remained at Shreveport three days, occupied with reports
and sending supplies to my little force near Grand Ecore, toward
which I proceeded on the 19th of April. Major-General
Wharton, who had gained reputation as a cavalry officer in the
Confederate Army of Tennessee, accompanied me. He had
reported for duty at Shreveport on the 18th, and was assigned to
the command of the horse to replace the lamented Green. We
reached Polignac's camp, in the vicinity of Grand Ecore, ninety
odd miles from Shreveport, on the evening of the 21st, and
learned that the enemy had threatened an advance during the
day. This convinced me of his intention to retreat, and an officer
was sent to General Bee to warn him.
Cane River leaves the main channel of the Red below Grand
Page 181
Ecore, and, passing by Natchitoches, returns to the Red after a
winding course of sixty miles. Except at the season of floods, it
is not navigable; but the alluvion through which it flows is very
productive, while the pine forest immediately to the west is
sterile. Bee, under instructions, occupied the valley of Cane
River with his horse, and had been ordered to keep his pickets
close to Grand Ecore and Natchitoches, draw his forage from
plantations along the river, and, when the enemy retreated
toward Alexandria, fall back before him to Monette's Ferry
which he was expected to hold. Monette's Ferry, forty miles
below Natchitoches, was on the only practicable road to
Alexandria. Here the river made a wide, deep ford, and pine-clad
hills rose abruptly from the southern bank. On the left,
looking toward Natchitoches, were hills and impassable lakes,
easily held against any force. On the right, hills, rugged and
pine-clad, extended eight miles to the point at which Cane River
reëenters the Red. The distance from Monette's to Alexandria is
thirty-five miles, of which fourteen is through wooded hills.
Roads led west to Carroll Jones's and Beaseley's, twelve and
thirty miles respectively; and on these roads Bee was directed to
keep his trains.
Concerning the position at Monette's General Banks reports:
"The army marched from Grand Ecore on the morning of the
22d of April. To prevent the occupation of Monette's Bluff, on
Cane River, a strong position commanding the only road leading
across the river to Alexandria, or to prevent the concentration of
the enemy's forces at that point, it became necessary to
accomplish the evacuation without his knowledge." As before
stated, the threatened advance of the 21st convinced me that
the enemy's retreat was imminent, and so I advised Bee; but
there was not time to send General Wharton to him after I
reached Polignac's camp. Bee had two thousand horse and four
batteries, and, after several days to examine and prepare his
ground, might well be expected to hold it with tenacity.
Immediately after the battle of Pleasant Hill I had sent Vincent,
with his own and Bush's regiments of Louisiana horse, to
threaten Alexandria and drive out small parties of the enemy
from the Attakapas and Teche regions. Subsequently, a brigade
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of Texas horse, seven hundred strong, under Brigadier
William Steele, joined me, and was now with Polignac.
As anticipated, the enemy left Grand Ecore during the
night of the 21st and marched without halting to Cloutierville,
thirty-two miles. With Steele's brigade, Wharton drove his rear guard
from Natchitoches on the morning of the 22d, capturing some
prisoners, and continued the pursuit to the twenty-four-mile
ferry. On the 23d, after a sharp action, he pushed the enemy's
rear below Cloutierville, taking some score of prisoners. Polignac's
infantry joined that evening, and covered a road leading through
the hills from Cloutierville to Beaseley's. If Bee stood firm at
Monette's, we were in position to make Banks unhappy on the
morrow, separated as he was from the fleet, on which he relied to
aid his demoralized forces. But Bee gave way on the afternoon of
the 23d, permitting his strong position to be forced at the small cost
to the enemy of less than four hundred men, and suffering no loss
himself. Then, instead of attacking the great trains, during their
fourteen miles' march through the forest, and occupying with
artillery McNutt's Hill, a high bluff twenty miles from Alexandria
and commanding the road thither in the valley, he fell back at once
to Beaseley's, thirty miles. Before this mistake could be rectified,
the enemy crossed at Monette's, burning many wagons at the ford,
and passed below McNutt's Hill. General Bee had exhibited much
personal gallantry in the charge at Pleasant Hill, but he was
without experience in war, and had neglected to study the ground
or strengthen his position at Monette's. Leaving Mansfield for
Shreveport on the 15th, under orders from General Kirby Smith, I
only got back to the front on the night of the 21st, too late to reach
Monette's or send Wharton there.
It was very disheartening, but, persuaded that the enemy
could not pass the falls at Alexandria with his fleet, I
determined to stick to him with my little force of less than forty-five
hundred of all arms. It was impossible to believe that
General Kirby Smith would continue to persist in his inexplicable
policy, and fail to come, ere long, to my assistance.
On the 26th Bee's horse, from Beaseley's, joined Steele's at
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McNutt's Hill; and together, under Wharton, they
attacked the enemy in the valley and drove him, with loss of
killed and prisoners, to the immediate vicinity of Alexandria.
When General Banks retreated so hastily from Grand Ecore,
Admiral Porter was laboring to get his fleet down to
Alexandria. In a communication to the Secretary of the Navy
from his flag-ship below Grand Ecore, he says ("Report on the
Conduct of the War," vol. ii., pages 234-5):
"I soon saw that the army would go to Alexandria again, and
we would be left above the bars in a helpless condition. The
vessels are mostly at Alexandria, above the falls, excepting this
one and two others I kept to protect the Eastport. The Red
River is falling at the rate of two inches a day. If General Banks
should determine to evacuate this country, the gunboats will be
cut off from all communication with the Mississippi. It cannot be
possible that the country would be willing to have eight iron-clads,
three or four other gunboats, and many transports
sacrificed without an effort to save them. It would be the
worst thing that has happened this war."
The Eastport, the most formidable iron-clad of the
Mississippi squadron, grounded on a bar below Grand Ecore.
Three tin-clad gunboats and two transports remained near to
assist in getting her off; and, to prevent this, some mounted
riflemen were sent, on the morning of the 26th, to cooperate
with Liddel's raw levies on the north bank of the river. These
forced the enemy to destroy the Eastport, and drove away the
gunboats and transports. Our loss in the affair was two killed
and four wounded. Meantime, to intercept the gunboats and
transports on their way down, Colonel Caudle of Polignac's
division, with two hundred riflemen and Cornay's four-gun
battery, had been posted at the junction of Cane and Red
Rivers, twenty miles below. At 6 o'clock P. M. of the 26th the
leading gunboat and one transport came down. Our fire speedily
crippled and silenced the gunboat, and a shot exploded the boiler
of the transport. Under cover of escaping steam the gunboat drifted
out of fire, but the loss of life on the transport was fearful. One
hundred dead and eighty-seven severely scalded, most of
Page 184
whom subsequently died, were brought on shore. These
unfortunate creatures were negroes, taken from plantations on
the river above. The object of the Federals was to remove
negroes from their owners; but for the lives of these poor people
they cared nothing, or, assuredly, they would not have forced
them, on an unprotected river steamer, to pass riflemen and
artillery, against which gunboats were powerless. On the
following day, the 27th, the two remaining gunboats and
transport attempted to pass Caudle's position; and the former,
much cut up, succeeded, but the transport was captured.
Colonel Caudle had one man wounded, and the battery one
killed - its commander, Captain Cornay, who, with Mouton,
Armand, and many other creoles, proved by distinguished
gallantry that the fighting qualities of the old French breed had
suffered no deterioration on the soil of Louisiana.
The following extracts from the report of Admiral Porter
well exhibit the efficiency of Caudle and Cornay in this affair:
"FLAG-SHIP CRICKET, OFF ALEXANDRIA,
April 28, 1864.
" When rounding
the point, the vessels in close order and
ready for action, we descried a party of the enemy with artillery
on the right bank, and we immediately opened fire with our bow
guns. The enemy immediately returned it with a
large number
of cannon, eighteen in all, every shot of which struck this
vessel. The captain gave orders to stop the engines. I corrected
this mistake, and got headway on the vessel again, but not soon
enough to avoid the pelting showers of shot and shell which the
enemy poured into us, every shot going through and through us,
clearing all our decks in a moment. I took charge of the vessel,
and, as the battery was a very heavy one, I determined to
pass it, which was done under the heaviest fire I ever
witnessed. Seeing that the Hindman did not pass the batteries,
the Juliet disabled, and that one of the pump boats (transport)
had her boiler exploded by a shot, I ran down to a point three or
four miles below. Lieutenant-Commander Phelps had two
vessels in charge, the Juliet and Champion (transport), which he
wished to get through safely. He kept them out of range until he
Page 185
could partially repair the Juliet, and then, starting under a heavy
fire, he make a push by. Unfortunately the pump boat
(Champion) was disabled and set fire to. The Hindman had her
wheel ropes cut away, and drifted past, turning round and round,
and getting well cut up in going by. The Juliet was cut to pieces
in hull and machinery; had fifteen killed and wounded. I inclose
the report of Lieutenant-Commander Phelps, from the time of
his first misfortune until his arrival at this place (Alexandria),
where I now am with all the fleet, but very much surprised that I
have any left, considering all the difficulties encountered. I came
up here with the river on the rise, and water enough for our
largest vessels; and even on my way up to Shreveport from
Grand Ecore the water rose, while it commenced falling where I
left the largest gunboats. Falling or not, I could not go back while
in charge of the transports and material on which an army of
thirty thousand men depended."
This is high testimony to the fighting capacity of two hundred
riflemen and four guns, two twelve-pounder smooth-bores and
two howitzers, all that Admiral Porter's three gunboats had to
contend with. It proves the utter helplessness of gunboats in
narrow streams, when deprived of the protection of troops on
the banks. Even the iron-clads, with armor impenetrable by field
guns, were readily driven off by sharpshooters, who, under
cover, closed their ports or killed every exposed man.
On the 24th Liddel, from the north bank of Red River,
dashed into Pineville, opposite Alexandria, killed and captured a
score of the enemy's party, and drove the remainder over the
river.
On the 27th Admiral Porter's fleet was lying above the falls,
now impassable, and Banks's army, over twenty thousand
strong, was in and around Alexandria behind earthworks. Such
was the condition to which this large force had been reduced by
repeated defeat, that we not only confined it to its works,
driving back many attacks on our advanced positions, but I felt
justified in dividing my little command in order to blockade the
river below, and cut off communication with the Mississippi.
Page 186
Wharton's horse was divided into three parts, each a thousand strong,
and accompanied by artillery. The first, under Steele, held the
river and Rapides roads, above and west of Alexandria; the
second, under Bagby, the Boeuf road to the south of that place;
while Major, with the third, was sent to Davide's Ferry, on the
river, twenty-five miles below. Polignac's infantry, twelve
hundred muskets, was posted on the Boeuf within supporting
distance of the two last. Liddel's seven hundred newly-organized
horse, with four guns, was of little service beyond making
feints to distract the enemy.
Major reached his position on the 30th, and on the following
day, the 1st of May, captured and sunk the transport Emma. On
the 3d he captured the transport City Belle, on her way up to
Alexandria, with the 120th Ohio regiment on board. All the
officers and two hundred and seventy-six men were taken, with
many killed and wounded. On the evening of the 4th the
gunboats Covington and Signal, each mounting eight heavy guns,
with the transport Warner, attempted to pass. The Covington
was blown up by her crew to escape capture, but the Signal and
Warner surrendered. Four guns, two three-inch rifled and two
howitzers, were engaged in this action with the Covington and
Signal. They were run up to the river's bank by hand, the
howitzers above, the three-inch rifles below the gunboats,
which, overpowered by the rapid fire, moved back and forth
until one surrendered and the other was destroyed, affording a
complete illustration of the superiority of field guns to gunboats
in narrow streams. There was no further attempt to pass
Major's position, and Federal communication with the
Mississippi was closed for fifteen days.
During these operations the enemy was engaged night and day
in the construction of a dam across the Red River, to enable him
to pass his fleet over the falls; and the following extracts from
the report of Admiral Porter to the Secretary of the Navy well
exhibit the condition of affairs in and around Alexandria
("Report on the Conduct of the War," vol. ii., page 250):
Page 187
"FLAG-SHIP CRICKET, ALEXANDRIA,
April 28, 1864.
"SIR:
I have written you an account of the operations of the
fleet in these waters, but take the liberty of writing to you
confidentially the true state of affairs. I find myself blockaded by
a fall of three feet of water, three feet four inches being the
amount now on the falls. Seven feet being required to get over,
no amount of lightening will accomplish the object. I have already
written to you how the whole state of things has been changed
by a too blind carelessness on the part of our military leader, and
our retreat back to Alexandria from place to place has so
demoralized General Banks's army that the troops have no
confidence in anybody or anything. Our army is now all here,
with the best general (Franklin) wounded and unfit for duty in the
field. General Banks seems to hold no communication with any
one, and it is impossible for me to say what he will do. I have no
confidence in his promises, as he asserted in a letter, herein
inclosed, that he had no intention of leaving Grand Ecore, when
he had actually already made all his preparations to leave. The
river is crowded with transports, and every gunboat I have is
required to convoy them. I have to withdraw many light-draughts
from other points on the Mississippi to supply demands here. In
the mean time the enemy are splitting up into parties of two
thousand, and bringing in the artillery (with which we have
supplied them) to blockade points below here; and what will be
the upshot of it all I can not foretell. I know that it will be
disastrous in the extreme for this is a country in which a
retreating army is completely at the mercy of an enemy.
Notwithstanding that the rebels are reported as coming in from
Washita, with heavy artillery to plant on the hills opposite
Alexandria, no movement is being made to occupy the position,
and I am in momentary expectation of hearing the rebel guns
open on the transports on the town side; or if they go down or
come up the river, it will be at the risk of destruction. Our
light-clads can do nothing against hill batteries. I am in momentary
expectation of seeing this army retreat, when the result will be
disastrous. Unless instructed by the Government, I do not think
that General
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Banks will make the least effort to save the navy here. The
following vessels are above the falls and command the right of
the town: Mound City, Louisville, Pittsburgh, Carondelet, Chillicothe,
Osage, Neosho, Ozark, Lexington, and Fort Hindman.
At this moment the enemy have attacked our outposts, and
driven in our indifferent cavalry, which came up numbering six
thousand, and have brought nothing but calamity in their train.
Our whole army is cooped up in this town, while a much inferior
force is going rampant about the country, making preparations
to assail our helpless transports, which, if caught filled with men,
would be perfect slaughter-houses. Quick remedies are
required, and I deem it my duty to lay the true state of affairs
before you. If left here by the army, I will be obliged to destroy
this fleet to prevent it falling into the enemy's hands. I can not
conceive that the nation will permit such a sacrifice to be made,
when men and money can prevent it. We have fought hard for
the opening of the Mississippi, and have reduced the naval
forces of the rebels in this quarter to two vessels. If we have to
destroy what we have here, there will be material enough to
build half a dozen iron-clads, and the Red River, which is now
of no further dread to us, will require half the Mississippi
squadron to watch it. I am apprehensive that the turrets of the
monitors will defy any efforts we can make to destroy them.
Our prestige will receive a shock from which it will be long in
recovering; and if the calamities I dread should overtake us, the
annals of this war will not present so dire a one as will have
befallen us."
Thus Admiral Porter, who even understates the facts.
In vain had all this been pointed out to General Kirby Smith,
when he came to me at Pleasant Hill in the night after the
battle. Granted that he was alarmed for Shreveport, sacred to
him and his huge staff as Benares, dwelling-place of many
gods, to the Hindoo; yet, when he marched from that
place on
the 16th of April against Steele, the latter, already discomfited
by Price's horse, was retreating, and, with less than a third of
Banks's force at Grand Ecore, was then further from Shreveport
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than was Banks. To pursue a retreating foe, numbering six
thousand men, he took over seven thousand infantry, and left me
twelve hundred to operate against twenty odd thousand and a
powerful fleet. From the evening of the 21st of April, when I
returned to the front near Grand Ecore, to the 13th of May the
day on which Porter and Banks escaped from Alexandria, I
kept him advised of the enemy's movements and condition.
Couriers and staff officers were sent to implore him to return
and reap the fruits of Mansfield and Pleasant Hill, whose price
had been paid in blood. Not a man was sent me; even the four-gun
battery with Liddell on the north of the river was, without
my knowledge, withdrawn toward Arkansas. From first to last,
General Kirby Smith seemed determined to throw a protecting
shield around the Federal army and fleet.
In all the ages since the establishment of the Assyrian
monarchy no commander has possessed equal power to destroy
a cause. Far away from the great centers of conflict in Virginia
and Georgia, on a remote theatre, the opportunity of striking a
blow decisive of the war was afforded. An army that included
the strength of every garrison from Memphis to the Gulf had
been routed, and, by the incompetency of its commander, was
utterly demoralized and ripe for destruction. But this army was
permitted to escape, and its 19th corps reached Chesapeake Bay
in time to save Washington from General Early's attack, while
the 13th, 16th, and 17th corps reënforced Sherman in Georgia.
More than all, we lost Porter's fleet, which the falling river had
delivered into our hands; for the protection of an army was
necessary to its liberation, as without the army a dam at the falls
could not have been constructed. With this fleet, or even a
portion of it, we would have at once recovered possession of the
Mississippi from the Ohio to the sea, and undone all the work of
the Federals since the winter of 1861. Instead of Sherman,
Johnston would have been reënforced from west of the
Mississippi, and thousands of absent men, with fresh hope, would
have rejoined Lee. The Southern people might have been spared
the humiliation of defeat, and the countless woes and wrongs
inflicted on them by their conquerors.
Page 190
It was for this that Green and Mouton and other gallant
spirits fell! It was for this that the men of Missouri and
Arkansas made a forced march to die at Pleasant Hill! It was for
this that the divisions of Walker and Polignac had held every
position intrusted to them, carried every position in their front,
and displayed a constancy and valor worthy of the Guards at
Inkermann or Lee's veterans in the Wilderness! For this, too,
did the handful left, after our brethren had been taken from us,
follow hard on the enemy, attack him constantly at any odds,
beat off and sink his gunboats, close the Red River below him
and shut up his army in Alexandria for fifteen days! Like
"Sister Ann" from her watch tower, day after day we strained
our eyes to see the dust of our approaching comrades arise
from the north bank of the Red. Not a camp follower among us
but knew that the arrival of our men from the North would give
us the great prize in sight. Vain, indeed, were our hopes. The
commander of the "Trans-Mississippi Department" had the
power to destroy the last hope of the Confederate cause, and
exercised it with all the success of Bazaine at Metz.
"The affairs of mice and men aft gang aglee," from sheer
stupidity and pig-headed obstinacy. General Kirby Smith had
publicly announced that Banks's army was too strong to be
fought, and that the proper policy was either to defend the
works protecting Shreveport, or retreat into Texas. People do
not like to lose their reputations as prophets or sons of prophets.
Subsequently, it was given out that General Kirby Smith had a
wonderful plan for the destruction of the enemy, which I had
disturbed by rashly beating his army at Mansfield and Pleasant
Hill; but this plan, like Trochu's for the defense of Paris, was
never disclosed - undoubtedly, because c'était le secret
de Polichinelle.
After many days of energetic labor, the enemy on the 13th
of May succeeded in passing his fleet over the falls at
Alexandria, evacuated the place, and retreated down the river,
the army, on the south bank, keeping pace with the fleet.
Admiral Porter, in his report to the Secretary of the Navy, gives a
Page 191
graphic account of the passage of the falls, and under date of
May 19th, says: "In my report in relation to the release of the
gunboats from their unpleasant position above the falls, I did not
think it prudent to mention that I was obliged to destroy eleven
thirty-two-pounders, not having time to haul them from above
the falls to Alexandria, the army having moved and drawn in all
their pickets. For the same reason I also omitted to mention that
I was obliged to take off the iron from the sides of the Pook
gunboats and from the Ozark, to enable them to get over."
To harass the retreat, the horse and artillery, on the river
above Alexandria, were directed to press the enemy's rear, and
the remaining horse and Polignac's infantry to intercept his route
at Avoyelles Prairie. During the 14th, 15th, and 16th he was
constantly attacked in front, rear, and right flank; and on the 17th
Wharton charged his rear near Mansura, capturing many
prisoners, while Colonel Yager, with two regiments of horse, cut
in on the wagon train at Yellow Bayou, killed and drove off the
guard, and destroyed much property. Meanwhile Liddell, on the
north bank of the Red, followed the fleet and kept up a constant
fire on the transports. But for the unfortunate withdrawal of his
battery, before alluded to, he could have destroyed many of
these vessels. On the 18th we attacked the enemy at Yellow
Bayou, near Simmsport, and a severe engagement ensued,
lasting until night. We held the field, on which the enemy left his
dead, but our loss was heavy, four hundred and fifty-two in killed
and wounded; among the former Colonel Stone, commanding
Polignac's old brigade. Polignac, in charge of division, was
conspicuous in this action. The following day, May 19, 1864, the
enemy crossed the Atchafalaya and was beyond our reach.
Here, at the place where it had opened more than two months
before, the campaign closed.
The army I had the honor to command in this campaign
numbered, at its greatest strength, about thirteen thousand of all
arms, including Liddell's force on the north bank of Red River;
but immediately after the battle of Pleasant Hill it was
Page 192
reduced to fifty-two hundred by the withdrawal of Walker's and
Churchill's divisions. Many of the troops marched quite four
hundred miles, and from the 5th of April to the 18th of May not
a day passed without some engagement with the enemy, either
on land or river. Our total loss in killed, wounded, and missing
was three thousand nine hundred and seventy-six; that of the
enemy, nearly three times this number.
From the action at Yellow Bayou on the 18th of May, 1864,
to the close of the war in the following year, not a shot was
fired in the "Trans-Mississippi Department." Johnston was
forced back to Atlanta and relieved from command, and Atlanta
fell. Not even an effective demonstration was made toward
Arkansas and Missouri to prevent troops from being sent to
reënforce Thomas at Nashville, and Hood was overthrown.
Sherman marched unopposed through Georgia and South Carolina
while Lee's gallant army wasted away from cold and hunger in
the trenches at Petersburg. Like Augustus in the agony of his
spirit, the sorely pressed Confederates on the east of the
Mississippi asked, and asked in vain: "Varus! Varus! Where
are our legions?"
The enemy's advance, fleet and army, reached Alexandria
on the 16th of March, but he delayed sixteen days there and at
Grand Ecore. My first reënforcements, two small regiments of
horse, joined at Natchitoches on the 31st; but the larger part of
Green's force came in at Mansfield on the 6th of April,
Churchill's infantry reaching Keachi the same day. Had Banks
pushed to Mansfield on the 5th instead of the 8th of April, he
would have met but little opposition; and, once at Mansfield, he
had the choice of three roads to Shreveport, where Steele could
have joined him.
Judging from the testimony given to the Congressional
Committee on the Conduct of the War, cotton and elections
seem to have been the chief causes of delay. In the second
volume of "Report" may be found much crimination and
recrimination between the Navy and Army concerning the
seizure of cotton. Without attempting to decide the question, I
may observe that Admiral Porter informs the Secretary of the Navy
Page 193
of "the capture from the rebels of three thousand bales of
cotton on the Washita river, and two thousand on the Red, all of
which I have sent to Cairo"; while General Banks testifies that
he "took from western Louisiana ten thousand bales of
cotton and twenty thousand beef cattle, horses, and mules."
From this, the Army appears to have surpassed the navy to the
extent of five thousand bales of cotton and the above-mentioned
number of beef cattle, etc. Whether Admiral Porter or General
Banks was the more virtuous, the unhappy people of Louisiana
were deprived of "cakes and ale."
In his enthusiasm for art the classic cobbler forgot his last;
but "all quality, pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war"
could not make General Banks forget his politics, and he held
elections at Alexandria and Grand Ecore. The General
describes with some unction the devotion of the people to the
"Union," which was and was to be, to them, "the fount of every
blessing."
Says General Banks in his report: "It became necessary to
accomplish the evacuation [of Grand Ecore] without the
enemy's knowledge. The conflagration of a portion of the town
at the hour appointed for the movement partially frustrated the
object." And further on: "Rumors were circulated freely
throughout the camp at Alexandria, that upon the evacuation of
the town it would be burned, and a considerable portion of the
town was destroyed." Evidently, these burnings were against
the orders of General Banks, who appears to have lost authority
over some of his troops. Moreover, in their rapid flight from
Grand Ecore to Monette's Ferry, a distance of forty miles, the
Federals burned nearly every house on the road. In pursuit, we
passed the smoking ruins of homesteads, by which stood
weeping women and children. Time for the removal of the most
necessary articles of furniture had been refused. It was difficult
to restrain one's inclination to punish the ruffians engaged in this
work, a number of whom were captured; but they asserted, and
doubtless with truth, that they were acting under orders.
From the universal testimony of citizens, I learned that
Page 194
General Banks and the officers and men of the 19th corps, Eastern
exerted themselves to prevent these outrages, and that the
perpetrators were the men of General A. J. Smith's command
from Sherman's army. Educated at West Point, this General
Smith had long served in the regular army of the United States,
and his men were from the West, whose brave sons might well
afford kindness to women and babes. A key to their conduct
can be found in the "Memoirs" of General W. T. Sherman, the
commander who formed them, and whose views are best
expressed in his own words.
The city of Atlanta, from which the Confederates had
withdrawn, was occupied by Slocum's corps of Sherman's army
on the 2d of September, 1864. In vol. ii. of his "Memoirs," page
111, General Sherman says: "I was resolved to make Atlanta a
pure military garrison or depot, with no civil population to
influence military measures. I gave notice of this purpose as
early as the 4th of September, to General Halleck, in a letter
concluding with these words: 'If the people raise a howl against
my barbarity and cruelty, I will answer that war is war, and not
popularity-seeking. If they want peace, they and their relations
must stop the war.' " On pages 124-6 appears the
correspondence of General Sherman with the mayor and
councilmen of Atlanta concerning the removal of citizens, in
which the latter write: "We petition you to reconsider the order
requiring them to leave Atlanta. It will involve in the aggregate
consequences appalling and heartrending. Many poor women
are in an advanced state of pregnancy, others now having young
children, and whose husbands for the greater part are either in
the army, prisoners, or dead. Some say, 'I have such a one sick
at my house; who will wait on them when I am gone?' Others
say, 'What are we to do? we have no house to go to, and no
means to buy, build, or rent any; no parents, relatives, or friends
to go to.' This being so, how is it possible for the people still
here, mostly women and children, to find shelter? And how can
they live through the winter in the woods?" To this General
Sherman replies: "I have your letter of the 11th, in the nature of
a petition to revoke my orders removing all the inhabitants
Page 195
from Atlanta. I have read it carefully, and give full credit to
your statements of the distress that will be occasioned and yet
shall not revoke my orders, because they were not intended to
meet the humanities of the case. You might as well appeal
against the thunderstorm as against these terrible hardships of
war. They are inevitable; and the only way the people of Atlanta
can hope once more to live in peace and quiet at home is to stop
the war, which can only be done by admitting that it began in
error and is perpetuated in pride." Again, on page 152 is
Sherman's telegram to General Grant: "Until we can repopulate
Georgia, it is useless for us to occupy it; but the utter destruction
of its roads, houses, and people will cripple their military
resources. I can make this march, and make Georgia howl." It
could hardly be expected that troops trained by this commander
would respect the humanities.
Page 196
CHAPTER XII.
EAST OF THE MISSISSIPPI.
PROSTRATED by two years of constant devotion to work
- work so severe, stern, and exacting as to have prevented me
from giving the slightest attention to my family, even when
heavily afflicted - and persuaded that under existing
administration nothing would be accomplished in the
"Trans-Mississippi Department," a month after the close of the Red
River campaign I applied for relief from duty. After several
applications this was granted, and with my wife and two
surviving children I retired to the old Spanish-French town of
Natchitoches. The inhabitants, though impoverished by the war,
had a comfortable house ready for my family, to which they
invited me, with all the warmth of Southern hearts and all the
good taste of the Latin race. Here I remained for several
weeks, when information of my promotion to lieutenant-general
came from Richmond, with orders to report for duty on the east
side of the Mississippi. The officers of my staff, who had long
served with me, desired and were permitted to accompany me,
with the exception of Brent, now colonel of artillery, who could
not be spared. Colonel Brent remained in west Louisiana until
the close of the war, attaining the rank of brigadier. Of his merit
and services I have already written.
The Red River campaign of 1864 was the last Federal
campaign undertaken for political objects, or intrusted to
political generals. Experience taught the Washington
Government that its enormous resources must be concentrated,
and henceforth unity of purpose and action prevailed. Posts on
the Mississippi between Memphis and New Orleans were
strengthened, intervening
Page 197
spaces closely guarded by numerous gunboats, and
parties thrown ashore to destroy all boats that could be found.
Though individuals, with precaution, could cross the great river,
it was almost impossible to take over organized bodies of troops
or supplies, and the Confederates on the west were isolated.
The Federal Government now directed its energies against
Richmond and Atlanta.
Upon what foundations the civil authorities of the
Confederacy rested their hopes of success, after the campaign
of 1864 fully opened, I am unable to say; but their commanders
in the field, whose rank and position enabled them to estimate
the situation, fought simply to afford statesmanship an
opportunity to mitigate the sorrows of inevitable defeat.
A grand old oak, on the east bank of the Black River, the
lower Washita, protected my couch; and in the morning, with
two guides, the faithful Tom following, I threaded my way
through swamp and jungle to the Mississippi, which was reached
at sunset. A light canoe was concealed some distance from the
river bank, and after the short twilight faded into night this was
borne on the shoulders of the guides, and launched. One of the
guides embarked to paddle, and Tom and I followed, each
leading a horse. A gunboat was lying in the river a short
distance below, and even the horses seemed to understand the
importance of silence, swimming quietly alongside of our frail
craft. The eastern shore reached, we stopped for a time to rub
and rest the cattle, exhausted by long-continued exertion in the
water; then pushed on to Woodville, some five and twenty miles
east. This, the chief town of Wilkison county, Mississippi, was in
telegraphic communication with Richmond, and I reported my
arrival to the war office. An answer came, directing me to take
command of the department of Alabama, Mississippi, etc., with
the information that President Davis would shortly leave
Richmond to meet me at Montgomery, Alabama. While awaiting
telegram, I learned of the fall of Atlanta and the forts at the
entrance of Mobile Bay. My predecessor in the department to
the command of which telegraphic orders had just assigned me
was General Bishop Polk, to whom I accord all his
Page 198
titles; for in him, after a sleep of several centuries, was
awakened the church militant. Before he joined Johnston in
northern Georgia, Polk's headquarters were at Meridian, near
the eastern boundary of Mississippi, where the Mobile and Ohio
Railway, running north, is crossed by the Vicksburg, Jackson,
and Selma line, running east. To this point I at once proceeded,
via Jackson, more than a hundred miles northeast of Woodville.
Grierson's and other "raids," in the past summer, had broken the
New Orleans and Jackson Railway, so that I rode the distance
to the latter place. It was in September, and the fierce heat was
trying to man and beast. The open pine forests of southern
Mississippi obstruct the breeze, while affording no protection
from the sun, whose rays are intensified by reflection from the
white, sandy soil. Jackson reached, I stopped for an hour to see
the Governor of Mississippi, Clarke, an old acquaintance, and
give instructions to Brigadier Wirt Adams, the local commander;
then took rail to Meridian, eighty miles, where I found the
records of the department left by General Polk, as well as
several officers of the general staff. These gentlemen had
nothing especial to do, and appeared to be discharging that duty
conscientiously; but they were zealous and intelligent, and
speedily enabled me to judge of the situation. Major-General
Maury, in immediate command at Mobile, and the senior officer
in the department before my arrival, had ordered General
Forrest with his cavalry to Mobile in anticipation of an attack.
Forrest himself was expected to pass through Meridian that
evening, en route for Mobile.
Just from the Mississippi river, where facilities for obtaining
information from New Orleans were greater than at Mobile, I
was confident that the enemy contemplated no immediate
attack on the latter place. Accordingly, General Maury was
informed by telegraph of my presence, that I assumed
command of the department, and would arrest Forrest's
movement. An hour later a train from the north, bringing Forrest
in advance of his troops, reached Meridian, and was stopped;
and the General, whom I had never seen, came to report. He was a
tall, stalwart man, with grayish hair, mild countenance, and slow
Page 199
and homely of speech. In few words he was informed that I
considered Mobile safe for the present, and that all our energies
must be directed to the relief of Hood's army, then west of
Atlanta. The only way to accomplish this was to worry
Sherman's communications north of the Tennessee river, and he
must move his cavalry in that direction at the earliest moment.
To my surprise, Forrest suggested many difficulties and
asked numerous questions: how he was to get over the
Tennessee; how he was to get back if pressed by the enemy;
how he was to be supplied; what should be his line of retreat in
certain contingencies; what he was to do with prisoners if any
were taken, etc. I began to think he had no stomach for the
work; but at last, having isolated the chances of success from
causes of failure with the care of a chemist experimenting in his
laboratory, he rose and asked for Fleming, the superintendent of
the railway, who was on the train by which he had come.
Fleming appeared - a little man on crutches (he had recently
broken a leg), but with the energy of a giant - and at once
stated what he could do in the way of moving supplies on his
line, which had been repaired up to the Tennessee boundary.
Forrest's whole manner now changed. In a dozen sharp
sentences he told his wants, said he would leave a staff officer
to bring up his supplies, asked for an engine to take him back
north twenty miles to meet his troops, informed me he would
march with the dawn, and hoped to give an account of himself in
Tennessee.
Moving with great rapidity, he crossed the Tennessee river,
captured stockades with their garrisons, burned bridges,
destroyed railways, reached the Cumberland River below
Nashville, drove away gunboats, captured and destroyed several
transports with immense stores, and spread alarm over a wide
region. The enemy concentrated on him from all directions, but
he eluded or defeated their several columns, recrossed the
Tennessee, and brought off fifteen hundred prisoners and much
spoil. Like Clive, Nature made him a great soldier; and he was
without the former's advantages. Limited as was Clive's education,
he was a Porson of erudition compared with Forrest, who read
Page 200
with difficulty. In the last weeks of the war he was much with
me, and told me the story of his life. His father, a poor trader in
negroes and mules, died when he was fifteen years of age,
leaving a widow and several younger children dependent on him
for support. To add to his burden, a posthumous infant was born
some weeks after the father's death. Continuing the paternal
occupations in a small way, he continued to maintain the family
and give some education to the younger children. His character
for truth, honesty, and energy was recognized, and he gradually
achieved independence and aided his brethren to start in life.
Such was his short story up to the war.
Some months before the time of our first meeting, with two
thousand men he defeated the Federal General Sturgis,
who had five times his force, at Tishimingo; and he
repeated his success at Okalona, where his opponent, General
Smith, had even greater odds against him. The battle of Okalona
was fought on an open plain, and Forrest had no advantage of
position to compensate for great inferiority of numbers; but it is
remarkable that he employed the tactics of Frederick at Leuthen
and Zorndorf, though he had never heard these names. Indeed,
his tactics deserve the closest study of military men. Asked
after the war to what he attributed his success in so many
actions, he replied: "Well, I got there first with the most men."
Jomini could not have stated the key to the art of war more
concisely. I doubt if any commander since the days of lion-hearted
Richard has killed as many enemies with his own hand
as Forrest. His word of command as he led the charge was
unique: "Forward, men, and mix with 'em!" But, while cutting
down many a foe with long-reaching, nervous arm, his keen eye
watched the whole fight and guided him to the weak spot. Yet
he was a tender-hearted, kindly man. The accusations of his
enemies that he murdered prisoners at Fort Pillow and
elsewhere are absolutely false. The prisoners captured on his
expedition into Tennessee, of which I have just written, were
negroes, and he carefully looked after their wants himself,
though in rapid movement and fighting much of the time. These
negroes told me of Mass Forrest's kindness to them. After the
war I frequently
Page 201
met General Forrest, and received many evidences of
attachment from him. He has passed away within a month, to
the regret of all who knew him. In the States of Alabama,
Mississippi, and Tennessee, to generations yet unborn, his name
will be a "household word."
Having devoted several hours at Meridian to the work
mentioned, I took rail for Mobile, a hundred and forty miles. This
town of thirty thousand inhabitants is situated on the west bank
of the Alabama (here called Mobile) River, near its entrance
into Mobile Bay, which is five-and-twenty miles long by ten
broad. A month before my arrival Admiral Farragut had
captured Fort Morgan at the eastern mouth of the bay, after
defeating the Confederate fleet under Admiral Buchanan, who
was severely wounded in the action. Two or three of
Buchanan's vessels had escaped, and were in charge of
Commodore Farrand near Mobile. The shallow waters of the
bay were thickly planted with torpedoes, and many heavy guns
were mounted near the town, making it safe in front. Mobile had
excellent communications with the interior. The Alabama,
Tombigby, and Black Warrior Rivers afforded steam navigation
to central Alabama and eastern Mississippi, while the Mobile
and Ohio Railway reached the northern limit of the latter State.
Supplies from the fertile "cane-brake" region of Alabama and
the prairies of eastern Mississippi were abundant. Before they
abandoned Pensacola, the Confederates had taken up fifty miles
of rails from the Pensacola and Montgomery line, and used
them to make a connection between the latter place and
Blakeley, at the eastern head of the bay, opposite Mobile. From
the known dispositions of the Federal forces, I did not think it
probable that any serious attempt on Mobile would be made until
spring. Already in possession of Fort Morgan and Pensacola,
thirty miles east of the first, and the best harbor on the Gulf, the
enemy, when he attacked, would doubtless make these places
his base. It was important, then, to look to defensive works on
the east side of the bay, and such works were vigorously pushed
at Blakeley, above mentioned, and at Spanish Fort, several miles
south. I had no intention of standing a siege in Mobile, but
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desired to hold the place with a small force, so as to compel the
employment of an army to reduce it; and for this its situation
was admirably adapted. The Mobile River, forty miles long, and
formed by the Alabama and Tombigby, is but the estuary at the
head of Mobile Bay, silted up with detritus by the entering
streams. Several miles wide, it incloses numerous marshy
islands in its many channels. These features make its passage
difficult, while the Mobile and Ohio Railway, trending to the
west as it leaves the town to gain the high land above the valley,
affords a ready means for the withdrawal of a limited force.
The officer commanding at Mobile was well qualified for his
task. Major-General D. H. Maury, nephew to the distinguished
Matthew Maury, formerly of the United States navy, graduated
from West Point in time to serve in the war with Mexico, where
he was wounded. A Virginian, he resigned from the United
States cavalry to share the fortunes of his State. Intelligent,
upright, and devoted to duty, he gained the respect and
confidence of the townspeople, and was thereby enabled to
supplement his regular force of eight thousand of all arms with a
body of local militia. It was a great comfort to find an able
officer in this responsible position, who not only adopted my
plans, but improved and executed them. General Maury had
some excellent officers under him, and the sequel will show how
well they discharged their duty to the end.
From Mobile to Meridian, and after some days to Selma,
ninety miles east. The railway between these last places had
been recently laid down, and was very imperfect. There was no
bridge over the Tombigby at Demopolis, and a steam ferry was
employed. East of Demopolis the line passed through the cane-brake
country, a land of fatness. The army of Lee, starving in
the trenches before Richmond and Petersburg, could have been
liberally supplied from this district but for lack of transportation.
Here it may be asserted that we suffered less from
inferiority of numbers than from want of mechanical resources.
Most of the mechanics employed in the South were Northern
men, and returned to their section at the outbreak of war. The loss of
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New Orleans, our only large city, aggravated this trouble, and
we had no means of repairing the long lines of railway, nor the
plant. Even when unbroken by raids, wear and tear rendered
them inefficient at an early period of the struggle. This had a
more direct influence on the sudden downfall of the
Confederacy than is generally supposed.
Selma, a place of some five thousand people, is on the north
bank of the Alabama River, by which it has steam
communication with Mobile and Montgomery, forty miles above
on the opposite bank. In addition to the railway from Meridian,
there was a line running to the northeast in the direction of
Dalton, Georgia, the existing terminus of which was at Blue
Mountain, a hundred and odd miles from Selma; and, to inspect
the line, I went to Blue Mountain. This, the southern limit of the
Alleghanies, which here sink into the great plain of the gulf, was
distant from the Atlanta and Chattanooga Railway, Sherman's
only line of communication, sixty miles. A force operating from
Blue Mountain would approach this line at a right angle, and,
drawing its supplies from the fertile country near Selma, would
cover its own communications while threatening those of an
enemy from Atlanta to Chattanooga. On this account the road
might be of importance.
Returning to Selma, I stopped at Talladega, on the east bank
of the Coosa River, the largest affluent of the Alabama, and
navigable by small steamers to Rome, Georgia. Here I met
Brigadier Daniel Adams, in local command, and learned much
of the condition of the surrounding region. After passing
Chattanooga the Tennessee River makes a great bend to the
South, inclosing a part of Alabama between itself and the
Tennessee State line; and in this district was a small
Confederate force under Brigadier Roddy, which was enabled
to maintain an exposed position by knowledge of the country.
General Adams thought he could procure wire enough to
establish communication with Roddy, or materially shorten the
courier line between them; and, as this would duplicate my
means of getting news, especially of Forrest, he was directed to
do so. I had no knowledge of Hood's plans or condition, saving
that he had been defeated and was
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southwest of Atlanta; but if he contemplated operations on
Sherman's communications, which was his true policy, he must
draw supplies from Selma, as much of the country between the
Tennessee and Alabama Rivers was sterile and sparsely
populated. Accordingly, I moved my headquarters to Selma and
ordered the collection of supplies there, and at Talladega; then
took steamer for Montgomery, to meet the General Assembly of
Alabama, called in extra session in view of the crisis produced
by Hood's defeat and the fall of Atlanta. Just as the steamer
was leaving Selma, I received dispatches from Forrest,
announcing his first success after crossing the Tennessee river.
Traveling alone, or with one staff officer, and unknown to the
people, I had opportunities of learning something of the real
state of public sentiment in my new department. Citizens were
universally depressed and disheartened. Sick and wounded
officers and men from Hood's army were dissatisfied with the
removal of Johnston from command, and the subsequent
conduct of affairs. From conversations in railway carriages and
on river steamers I had gathered this, and nothing but this, since
my arrival.
Reaching Montgomery in the morning, I had interviews with
the Governor and leading members of the Assembly, who
promised all the assistance in their power to aid in the defense
of the State. The Governor, Watts, who had resigned the office
of Attorney-General of the Confederacy to accept his present
position, was ever ready to coöperate with me.
Late in the afternoon a dispatch was received from
President Davis, announcing his arrival for the following
morning. He came, was received by the State authorities, visited
the Capitol, addressed the Assembly, and then received leading
citizens; all of which consumed the day, and it was ten o'clock
at night when he took me to his chamber, locked the door, and
said we must devote the night to work, as it was imperative for
him to return to Richmond the next morning. He began by
saying that he had visited Hood and his army on his way to
Montgomery, and was gratified to find officers and men in
excellent spirits, not at all depressed by recent disasters, and
that he thought well of a movement north toward Nashville. I
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expressed surprise at his statement of the condition of Hood's
army, as entirely opposed to the conclusions forced on me by all
the evidence I could get, and warned him of the danger of
listening to narrators who were more disposed to tell what was
agreeable than what was true. He readily admitted that persons
in his position were exposed to this danger. Proceeding to
discuss the suggested movement toward Nashville, I thought it a
serious matter to undertake a campaign into Tennessee in the
autumn, with troops so badly equipped as were ours for the
approaching winter. Every mile the army marched north, it was
removing farther from supplies, and no reënforcements were to
be hoped for from any quarter. Besides, Sherman could control
force enough to garrison Chattanooga and Nashville, and, if time
were allowed him to accumulate supplies at Atlanta by his one
line of rail, could abandon everything south of Chattanooga, and
with fifty thousand men, in the absence of Hood's army, march
where he liked. The President asked what assistance might be
expected from the trans-Mississippi. I replied, none. There
would not be another gun fired there; for the Federals had
withdrawn their troops to concentrate east of the river. The
difficulty of bringing over organized bodies of men was
explained, with the addition of their unwillingness to come. The
idea prevailed that the States west of the Mississippi had been
neglected by the Government, and this idea had been
encouraged by many in authority. So far from desiring to send
any more men to the east, they clamored for the return of those
already there. Certain senators and representatives, who had
bitterly opposed the administration at Richmond, talked much
wild nonsense about setting up a government west of the
Mississippi, uniting with Maximilian, and calling on Louis
Napoleon for assistance. The President listened attentively to
this, and asked, "What then?" I informed him of the work Forrest
was doing, pointed out the advantages of Blue Mountain as a
base from which to operate, and suggested that Hood's army be
thrown on Sherman's line of railway, north of Atlanta. As
Johnston had been so recently removed from commend, I would
not venture to recommend his return, but believed
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that our chances would be increased by the assignment of
Beauregard to the army. He still retained some of the early
popularity gained at Sumter and Manassas, and would awaken a
certain enthusiasm. Apprehending no immediate danger for
Mobile, I would strip the place of everything except gunners and
join Beauregard with four thousand good troops. Even the
smallest reënforcement is inspiriting to a defeated army, and by
seizing his railway we would force Sherman to battle. Granting
we would be whipped, we could fall back to Blue Mountain
without danger of pursuit, as the enemy was chained to his line
of supply, and we certainly ought to make the fight hot enough
to cripple him for a time and delay his projected movements. At
the same time, I did not disguise my conviction that the best we
could hope for was to protract the struggle until spring. It was
for statesmen, not soldiers, to deal with the future.
The President said Beauregard should come, and, after
consultation with Hood and myself, decide the movements of
the army; but that he was distressed to hear such gloomy
sentiments from me. I replied that it was my duty to express my
opinions frankly to him, when he asked for them, though there
would be impropriety in giving utterance to them before others;
but I did not admit the gloom. In fact, I had cut into this game
with eyes wide open, and felt that in staking life, fortune, and
the future of my children, the chances were against success. It
was not for me, then, to whimper when the cards were bad;
that was the right of those who were convinced there would be
no war, or at most a holiday affair, in which everybody could
display heroism. With much other talk we wore through the
night. In the morning he left, as he purposed, and I returned to
Selma. My next meeting with President Davis was at Fortress
Monroe, under circumstances to be related.
Some days at Selma were devoted to accumulation of
supplies, and General Maury was advised that he must be
prepared to forward a part of his command to that place, when
a message from Beauregard informed me that he was on the
way to Blue Mountain and desired to meet me there. He had not seen
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Hood, whose army, after an ineffectual attack on Altoona, had
left Sherman's line of communication, moved westward, and was
now some fifteen miles to the north of Blue Mountain. Having
told me this, Beauregard explained the orders under which he
was acting. To my disappointment, he had not been expressly
assigned to command Hood's army, but to the general direction
of affairs in the southwest. General Maury, a capable officer,
was at Mobile; Forrest, with his cavalry division, I had sent into
Tennessee; and a few scattered men were watching the enemy
in various quarters - all together hardly constituting a command
for a lieutenant-general, my rank. Unless Beauregard took
charge of Hood's army, there was nothing for him to do except
to command me. Here was a repetition of 1863. Then Johnston
was sent with a roving commission to command Bragg in
Tennessee, Pemberton in Mississippi, and others in sundry
places. The result was that he commanded nobody, and, when
Pemberton was shut up in Vicksburg, found himself helpless,
with a handful of troops, at Jackson. To give an officer
discretion to remove another from command of an army in the
field is to throw upon him the responsibility of doing it, and this
should be assumed by the government, not left to an individual.
However, I urged on Beauregard the considerations
mentioned in my interview with President Davis, that Sherman
had detached to look after Forrest, was compelled to keep
garrisons at many points from Atlanta to Nashville, and, if
forced to action fifty or sixty miles north of the former place,
would be weaker then than we could hope to find him later,
after he had accumulated supplies. I mentioned the little
reënforcement we could have at once from Mobile, my
readiness to take any command, division, brigade, or regiment to
which he might assign me, and, above all, the necessity of
prompt action. There were two persons present, Colonel Brent,
of Beauregard's staff, and Mr. Charles Villeré, a member of the
Confederate Congress from Louisiana. The former said all that
was proper for a staff officer in favor of my views; the latter,
Beauregard's brother-in-law, warmly urged their adoption. The
General ordered his
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horse, to visit Hood, and told me to await intelligence from him.
On his return from Hood, he informed me that the army was
moving to the northwest, and would cross the Tennessee river
near the Muscle Shoals. As this plan of campaign had met the
sanction of President Davis, and Hood felt confident of success,
he declined to interfere. I could not blame Beauregard; for it
was putting a cruel responsibility on him to supersede a gallant
veteran, to whom fortune had been adverse. There was nothing
to be said and nothing to be done, saving to discharge one's duty
to the bitter end. Hood's line of march would bring him within
reach of the Mobile and Ohio Railway in northern Mississippi,
and supplies could be sent him by that road. Selma ceased to be
of importance, and my quarters were returned to Meridian.
Forrest, just back from Tennessee, was advised of Hood's
purposes and ordered to coöperate. Maury was made happy by
the information that he would lose none of his force, and the
usual routine of inspections, papers, etc., occupied the ensuing
weeks.
My attention was called about this time to the existence of a
wide-spread evil. A practice had grown up of appointing
provost-marshals to take private property for public use, and
every little post commander exercised the power to appoint
such officials. The land swarmed with these vermin, appointed
without due authority, or self-constituted, who robbed the people
of horses, mules, cattle, corn, and meat. The wretched peasants
of the middle ages could not have suffered more from the
"free companies" turned loose upon them. Loud complaints came
up from State governors and from hundreds of good citizens. I
published an order, informing the people that their property was
not to be touched unless by authority given by me and in
accordance with the forms of law, and they were requested to
deal with all violators of the order as with highwaymen. This put
an end to the tyranny, which had been long and universally
submitted to.
The readiness of submission to power displayed by the
American people in the war was astonishing. Our British
forefathers transmitted to us respect for law and love of liberty
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founded upon it; but the influence of universal suffrage seemed
to have destroyed all sense of personal manhood, all conception
of individual rights. It may be said of the South, that its people
submitted to wrong because they were engaged in a fierce
struggle with superior force; but what of the North, whose
people were fighting for conquest? Thousands were opposed to
the war, and hundreds of thousands to its conduct and objects.
The wonderful vote received by McClellan in 1864 showed the
vast numbers of the Northern minority; yet, so far from
modifying in the smallest degree the will and conduct of the
majority, this multitude of men dared not give utterance to their
real sentiments; and the same was true of the South at the time
of secession. Reformers who have tried to improve the morals
of humanity, discoverers who have striven to alleviate its
physical conditions, have suffered martyrdom at its hands.
Years upon years have been found necessary to induce the
masses to consider, much less adopt, schemes for their own
advantage. A government of numbers, then, is not one of virtue
or intelligence, but of force, intangible, irresistible, irresponsible -
resembling that of Caesar depicted by the great historian,
which, covering the earth as a pall, reduced all to a common
level of abject servitude. For many years scarce a descendant
of the colonial gentry in the Eastern States has been elected to
public office. To-day they have no existence even as a social
force and example. Under the baleful influence of negro
suffrage it is impossible to foretell the destiny of the South.
Small wonder that pure democracies have ever proved ready to
exchange "Demos" for some other tyrant.
Occasional visits for inspection were made to Mobile, where
Maury was strengthening his defenses. On the east side of the
bay, Blakeley and Spanish Fort were progressing steadily, as I
held that the enemy would attack there, tempted by his
possession of Pensacola and Fort Morgan. Although this opinion
was justified in the end, hope may have had some influence in
its formation; for we could meet attack from that quarter better
than from the west, which, indeed, would have speedily driven
us from the place. The loss of the Mobile and Ohio
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railway would have necessitated the withdrawal of the garrison
across the bay, a difficult operation, if pressed by superior
force.
The Confederate Congress had enacted that negro troops,
captured, should be restored to their owners. We had several
hundreds of such, taken by Forrest in Tennessee, whose owners
could not be reached; and they were put to work on the
fortifications at Mobile, rather for the purpose of giving them
healthy employment than for the value of the work. I made it a
point to visit their camps and inspect the quantity and quality of
their food, always found to be satisfactory. On one occasion,
while so engaged, a fine-looking negro, who seemed to be
leader among his comrades, approached me and said: "Thank
you, Massa General, they give us plenty of good victuals; but
how you like our work?" I replied that they had worked very
well. "If you will give us guns we will fight for these works,
too. We would rather fight for our own white folks than for
strangers." And, doubtless, this was true. In their dealings with
the negro the white men of the South should ever remember
that no instance of outrage occurred during the war. Their
wives and little ones remained safe at home, surrounded by
thousands of faithful slaves, who worked quietly in the fields
until removed by the Federals. This is the highest testimony to
the kindness of the master and the gentleness of the servant;
and all the dramatic talent prostituted to the dissemination of
falsehood in "Uncle Tom's Cabin" and similar productions can
not rebut it.
About the middle of November I received from General
Lee, now commanding the armies of the Confederacy,
instructions to visit Macon and Savannah, Georgia, if I could
leave my department, and report to him the condition of affairs
in that quarter, and the probabilities of Sherman's movements,
as the latter had left Atlanta. I proceeded at once, taking rail at
Montgomery, and reached Macon, via Columbus, Georgia, at
dawn. It was the bitterest weather I remember in this latitude.
The ground was frozen and some snow was falling. General
Howell Cobb, the local commander, met me at the station and
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took me to his house, which was also his office. Arrived there,
horses appeared, and Cobb said he supposed that I would desire
to ride out and inspect the fortifications, on which he had been at
work all night, as the enemy was twelve miles north of Macon at
noon of the preceding day. I asked what force he had to defend
the place. He stated the number, which was utterly inadequate,
and composed of raw conscripts. Whereupon I declined to look
at the fortifications, and requested him to order work upon them
to be stopped, so that his men could get by a fire, as I then was
and intended to remain. I had observed a movement of stores in
passing the railway station, and now expressed the opinion that
Macon was the safest place in Georgia, and advised Cobb to
keep his stores. Here entered General Mackall, one of Cobb's
subordinates, who was personally in charge of the defensive
works, and could not credit the order he had received to stop.
Cobb referred him to me, and I said: "The enemy was but
twelve miles from you at noon of yesterday. Had he intended
coming to Macon, you would have seen him last evening, before
you had time to strengthen works or remove stores." This greatly
comforted Cobb, who up to that moment held me to be a lunatic.
Breakfast was suggested, to which I responded with enthusiasm,
having been on short commons for many hours. While we were
enjoying the meal, intelligence was brought that the enemy had
disappeared from the north of Macon and marched eastward.
Cobb was delighted. He pronounced me to be the wisest of
generals, and said he knew nothing of military affairs, but had
entered the service from a sense of duty.
Cobb had been Speaker of the United States House of
Representatives, and Secretary of the Treasury in the
administration of President Buchanan. Beloved and respected in
his State, he had been sent to Georgia to counteract the
influence of Governor Joe Brown, who, carrying out the
doctrine of State rights, had placed himself in opposition to
President Davis. Cobb, with his conscripts, had been near
Atlanta before Sherman moved out, and gave me a laughable
account of the expeditious manner in which he and "his little
party" got to Macon,
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just as he was inditing a superb dispatch to General Lee to
inform him of the impossibility of Sherman's escape.
While we were conversing Governor Brown was announced,
as arrived from Milledgeville, the State capital, forty miles to the
northeast. Cobb remarked that it was awkward; for Governor
Brown was the only man in Georgia to whom he did not speak.
But he yielded to the ancient jest, that for the time being we had
best hang together, as there seemed a possibility of enjoying that
amusement separately, and brought the Governor in, who told
me that he had escaped from Milledgeville as the Federals
entered. People said that he had brought off his cow and his
cabbages, and left the State's property to take care of itself.
However, Governor Brown deserves praise at my hands, for he
promptly acceded to all my requests. With him were General
Robert Toombs, the most original of men, and General G. W.
Smith, both of whom had been in the Confederate army.
Toombs had resigned to take the place of Adjutant-General of
Georgia; Smith, to superintend some iron works, from which he
had been driven by Sherman's movements, and was now in
command of Governor Brown's "army," composed of men that
he had refused to the Confederate service. This "army" had
some hours before marched east toward Savannah, taking the
direct route along the railway. I told the Governor that his men
would be captured unless they were called back at once; and
Smith, who undertook the duty in person, was just in time. "Joe
Brown's army" struck the extreme right of Sherman, and
suffered some loss before Smith could extricate it. To Albany,
ninety miles south of Macon, there was a railway, and some
forty miles farther south, across the country, Thomasville was
reached. Here was the terminus of the Savannah and Gulf
Railway, two hundred miles, or thereabouts, southwest of
Savannah. This route I decided to take, and suggested it to the
Governor as the only safe one for his troops. He acquiesced at
once, and Toombs promised to have transportation ready by the
time Smith returned. Taking leave of Cobb, I departed.
Several year after the close of the war General Cobb and I
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happened to be in New York, accompanied by our families, but
stopping at different inns. He dined with me, seemed in
excellent health and spirits, and remained to a late hour, talking
over former times and scenes. I walked to his lodgings with
him, and promised to call with my wife on Mrs. Cobb the following
day at 1 o'clock. We were there at the hour, when the
servant, in answer to my request to take up our cards, stated
that General Cobb had just fallen dead. I sprang up the stair and
saw his body lying on the door of a room, his wife, dazed by the
shock, looking on. A few minutes before he had written a letter
and started for the office of the inn to post it, remarking to his
wife that he would return immediately, as he expected our visit.
A step from the threshold, and he was dead. Thus suddenly
passed away one of the most genial and generous men I have
known. His great fortune suffered much by the war, but to the
last he shared its remains with less fortunate friends.
Traveling all night, I reached Thomasville in the early
morning, and found that there was telegraphic communication
with General Hardee at Savannah, whom I informed of my
presence and requested to send down transportation for
Governor Brown's troops. There was much delay at
Thomasville, the railway people appearing to think that Sherman
was swarming all over Georgia. At length I discovered an
engine and a freight van, which the officials promised to get
ready for me; but they were dreadfully slow, until Toombs rode
into town and speedily woke them up. Smith returned to Macon
after my departure, found transportation ready for his men,
brought them to Albany by rail, and was now marching to
Thomasville. Toombs, who had ridden on in advance, was not
satisfied with Hardee's reply to my dispatch, but took possession
of the telegraph and threatened dire vengeance on
superintendents and road masters if they failed to have the
necessary engines and carriages ready in time. He damned the
dawdling creatures who had delayed me to such an extent as to
make them energetic, and my engine appeared, puffing with
anxiety to move. He assured me that he would not be many
hours after me at
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Savannah, for Smith did not intend to halt on the road, as his
men could rest in the carriages. A man of extraordinary energy,
this same Toombs.
Savannah was reached about midnight, and Hardee was
awaiting me. A short conversation cleared the situation and
enabled me to send the following report to General Lee.
Augusta, Georgia, held by General Bragg with a limited force,
was no longer threatened, as the enemy had passed south of it.
Sherman, with sixty or seventy thousand men, was moving on
the high ground between the Savannah and Ogeechee Rivers;
and as this afforded a dry, sandy road direct to Savannah,
where he would most readily meet the Federal fleet, it was
probable that he would adhere to it. He might cross the
Savannah river forty or fifty miles above and match on Charleston, but
this was hardly to be expected; for, in addition to the river
named, there were several others and a difficult country to pass
before Charleston could be reached, and his desire to
communicate with the fleet by the nearest route and in the
shortest time must be considered. Hardee's force was
inadequate to the defense of Savannah, and he should prepare
to abandon the place before he was shut up. Uniting, Bragg and
Hardee should call in the garrison from Charleston, and all
scattered forces along the coast south of Wilmington, North
Carolina, and be prepared to resist Sherman's march through
the Carolinas, which he must be expected to undertake as soon
as he had established a base on the ocean. Before this report
was dispatched, Hardee read and approved it.
Meanwhile scores of absurd rumors about the enemy came
in. Places I had passed within an hour were threatened by
heavy columns; others, from which the enemy was distant a
hundred miles, were occupied, etc. But one of importance did
come. The railway from Savannah to Charleston passes near
the coast. The officer commanding at Pocotaligo, midway of
the two places, reported an advance of the enemy from Port
Royal, and that he must abandon his post the following morning
unless reënforced. To lose the Charleston line would seriously
interfere with the concentration just recommended.
Page 215
Hardee said that he could ill spare men, and had no means of
moving them promptly. I bethought me of Toombs, Smith, and
Governor Brown's "army." The energetic Toombs had
frightened the railway people into moving him, and, from his
telegrams, might be expected before dawn. Hardee thought but
little of the suggestion, because the ground of quarrel between
Governor Brown and President Davis was the refusal of the
former to allow his guards to serve beyond their state. However,
I had faith in Toombs and Smith. A short distance to the south
of Savannah, on the Gulf road, was a switch by which carriages
could be shunted on to a connection with the Charleston line. I
wrote to Toombs of the emergency, and sent one of Hardee's
staff to meet him at the switch. The governor's army was
quietly shunted off and woke up at Pocotaligo in South Carolina,
where it was just in time to repulse the enemy after a spirited
little action, thereby saving the railway. Doubtless the Georgians,
a plucky people, would have responded to an appeal to leave
their State under the circumstances, but Toombs enjoyed the
joke of making them unconscious patriots.
In the past autumn Cassius Clay of Kentucky killed a
colored man who had attacked him. For more than thirty years
Mr. Clay had advocated the abolition of slavery, and at the risk
of his life. Dining with Toombs in New York just after the
event, he said to me: "Seen the story about old Cassius Clay?
Been an abolitionist all his days, and ends by shooting a nigger. I
knew he would." A droll fellow is Robert Toombs. Full of talent
and well instructed, he affects quaint and provincial forms of
speech. His influence in Georgia is great, and he is a man to
know.
Two days at Savannah served to accomplish the object of
my mission, and, taking leave of Hardee, I returned to my own
department. An educated soldier of large experience, Hardee
was among the best of our subordinate generals, and, indeed,
seemed to possess the requisite qualities for supreme command;
but this he steadily refused, alleging his unfitness for
responsibility. Such modesty is not a common American weakness,
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and deserves to be recorded. General Hardee's death
occurred after the close of the war.
In this journey through Georgia, at Andersonville, I passed in
sight of a large stockade inclosing prisoners of war. The train
stopped for a few moments, and there entered the carriage, to
speak to me, a man who said his name was Wirtz, and that he
was in charge of the prisoners near by. He complained of the
inadequacy of his guard and of the want of supplies, as the
adjacent region was sterile and thinly populated. He also said
that the prisoners were suffering from cold, were destitute of
blankets, and that he had not wagons to supply fuel. He showed
me duplicates of requisitions and appeals for relief that he had
made to different authorities, and these I indorsed in the
strongest terms possible, hoping to accomplish some good. I
know nothing of this Wirtz, whom I then met for the first and
only time, but he appeared to be earnest in his desire to mitigate
the condition of his prisoners. There can be but little doubt that
his execution was a "sop" to the passions of the "many-headed."
Returned to Meridian, the situation of Hood in Tennessee
absorbed all my attention. He had fought at Franklin, and was
now near Nashville. Franklin was a bloody affair, in which
Hood lost many of his best officers and troops. The previous
evening, at dusk, a Federal column, retreating north, passed
within pistol-shot of Hood's forces, and an attack on it might
have produced results; but it reached strong works at Franklin,
and held them against determined assaults, until night enabled it
to withdraw quietly to Nashville. This mistake may be ascribed
to Hood's want of physical activity, occasioned by severe
wounds and amputations, which might have been considered
before he was assigned to command. Maurice of Saxe won
Fontenoy in a litter, unable from disease to mount his horse; but
in war it is hazardous to convert exceptions into rules.
Notwithstanding his frightful loss at Franklin, Hood followed
the enemy to Nashville, and took position south of the place,
where he remained ten days or more. It is difficult to imagine
what objects he had in view. The town was open to
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the north, whence the Federal commander, Thomas, was hourly
receiving reënforcements, while he had none to hope for. His
plans perfected and his reënforcements joined, Thomas moved,
and Hood was driven off; and, had the Federal general
possessed dash equal to his tenacity and caution, one fails to see
how Hood could have brought man or gun across the Tennessee
River. It is painful to criticise Hood's conduct of this campaign.
Like Ney, "the bravest of the brave," he was a splendid leader
in battle, and as a brigade or division commander unsurpassed;
but, arrived at higher rank, he seems to have been impatient of
control, and openly disapproved of Johnston's conduct of affairs
between Dalton and Atlanta. Unwillingness to obey is often
interpreted by governments into capacity for command.
Reaching the southern bank of the Tennessee, Hood asked
to be relieved, and a telegraphic order assigned me to the duty.
At Tupelo, on the Mobile and Ohio Railway, a hundred and odd
miles north of Meridian, I met him and the remains of his army.
Within my experience were assaults on positions, in which heavy
losses were sustained without success; but the field had been
held - retreats, but preceded by repulse of the foe and
followed by victory. This was my first view of a beaten army, an
army that for four years had shown a constancy worthy of the
"Ten Thousand"; and a painful sight it was. Many guns and small
arms had been lost, and the ranks were depleted by thousands of
prisoners and missing. Blankets, shoes, clothing, and
accouterments were wanting. I have written of the unusual
severity of the weather in the latter part of November, and it
was now near January. Some men perished by frost; many had
the extremities severely bitten. Fleming, the active
superintendent mentioned, strained the resources of his railway
to transport the troops to the vicinity of Meridian, where timber
for shelter and fuel was abundant and supplies convenient; and
every energy was exerted to reëquip them.
Sherman was now in possession of Savannah, but an interior
line of rail by Columbus, Macon, and Augusta, Georgia, and
Columbia, South Carolina, was open. Mobile was not immediately
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threatened, and was of inferior importance as compared
with the safety of Lee's army at Petersburg. Unless a force
could be interposed between Sherman and Lee's rear, the game
would be over when the former moved. Accordingly, I
dispatched to General Lee the suggestion of sending the "Army
of Tennessee" to North Carolina, where Johnston had been
restored to command. He approved, and directed me to send
forward the men as rapidly as possible. I had long dismissed all
thought of the future. The duty of a soldier in the field is simple
- to fight until stopped by the civil arm of his government, or his
government has ceased to exist; and military men have usually
come to grief by forgetting this simple duty.
Forrest had fought and worked hard in this last Tennessee
campaign, and his division of cavalry was broken down. By
brigades it was distributed to different points in the prairie and
cane-brake regions, where forage could be had, and I hoped for
time to restore the cattle and refit the command. With our
limited resources of transportation, it was a slow business to
forward troops to Johnston in North Carolina; but at length it
was accomplished, and the month of March came round to raise
the curtain for the last act of the bloody drama. Two clouds
appeared on the horizon of my department. General Canby, a
steady soldier, whom I had long known, had assumed command
of all the Federal forces in the southwest, and was concentrating
fifty thousand men at Fort Morgan and Pensacola against
Mobile. In northern Alabama General Wilson had ten thousand
picked mounted men ready for an expedition. At Selma was a
foundry, where the best ordnance I have seen was made of
Briarsfield iron, from a furnace in the vicinity; and, as this would
naturally attract the enemy's attention to Selma, I endeavored to
prepare for him. The Cahawba River, from the northeast, enters
the Alabama below Selma, north of which it separates the
barren mineral region from the fertile lands of the river basin;
and at its crossing I directed Forrest to concentrate.
Wilson, with the smallest body, would probably move first;
and, once disposed of, Forrest could be sent south of the Alabama
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River to delay Canby and prolong the defense of Mobile. For a
hundred miles north of the gulf the country is sterile, pine forest
on a soil of white sand; but the northern end of the Montgomery
and Pensacola Railway was in our possession, and would
enable us to transport supplies. In a conference with Maury at
Mobile I communicated the above to him, as I had previously to
Forrest, and hastened to Selma. Distributed for forage, and still
jaded by hard work, Forrest ordered his brigades to the
Cahawba crossing, leading one in person. His whole force
would have been inferior to Wilson's, but he was a host in
himself, and a dangerous adversary to meet at any reasonable
odds.
Our information of the enemy had proved extremely
accurate; but in this instance the Federal commander moved
with unusual rapidity, and threw out false signals. Forrest, with
one weak brigade, was in the path; but two of his brigadiers
permitted themselves to be deceived by reports of the enemy's
movements toward Columbus, Mississippi, and turned west,
while another went into camp under some misconception of
orders. Forrest fought as if the world depended on his arm, and
sent to advise me of the deceit practiced on two of his brigades,
but hoped to stop the enemy if he could get up the third, the
absence of which he could not account for. I directed such
railway plant as we had to be moved out on the roads, retaining
a small yard engine to take me off at the last moment. There
was nothing more to be done. Forrest appeared, horse and man
covered with blood, and announced the enemy at his heels, and
that I must move at once to escape capture. I felt anxious for
him, but he said he was unhurt and would cut his way through,
as most of his men had done, whom he had ordered to meet him
west of the Cahawba. My engine started toward Meridian, and
barely escaped. Before headway was attained the enemy was
upon us, and capture seemed inevitable. Fortunately, the group
of horsemen near prevented their comrades from firing, so we
had only to risk a fusillade from a dozen, who fired wild. The
driver and stoker, both negroes, were as game as possible, and
as we thundered across Cahawba bridge, all safe, raised a loud
"Yah! yah!" of triumph, and smiled like two sable angels.
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Wilson made no delay at Selma, but, crossing the Alabama
River, pushed on to Montgomery, and thence into Georgia. I
have never met this General Wilson, whose soldierly qualities
are entitled to respect; for of all the Federal expeditions of
which I have any knowledge, his was the best conducted.
It would have been useless to pursue Wilson, had there been
troops disposable, as many hundred miles intervened between
him and North Carolina, where Johnston commanded the
nearest Confederate forces, too remote to be affected by his
movements. Canby was now before the eastern defenses of
Mobile, and it was too late to send Forrest to that quarter. He
was therefore directed to draw together and reorganize his
division near Meridian.
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CHAPTER XIII.
CLOSING OPERATIONS OF THE WAR - SURRENDER.
ON the 26th of March Canby invested Spanish Fort, and
began the siege by regular approaches, a part of his army
investing Blakeley on the same day. General R. L. Gibson, now
a member of Congress from Louisiana, held Spanish Fort with
twenty-five hundred men. Fighting all day and working all night,
Gibson successfully resisted the efforts of the immense force
against him until the evening of April 8, when the enemy
effected a lodgment threatening his only route of evacuation.
Under instructions from Maury, he withdrew his garrison in the
night to Mobile, excepting his pickets, necessarily left. Gibson's
stubborn defense and skillful retreat make this one of the best
achievements of the war. Although invested on the 26th of
March, the siege of Blakeley was not pressed until April 1,
when Steele's corps of Canby's army joined the original force
before it. Here, with a garrison of twenty-eight hundred men,
commanded General Liddell, with General Cockrell, now a
Senator from Missouri, as his second. Every assault of the
enemy, who made but little progress, was gallantly repulsed until
the afternoon of the 9th, when, learning by the evacuation of
Spanish Fort how small a force had delayed him, he
concentrated on Blakeley and carried it, capturing the garrison.
Maury intended to withdraw Liddell during the night of the 9th.
It would have been more prudent to have done so on the night
of the 8th, as the enemy would naturally make an energetic
effort after the fall of Spanish Fort; but he was unwilling to yield
any ground until the last moment, and felt confident of holding
the place another day. After dismantling his works, Maury
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marched out of Mobile on the 12th of April, with forty-five
hundred men, including three field batteries, and was directed to
Cuba Station, near Meridian. In the interest of the thirty
thousand non-combatants of the town, he properly notified the
enemy that the place was open. During the movement from
Mobile toward Meridian occurred the last engagement of the
civil war, in a cavalry affair between the Federal advance and
our rear guard under Colonel Spence. Commodore Farrand took
his armed vessels and all the steamers in the harbor up the
Tombigby River, above its junction with the Alabama, and
planted torpedoes in the stream below. Forrest and Maury had
about eight thousand men, but tried and true. Cattle were shod,
wagons overhauled, and every preparation for rapid movement
made.
From the North, by wire and courier, I received early
intelligence of passing events. Indeed, these were of a
character for the enemy to disseminate rather than suppress.
Before Maury left Mobile I had learned of Lee's surrender,
rumors of which spreading among the troops, a number from
the neighboring camps came to see me. I confirmed the rumor,
and told them the astounding news, just received, of President
Lincoln's assassination. For a time they were silent with
amazement, then asked if it was possible that any Southern man
had committed the act. There was a sense of relief expressed
when they learned that the wretched assassin had no
connection with the South, but was an actor, whose brains were
addled by tragedies and Plutarch's fables.
It was but right to tell these gallant, faithful men the whole
truth concerning our situation. The surrender of Lee left us little
hope of success; but while Johnston remained in arms we must
be prepared to fight our way to him. Again, the President and
civil authorities of our Government were on their way to the
south, and might need our protection. Granting the cause for
which we had fought to be lost, we owed it to our own
manhood, to the memory of the dead, and to the honor of our
arms, to remain steadfast to the last. This was received, not
with noisy cheers, but solemn murmurs of approval, showing
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that it was understood and adopted. Forrest and Maury shared
my opinions and objects, and impressed them on their men.
Complete order was maintained throughout, and public property
protected, though it was known later that this would be turned
over to the Federal authorities. A considerable amount of gold
was near our camps, and safely guarded; yet it is doubtful if our
united means would have sufficed to purchase a breakfast.
Members of the Confederate Congress from the adjoining
and more western States came to us. These gentlemen had left
Richmond very hurriedly, in the first days of April, and were
sorely jaded by fatigue and anxiety, as the presence of Wilson's
troops in Georgia had driven them to by-paths to escape
capture. Arrived at a well-ordered camp, occupied by a
formidable-looking force, they felt as storm-tossed mariners in a
harbor of refuge, and, ignorant of recent events, as well as
uncertain of the future, were eager for news and counsel. The
struggle was virtually over, and the next few days, perhaps
hours, would decide my course. In my judgment it would
speedily become their duty to go to their respective homes.
They had been the leaders of the people, had sought and
accepted high office at their hands, and it was for them to teach
the masses, by example and precept, how best to meet
impending troubles. Possibly they might suffer annoyance and
persecution from Federal power, but manhood and duty required
them to incur the risk. To the credit of these gentlemen it should
be recorded that they followed this advice when the time for
action came. There was one exception which deserves mention.
Ex-Governor Harris, now a United States Senator from
Tennessee, occupied the executive chair of his State in 1862,
and withdrew from Nashville when the army of General Sidney
Johnston retreated to the Tennessee River in the spring of that
year. By the death of President Lincoln, Andrew Johnson had
succeeded to power, and he was from Tennessee, and the
personal enemy of Governor Harris. The relations of their State
with the Federal Union had been restored, and Harris's return
would be productive of discord rather than peace. I urged him
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to leave the country for a time, and offered to aid him in crossing
the Mississippi River; but he was very unwilling to go, and
only consented after a matter was arranged, which I anticipate
the current of events to relate. He had brought away from
Nashville the coin of the Bank of Tennessee, which, as above
mentioned, was now in our camp. An official of the bank had
always been in immediate charge of this coin, but Harris felt
that honor was involved in its safe return. At my request,
General Canby detailed an officer and escort to take the coin to
Nashville, where it arrived intact; but the unhappy official
accompanying it was incarcerated for his fidelity. Had he
betrayed his trust, he might have received rewards instead of
stripes. 'Tis dangerous to be out of harmony with the practices
of one's time.
Intelligence of the Johnston-Sherman convention reached us,
and Canby and I were requested by the officers making it to
conform to its terms until the civil authorities acted. A meeting
was arranged to take place a few miles north of Mobile, where
the appearance of the two parties contrasted the fortunes of our
respective causes. Canby, who preceded me at the appointed
spot, a house near the railway, was escorted by a brigade with a
military band, and accompanied by many officers in "full fig."
With one officer, Colonel William Levy, since a member of
Congress from Louisiana, I made my appearance on a hand-car,
the motive power of which was two negroes. Descendants
of the ancient race of Abraham, dealers in cast-off raiment,
would have scorned to bargain for our rusty suits of
Confederate gray. General Canby met me with much urbanity.
We retired to a room, and in a few moments agreed upon a
truce, terminable after forty-eight hours' notice by either party.
Then, rejoining the throng of officers, introductions and many
pleasant civilities passed. I was happy to recognize Commodore
(afterward Admiral) James Palmer, an old friend. He was
second to Admiral Thatcher, commanding United States
squadron in Mobile Bay, and had come to meet me. A bountiful
luncheon was spread, of which we partook, with joyous
poppings of champagne corks for accompaniment, the first
agreeable explosive
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sounds I had heard for years. The air of "Hail Columbia,"
which the band in attendance struck up, was instantly changed
by Canby's order to that of "Dixie"; but I insisted on the first,
and expressed a hope that Columbia would be again a happy
land, a sentiment honored by many libations.
There was, as ever, a skeleton at the feast, in the person of a
general officer who had recently left Germany to become a
citizen and soldier of the United States. This person, with the
strong accent and idioms of the Fatherland, comforted me by
assurances that we of the South would speedily recognize our
ignorance and errors, especially about slavery and the rights of
States, and rejoice in the results of the war. In vain Canby and
Palmer tried to suppress him. On a celebrated occasion an
Emperor of Germany proclaimed himself above grammar, and
this earnest philosopher was not to be restrained by canons of
taste. I apologized meekly for my ignorance, on the ground that
my ancestors had come from England to Virginia in 1608, and, in
the short intervening period of two hundred and fifty-odd years,
had found no time to transmit to me correct ideas of the duties
of American citizenship. Moreover, my grandfather,
commanding the 9th Virginia regiment in our Revolutionary
army, had assisted in the defeat and capture of the Hessian
mercenaries at Trenton, and I lamented that he had not, by
association with these worthies, enlightened his understanding.
My friend smiled blandly, and assured me of his willingness to
instruct me. Happily for the world, since the days of Huss and
Luther, neither tyranny nor taste can repress the Teutonic
intellect in search of truth or exposure of error. A kindly, worthy
people, the Germans, but wearing on occasions.
The party separated, Canby for Mobile, I for Meridian,
where within two days came news of Johnston's surrender in
North Carolina, the capture of President Davis in Georgia, and
notice from Canby that the truce must terminate, as his
Government disavowed the Johnston-Sherman convention. I
informed General Canby that I desired to meet him for the
purpose of negotiating a surrender of my forces, and that
Commodore Farrand would accompany me to meet Admiral Thatcher.
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The military and civil authorities of the Confederacy had fallen,
and I was called to administer on the ruins as residuary legatee.
It seemed absurd for the few there present to continue the
struggle against a million of men. We could only secure
honorable interment for the remains of our cause - a cause
that for four years had fixed the attention of the world, been
baptized in the blood of thousands, and whose loss would be
mourned in bitter tears by countless widows and orphans
throughout their lives. At the time, no doubts as to the propriety
of my course entered my mind, but such have since crept in.
Many Southern warriors, from the hustings and in print, have
declared that they were anxious to die in the last ditch, and by
implication were restrained from so doing by the readiness of
their generals to surrender. One is not permitted to question the
sincerity of these declarations, which have received the
approval of public opinion by the elevation of the heroes uttering
them to such offices as the people of the South have to bestow;
and popular opinion in our land is a court from whose decisions
there is no appeal on this side of the grave.
On the 8th of May, 1865, at Citronelle, forty miles north of
Mobile, I delivered the epilogue of the great drama in which I
had played a humble part. The terms of surrender demanded
and granted were consistent with the honor of our arms; and it
is due to the memory of General Canby to add that he was
ready with suggestions to soothe our military pride. Officers
retained their side arms, mounted men their horses, which in our
service were private property; and public stores, ordnance,
commissary, and quartermaster, were to be turned over to
officers of the proper departments and receipted for. Paroles of
the men were to be signed by their officers on rolls made out
for the purpose, and I was to retain control of railways and river
steamers to transport the troops as nearly as possible to their
homes and feed them on the road, in order to spare the destitute
people of the country the burden of their maintenance. Railways
and steamers, though used by the Confederate authorities, were
private property, and had been taken by force which the owners
could not resist; and it was agreed that they should not
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be seized by civil jackals following the army without special
orders from Washington. Finally, I was to notify Canby when to
send his officers to my camp to receive paroles and stores.
Near the Tombigby River, to the east of Meridian, were
many thousands of bales of cotton, belonging to the Confederate
Government and in charge of a treasury agent. It seemed to me
a duty to protect public property and transfer it to the United
States, successors by victory to the extinct Confederacy.
Accordingly, a guard had been placed over this cotton, though I
hated the very name of the article, as the source of much
corruption to our people. Canby remarked that cotton had been a
curse to his side as well, and he would send to New Orleans for
a United States Treasury agent, so that we might rid ourselves
of this at the earliest moment. The conditions of surrender
written out and signed, we had some conversation about the
state of the country, disposition of the people, etc. I told him that
all were weary of strife, and he would meet no opposition in any
quarter, and pointed out places in the interior where supplies
could be had, recommending him to station troops at such
places. I was persuaded that moderation by his officers and men
would lead to intercourse, traffic, and good feeling with the
people. He thanked me for the suggestions, and adopted them.
The Governors of Mississippi and Alabama, Clarke and
Watts, had asked for advice in the emergency produced by
surrender, which they had been informed was impending, and I
thought their best course would be to summon their State
Legislatures. These would certainly provide for conventions of
the people to repeal ordinances of secession and abolish slavery,
thus smoothing the way for the restoration of their States to the
Union. Such action would be in harmony with the theory and
practice of the American system, and clear the road of
difficulties. The North, by its Government, press, and people,
had been declaring for years that the war was for the
preservation of the Union and for nothing else, and Canby and I,
in the innocence of our hearts, believed it. As Canby thought
well of my plan, I communicated with the Governors, who acted
on it; but the
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Washington authorities imprisoned them for abetting a new
rebellion.
Returned to Meridian, I was soon ready for the Federal
officers, who came quietly to our camp and entered on their
appointed work; I have now in my possession receipts given by
them for public stores. Meanwhile, I received from Canby a
letter informing me that he had directed two of his corps
commanders, Generals Steele and Granger, to apply to me for
instructions concerning the movement of their troops, as to time,
places, and numbers. It was queer for one to be placed in quasi
command of soldiers that he had been fighting for four years,
and to whom he had surrendered; but I delicately made some
suggestions to these officers, which were adopted.
With two or three staff officers, I remained at Meridian until
the last man had departed, and then went to Mobile. General
Canby most considerately took me, Tom, and my two horses on
his boat to New Orleans; else I must have begged my way: The
Confederate paper (not currency, for it was without
exchangeable value) in my pocket would not have served for
traveling expenses; and my battered old sword could hardly be
relied on for breakfasts, dinners, and horse feed.
After an absence of four years, I saw my native place and
home, New Orleans. My estate had been confiscated and sold,
and I was without a penny. The man of Uz admitted that naked
he came into the world, and naked must leave it; but to find
himself naked in the midst of it tried even his patience. My first
care was to sell my horses, and a purchaser was found who
agreed to take and pay for them the following morning. I felt
somewhat eager to get hold of the "greenbacks," and suffered
for my avarice. The best horse, one that had carried me many a
weary mile and day without failing, could not move a hoof when
the purchaser came to take him. Like other veterans, long
unaccustomed to abundance of prog, he had overfed and was
badly foundered. Fortunately, the liveryman proposed to take
this animal as a consideration for the keep of the two, and the
price received for the other would suffice to bring my
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wife and children from the Red River to New Orleans, and was
sent to them for that purpose.
Awaiting the arrival of my family, I had a few days of rest at
the house of an old friend, when Generals Price, Buckner, and
Brent came from Shreveport, the headquarters of the
"Trans-Mississippi Department," under flag of truce, and sent for me.
They reported a deplorable condition of affairs in that region.
Many of the troops had taken up the idea that it was designed to
inveigle them into Mexico, and were greatly incensed. Some
generals of the highest rank had found it convenient to fold their
tents and quietly leave for the Rio Grande; others, who
remained, were obliged to keep their horses in their quarters and
guard them in person; and numbers of men had disbanded and
gone off. By a meeting of officers, the gentlemen present were
deputed to make a surrender and ask for Federal troops to
restore order. The officers in question requested me to be
present at their interview with General Canby, who also invited
me, and I witnessed the conclusion. So, from the Charleston
Convention to this point, I shared the fortunes of the
Confederacy, and can say, as Grattan did of Irish freedom, that I
"sat by its cradle and followed its hearse."
For some weeks after my return to New Orleans, I had
various occasions to see General Canby on matters connected
with the surrender, and recall no instance in which he did not
conform to my wishes. Narrow perhaps in his view, and harsh
in discharge of duty, he was just, upright, and honorable, and it
was with regret that I learned of his murder by a band of
Modoc savages.
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CHAPTER XIV.
CRITICISMS AND REFLECTIONS.
THE military collapse of the South was sudden and
unexpected to the world without, but by no means so to some
within. I happen to know that one or two of our ablest and most
trusted generals concurred with me in opinion that the failure at
Gettysburg and the fall of Vicksburg in July, 1863, should have
taught the Confederate Government and people the necessity of
estimating the chances for defeat; but soldiers in the field can
not give utterance to such opinions unless expressly solicited by
the civil head of their government, and even then are liable to
misconstruction.
Of many of the important battles of the civil war I have
written, and desire to dwell somewhat on Shiloh, but will first
say a few words about Gettysburg, because of recent
publications thereanent.
Some facts concerning this battle are established beyond
dispute. In the first day's fighting a part of Lee's army defeated
a part of Meade's. Intending to continue the contest on that
field, a commander not smitten by idiocy would desire to
concentrate and push the advantage gained by previous success
and its resultant morale. But, instead of attacking at dawn, Lee's
attack was postponed until afternoon of the following day, in
consequence of the absence of Longstreet's corps. Federal
official reports show that some of Meade's corps reached him
on the second day, several hours after sunrise, and one or two
late in the afternoon. It is positively asserted by many officers
present, and of high rank and character, that Longstreet was
nearer to Lee on the first day than Meade's reënforcing corps
to their
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chief, and even nearer than a division of Ewell's corps, which
reached the field in time to share in the first day's success. Now,
it nowhere appears in Lee's report of Gettysburg that he ordered
Longstreet to him or blamed him for tardiness; but his report
admits errors, and quietly takes the responsibility for them on his
own broad shoulders. A recent article in the public press, signed
by General Longstreet, ascribes the failure at Gettysburg to
Lee's mistakes, which he (Longstreet) in vain pointed out and
remonstrated against. That any subject involving the possession
and exercise of intellect should be clear to Longstreet and
concealed from Lee, is a startling proposition to those having
knowledge of the two men. We have Biblical authority for the
story that the angel in the path was visible to the ass, though
unseen by the seer his master; but suppose, instead of smiting
the honest, stupid animal, Balaam had caressed him and then
been kicked by him, how would the story read? And thus much
concerning Gettysburg.
Shiloh was a great misfortune. At the moment of his fall
Sidney Johnston, with all the energy of his nature, was pressing
on the routed foe. Crouching under the bank of the Tennessee
River, Grant was helpless. One short hour more of life to
Johnston would have completed his destruction. The second in
command, Beauregard, was on another and distant part of the
field, and before he could gather the reins of direction darkness
fell and stopped pursuit. During the night Buell reached the
northern bank of the river and crossed his troops. Wallace, with
a fresh division, got up from below. Together, they advanced in
the morning, found the Confederates rioting in the plunder of
captured camps, and drove them back with loss. But all this was
as nothing compared to the calamity of Johnston's death.
Educated at West Point, Johnston remained for eight years
in the army of the United States, and acquired a thorough
knowledge of the details of military duty. Resigning to aid the
cause of the infant Republic of Texas, he became her Adjutant-General,
Senior Brigadier, and Secretary of War. During our
contest with Mexico, he raised a regiment of Texans to join
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General Zachary Taylor, and was greatly distinguished in the
fighting around and capture of Monterey General Taylor, with
whom the early years of his service had been passed, declared
him to be the best soldier he had ever commanded. More than
once I have heard General Zachary Taylor express this opinion.
Two cavalry regiments were added to the United States army
in 1854, and to the colonelcy of one of these Johnston was
appointed. Subsequently, a brigadier by brevet, he commanded
the expedition against the Mormons in Utah.
Thus he brought to the Southern cause a civil and military
experience surpassing that of any other leader. Born in
Kentucky, descended from an honorable colonial race,
connected by marriage with influential families in the West,
where his life had been passed, he was peculiarly fitted to
command western armies. With him at the helm, there would
have been no Vicksburg, no Missionary Ridge, no Atlanta. His
character was lofty and pure, his presence and demeanor
dignified and courteous, with the simplicity of a child; and he at
once inspired the respect and gained the confidence of
cultivated gentlemen and rugged frontiersmen.
Besides, he had passed through the furnace of ignorant
newspapers, hotter than that of the Babylonian tyrant.
Commanding some raw, unequipped forces at Bowling Green,
Kentucky, the habitual American exaggeration represented him
as at the head of a vast army prepared and eager for conquest.
Before time was given him to organize and train his men, the
absurdly constructed works on his left flank were captured. At
Fort Donelson on the Cumberland were certain political
generals, who, with a self-abnegation worthy of Plutarch's
heroes, were anxious to get away and leave the glory and
renown of defense to others. Johnston was in no sense
responsible for the construction of the forts, nor the assignment
to their command of these self-denying warriors; but his line of
communication was uncovered by their fall, and he was
compelled to retire to the southern bank of the Tennessee River.
From the enlighteners of public opinion a howl of wrath came
forth, and Johnston, who had just been Alexander, Hannibal, Cæsar,
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Napoleon, was now a miserable dastard and traitor, unfit to
command a corporal's guard. President Davis sought to console
him, and some of the noblest lines ever penned by man were
written by Johnston in reply. They even wrung tears of
repentance from the pachyderms who had attacked him, and
will be a text and consolation to future commanders, who serve
a country tolerant of an ignorant and licentious press. Like pure
gold, he came forth from the furnace above the reach of
slander, the foremost man of all the South; and had it been
possible for one heart, one mind, and one arm to save her cause,
she lost them when Albert Sidney Johnston fell on the field of
Shiloh.
As soon after the war as she was permitted, the
Commonwealth of Texas removed his remains from New
Orleans, to inter them in a land he had long and faithfully
served. I was honored by a request to accompany the coffin
from the cemetery to the steamer; and as I gazed upon it there
arose the feeling of the Theban who, after the downfall of the
glory and independence of his country, stood by the tomb of
Epaminondas.
"Amid the clash of arms laws are silent," and so was
Confederate statesmanship; or at least, of its objects, efforts,
and expectations little is known, save the abortive mission of
Messrs. Stevens, Hunter, and Campbell to Fortress Monroe in
the last months of the struggle, and about this there has recently
been an unseemly wrangle.
The followers of the Calhoun school, who controlled the
Government, held the right of secession to be too clear for
discussion. The adverse argument of Mr. Webster, approved by
a large majority of the Northern people, was considered to be
founded on lust of power, not on reason. The governments of
western Europe, with judgments unclouded by selfishness,
would at once acknowledge it. France, whose policy since the
days of the eleventh Louis had been one of intense
centralization, and Germany and Italy, whose hopes and
aspirations were in the same direction, would admit it, while
England would not be restrained by anti-slavery sentiment.
Indeed, the statesmen of these countries had devoted much
time to the study of the
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Constitution of the United States, knew that it was a compact,
and were in complete harmony with the opinions of Mr. Calhoun.
There was to be no revolution, for this, though justified by oppression,
involved the recognition of some measure of obligation to the
Union, from which the right to secede was manifest. Hence the
haste to manufacture a paper constitution, in which the powers
of different departments were as carefully weighed as are
dangerous drugs by dispensing chemists. Hence two houses of
Congress, refuge for mischievous twaddlers to worry the
executive and embarrass the armies. Hence the Governor
Browns, who, reasoning that one State had as much right to
disagree with eleven as eleven with twenty, declared each of
their hamlets of more importance than the cities of others.
While the sections were marching through the streets, with
pikes crowned by gory heads, and clamoring for more, Sieyès
had his pockets stuffed with constitutions and felt that his country
was safe. It is not pretended that these ideas were entertained
by the larger part of the Southern people, or were confessed by
the ruling minority; but they existed, nevertheless, under
different forms.
Aggrieved by the action and tendencies of the Federal
Government, and apprehending worse in the future, a majority
of the people of the South approved secession as the only
remedy suggested by their leaders. So travelers enter railway
carriages, and are dragged up grades and through tunnels with
utter loss of volition, the motive power, generated by fierce
heat, being far in advance and beyond their control.
We set up a monarch, too, King Cotton, and hedged him
with a divinity surpassing that of earthly potentates. To doubt
his royalty and power was a confession of ignorance or cowardice.
This potent spirit, at the nod of our Prosperos, the cotton-planters,
would arrest every loom and spindle in New England, destroy her
wealth, and reduce her population to beggary. The power of
Old England, the growth of eight hundred years, was to wither
as the prophet's gourd unless she obeyed its behests. And a right
"tricksy spirit" it proved indeed. There was a complete mental
derangement on this subject. The Government
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undertook to own all cotton that could be exported. Four millions
of bales, belonging to many thousands of individuals, could be
disposed of to better advantage by the Government than by the
proprietors; and this was enforced by our authorities, whose
ancestors for generations had been resisting the intrusion of
governments into private business. All cotton, as well as naval
stores, that was in danger of falling into the enemy's possession,
was, by orders based on legislative enactment, to be burned; and
this policy continued to the end. It was fully believed that this
destruction would appall our enemies and convince the world of
our earnestness. Possibly there was a lurking idea that it was
necessary to convince ourselves.
In their long struggle for independence, the Dutch trafficked
freely with the Spaniards, got rich by the trade, paid enormous
taxes to support the war, and achieved their liberty. But the
Dutch fought to rid themselves of a tyrant, while our first care
was to set up one, Cotton, and worship it. Rules of common
sense were not applicable to it. The Grand Monarque could not
eat his dinners or take his emetics like ordinary mortals. Our
people were much debauched by it. I write advisedly, for during
the last two and a half years of the war I commanded in the
State of Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama, the great
producing States. Out-post officers would violate the law, and
trade. In vain were they removed; the temptation was too
strong, and their successors did the same. The influence on the
women was dreadful, and in many cases their appeals were
heart-rending. Mothers with suffering children, whose husbands
were in the war or already fallen, would beseech me for permits
to take cotton through the lines. It was useless to explain that it
was against law and orders, and that I was without authority to
act. This did not give food and clothing to their children, and they
departed, believing me to be an unfeeling brute. In fact, the
instincts of humanity revolted against this folly.
It is with no pleasure that I have dwelt on the foregoing
topics, but the world can not properly estimate the fortitude of
the Southern people unless it understands and takes account of
the difficulties under which they labored. Yet, great as were
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their sufferings during the war, they were as nothing
compared to those inflicted upon them after its close.
Extinction of slavery was expected by all and regretted by
none, although loss of slaves destroyed the value of land.
Existing since the earliest colonization of the Southern States,
the institution was interwoven with the thoughts, habits, and
daily lives of both races, and both suffered by the sudden
disruption of the accustomed tie. Bank stocks, bonds, all
personal property, all accumulated wealth, had disappeared.
Thousands of houses, farm-buildings, work-animals, flocks and
herds, had been wantonly burned, killed, or carried off. The land
was filled with widows and orphans crying for aid, which the
universal destitution prevented them from receiving.
Humanitarians shuddered with horror and wept with grief for
the imaginary woes of Africans; but their hearts were as
adamant to people of their own race and blood. These had
committed the unpardonable sin, had wickedly rebelled against
the Lord's anointed, the majority. Blockaded during the war,
and without journals to guide opinion and correct error, or, we
were unceasingly slandered by our enemies, who held
possession of every avenue to the world's ear.
Famine and pestilence have ever followed war, as if our
Mother Earth resented the defilement of her fair bosom by
blood, and generated fatal diseases to punish humanity for its
crimes. But there fell upon the South a calamity surpassing
any recorded in the annals or traditions of man. An article in
the "North American Review," from the pen of Judge Black,
well describes this new curse, the carpet-baggers, as worse
than Attila, scourge of God. He could only destroy existing
fruits, while, by the modern invention of public credit, these
caterans stole the labor of unborn generations. Divines,
moralists, orators, and poets throughout the North commended
their thefts and bade them God-speed in spoiling the Egyptians;
and the reign of these harpies is not yet over. Driven from the
outworks, they hold the citadel. The epithet of August, first
applied to the mighty Julius and to his successor Octavius, was
continued, by force of habit, to the slobbering Claudius; and so
of the Senate
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of the United States, which august body contained in March
last several of these freebooters. Honest men regarded them as
monsters, generated in the foul ooze of a past era, that had
escaped destruction to linger in a wholesomer age; and their
speedy extinction was expected, when another, the most hideous
of the species, was admitted. This specimen had been kept by
force of bayonets for four years upon the necks of an unwilling
people, had no title to a seat in the Senate, and was notoriously
despised by every inhabitant of the State which he was seated to
misrepresent. The Senators composing the majority by which
this was done acted under solemn oaths to do the right; but the
Jove of party laughs at vows of politicians. Twelve years of
triumph have not served to abate the hate of the victors in the
great war. The last presidential canvass was but a crusade of
vengeance against the South. The favorite candidate of his party
for the nomination, though in the prime of vigor, had not been in
the field, to which his eloquent appeals sent thousands, but
preferred the pleasanter occupation of making money at home.
He had converted the power of his great place, that of Speaker
of the House of Representatives, into lucre, and was exposed.
By mingled chicanery and audacity he obtained possession of his
own criminating letters, flourished them in the face of the House,
and, in the Cambyses vein, called on his people to rally and save
the luster of his loyalty from soil at the hands of rebels; and they
came. From all the North ready acclaims went up, and women
shed tears of joy, such as in King Arthur's day rewarded some
peerless deed of Galahad. In truth, it was a manly thing to hide
dishonorable plunder beneath the prostrate body of the South.
The Emperor Commodus, in full panoply, met in the arena
disabled and unarmed gladiators. The servile Romans applauded
his easy victories. Ancient Pistol covers with patches the ignoble
scabs of a corrupt life. The vulgar herd believes them to be
wounds received in the Gallic wars, as it once believed in the
virtue and patriotism of Marat and Barrère.
In the Sermon on the Mount, the Divine Moralist instructed
his hearers to forgive those who had injured them; but He
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knew too well the malice of the human heart to expect them to
forgive those whom they had injured. The leaders of the radical
masses of the North have indicted such countless and cruel
wrongs on the Southern people as to forbid any hope of
disposition or ability to forgive their victims; and the land will
have no rest until the last of these persecutors has passed into
oblivion.
During all these years the conduct of the Southern people
has been admirable. Submitting to the inevitable, they have
shown fortitude and dignity, and rarely has one been found base
enough to take wages of shame from the oppressor and
maligner of his brethren. Accepting the harshest conditions and
faithfully observing them, they have struggled in all honorable
ways, and for what? For their slaves? Regret for their loss has
neither been felt nor expressed. But they have striven for that
which brought our forefathers to Runnymede, the privilege of
exercising some influence in their own government. Yet we
fought for nothing but slavery, says the world, and the late
Vice-President of the Confederacy, Mr. Alexander Stephens,
reëchoes the cry, declaring that it was the corner-stone of his
Government.
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CHAPTER XV.
RECONSTRUCTION UNDER JOHNSON.
THE following considerations induced me to make a pilgrimage
to Washington, where, by accident of fortune, I had a larger
acquaintance with influential politicians than other Southern
commanders. When the Whig party dissolved, most of its
Northern members joined the Republicans, and now belonged to
the reigning faction; and I had consorted with many of them
while my father was President and afterward.
Mention has been made of the imprisonment of Governors
Clarke and Watts for adopting my advice, and it was but right
for me to make an effort to have them released. Moreover,
Jefferson Davis was a prisoner in irons, and it was known that
his health was feeble. Lee, Johnston, and I, with our officers
and men, were at large, protected by the terms of our
surrenders - terms which General Grant had honorably
prevented the civil authorities from violating. If Mr. Davis had
sinned, we all were guilty, and I could not rest without making
an attempt for his relief.
At the time, it was understood that prisoners on parole
should not change their residence without military permission,
and leave to go to New York was asked and obtained of
General Canby. By steamer I reached that place in a week, and
found that General Dix had just been relieved by General
Hooker, to whom I at once reported. He uttered a shout of
welcome (we were old acquaintances), declared that he was
more pleased to see me than to see a church (which was
doubtless true), made hospitable suggestions of luncheon,
champagne, etc., and gave me a permit to go to Washington,
regretting that he could not keep me
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with him. A warm-hearted fellow is "fighting Joe," who carried
on war like a soldier.
In Washington, at Willard's - a huge inn, filled from garret
to cellar with a motley crowd - an acquaintance, whom I
chanced to meet, informed me that a recent disturbance had
induced the belief of the existence of a new plot for
assassination, and an order had been published forbidding rebels
to approach the capital without the permission of the War
Secretary. Having been at sea for a week, I knew nothing of
this, and Hooker had not mentioned it when he gave me the
permit to come to Washington. My informant apprehended my
arrest, and kindly undertook to protect me. Through his
intervention I received from the President, Andrew Johnson,
permission to stay or go where I chose, with an invitation to visit
him at a stated time.
Presenting myself at the "White House," I was ushered in to
the President - a saturnine man, who made no return to my
bow, but, after looking at me, asked me to take a seat. Upon
succeeding to power Mr. Johnson breathed fire and hemp
against the South, proclaimed that he would make treason
odious by hanging traitors, and ordered the arrest of General
Lee and others, when he was estopped by the action of General
Grant. He had now somewhat abated his wolfish desire for
vengeance, and asked many questions about the condition of the
South, temper of the people, etc. I explained the conduct of
Governors Clarke and Watts, how they were imprisoned for
following my advice, submitted to and approved by General
Canby, who would hardly have abetted a new rebellion; and he
made memoranda of their cases, as well as of those of many
other prisoners, confined in different forts from Boston to
Savannah, all of whom were released within a short period.
Fearing to trespass on his time, I left with a request that he
would permit me to call again, as I had a matter of much
interest to lay before him, and was told the hours at which I
would be received.
Thence to the Secretary of State, Mr. Seward, who in
former Whig times, as Senator from New York, had been a
warm supporter of my father's administration. He greeted me
cordially, and asked me to dine. A loin of veal was the
pièce de
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résistance of his dinner, and he called attention to it as evidence
that he had killed the fatted calf to welcome the returned
prodigal. Though not entirely recovered from the injuries
received in a fall from his carriage and the wounds inflicted by
the knife of Payne, he was cheerful, and appeared to sympathize
with the objects of my mission - at least, so far as I could
gather his meaning under the cloud of words with which he was
accustomed to cover the slightest thought. One or two other
members of the Cabinet, to whom Mr. Seward presented me,
were also favorably inclined. One, the War Secretary, I did not
meet. A spy under Buchanan, a tyrant under Lincoln, and a
traitor to Johnson, this man was as cruel and crafty as Domitian.
I never saw him. In the end conscience, long dormant, came as
Alecto, and he was not; and the temple of Justice, on whose
threshold he stood, escaped profanation.
In a second interview, President Johnson heard the wish I
had so much at heart, permission to visit Jefferson Davis. He
pondered for some time, then replied that I must wait and call
again.
Meantime, an opportunity to look upon the amazing spectacle
presented by the dwellers at the capital was afforded. The things
seen by the Pilgrims in a dream were at this Vanity Fair visible
in the flesh: "all such merchandise sold as houses, lands, trades,
places, honors, preferments, states, lusts, pleasures; and delights
of all sorts, as bawds, wives, husbands, children, masters,
servants, lives, blood, bodies, souls, greenbacks, pearls, precious
stones, and what not." The eye of the inspired tinker had pierced
the darkness of two hundred years, and seen what was to come.
The martial tread of hundreds of volunteer generals, just
disbanded, resounded in the streets. Gorged with loot, they spent
it as lavishly as Morgan's buccaneers after the sack of Panama.
Their women sat at meat or walked the highways, resplendent in
jewels, spoil of Southern matrons. The camp-followers of the
army were here in high carnival, and in character and numbers
rivaled the attendants of Xerxes. Courtesans swarmed
everywhere, about the inns, around the Capitol, in the
antechambers of the "White House," and were brokers
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for the transaction of all business. Of a tolerant disposition and
with a wide experience of earthly wickedness, I did not feel
called upon to cry aloud against these enormities, remembering
the fate of Faithful; but I had some doubts concerning divine
justice; for why were the "cities of the Plain" overthrown and
this place suffered to exist?
The officers of the army on duty at Washington were very
civil to me, especially General Grant, whom I had known prior to
and during the Mexican war, as a modest, amiable, but by no
means promising lieutenant in a marching regiment. He came
frequently to see me, was full of kindness, and anxious to
promote my wishes. His action in preventing violation of the
terms of surrender, and a subsequent report that he made of the
condition of the South - a report not at all pleasing to the
radicals - endeared him to all Southern men. Indeed, he was in
a position to play a rôle second only to that of Washington, who
founded the republic; for he had the power to restore it. His
bearing and conduct at this time were admirable, modest and
generous; and I talked much with him of the noble and
beneficent work before him. While his heart seemed to respond,
he declared his ignorance of and distaste for politics and
politicians, with which and whom he intended to have nothing to
do, but confine himself to his duties of commander-in-chief of
the army. Yet he expressed a desire for the speedy restoration
of good feeling between the sections, and an intention to
advance it in all proper ways. We shall see when and under
what influences he adopted other views.
The President put me off from day to day, receiving me to
talk about Southern affairs, but declining to give an answer to
my requests. I found that he always postponed action, and was
of an obstinate, suspicious temper. Like a badger, one had to dig
him out of his hole; and he was ever in one except when on the
hustings, addressing the crowd. Of humble birth, a tailor by
trade, nature gave him a strong intellect, and he had learned to
read after his marriage. He had acquired much knowledge of
the principles of government, and made himself a fluent speaker,
but could not rise above the level of the class in which
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he was born and to which he always appealed. He well
understood the few subjects laboriously studied, and affected to
despise other knowledge, while suspicious that those possessing
such would take advantage of him. Self-educated men, as they
are called, deprived of the side light thrown on a particular
subject by instruction in cognate matters, are narrow and
dogmatic, and, with an uneasy consciousness of ignorance,
soothe their own vanity by underrating the studies of others. To
the vanity of this class he added that of the demagogue (I use
the term in its better sense), and called the wise policy left him
by his predecessor "my policy." Compelled to fight his way up
from obscurity, he had contracted a dislike of those more
favored of fortune, whom he was in the habit of calling "the
slave-aristocracy," and became incapable of giving his
confidence to any one, even to those on whose assistance he
relied in a contest, just now beginning, with the Congress.
President Johnson never made a dollar by public office,
abstained from quartering a horde of connections on the
Treasury, refused to uphold rogues in high places, and had too
just a conception of the dignity of a chief magistrate to accept
presents. It may be said that these are humble qualities for a
citizen to boast the possession of by a President of the United
States. As well claim respect for a woman of one's family on
the ground that she has preserved her virtue. Yet all whose eyes
were not blinded by partisanship, whose manhood was not
emasculated by servility, would in these last years have
welcomed the least of them as manna in the desert.
The President, between whom and the Congressional
leaders the seeds of discord were already sown, dallied with me
from day to day, and at length said that it would spare him
embarrassment if I could induce Stevens, Davis, and others of
the House, and Sumner of the Senate, to recommend the
permission to visit Jefferson Davis; and I immediately addressed
myself to this unpleasant task.
Thaddeus Stevens received me with as much civility as he
was capable of. Deformed in body and temper like Caliban, this
was the Lord Hategood of the fair; but he was frankness itself.
Page 244
He wanted no restoration of the Union under the Constitution, which
he called a worthless bit of old parchment. The white people of the
South ought never again to be trusted with power, for they would
inevitably unite with the Northern "Copperheads" and control the
Government. The only sound policy was to confiscate the lands and
divide them among the negroes, to whom, sooner or later, suffrage
must be given. Touching the matter in hand, Johnson was a fool to
have captured Davis, whom it would have been wiser to assist in
escaping. Nothing would be done with him, as the executive had only
pluck enough to hang two poor devils such as Wirtz and Mrs. Surratt.
Had the leading traitors been promptly strung up, well; but the time for
that had passed. (Here, I thought, he looked lovingly at my neck, as
Petit André was wont to do at those of his merry-go-rounds.) He
concluded by saying that it was silly to refuse me permission to visit
Jefferson Davis, but he would not say so publicly, as he had no desire
to relieve Johnson of responsibility.
There was no excuse for longer sporting with this radical Amaryllis
either in shade or in sunshine; so I sought Henry Winter Davis. Like
the fallen angel, Davis preferred to rule in hell rather than serve in
heaven or on earth. With the head of Medusa and the eye of the
Basilisk, he might have represented Siva in a Hindoo
temple, and was
even more inaccessible to sentiment than Thaddeus Stevens. Others,
too numerous and too insignificant to particularize, were seen. These
were the cuttle-fish of the party, whose appointed duty it was to
obscure popular vision by clouds of loyal declamation. As Sicilian
banditti prepare for robberies and murders by pious offerings on
shrines of favorite saints, these brought out the altar of the "nation,"
and devoted themselves afresh, whenever "Crédits Mobiliers" and
kindred enormities were afoot, and sharpened every question of
administration, finance, law, taxation, on the grindstone of sectional
hate. So sputtering tugs tow from her moorings the stately ship, to
send her forth to winds and waves of ocean, caring naught for the
cargo with which she is freighted, but, grimy in zeal to earn fees,
return to seek another.
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Hopeless of obtaining assistance from such statesmen, I visited Mr.
Charles Sumner, Senator from Massachusetts, who received me
pleasantly. A rebel, a slave-driver, and, without the culture of Boston,
ignorant, I was an admirable vessel into which he could pour the
inexhaustible stream of his acquired eloquence. I was delighted to listen
to beautiful passages from the classic as well as modern poets,
dramatists, philosophers, and orators, and recalled the anecdote of the
man sitting under a fluent divine, who could not refrain from muttering,
"That is Jeremy Taylor; that, South; that, Barrow," etc. It was difficult
to suppress the thought, while Mr. Sumner was talking, "That is Burke,
or Howard, Wilberforce, Brougham, Macaulay, Harriet Beecher Stowe,
Exeter Hall," etc.; but I failed to get down to the particular subject that
interested me. The nearest approach to the practical was his
disquisition on negro suffrage, which he thought should be
accompanied by education. I ventured to suggest that negro education
should precede suffrage, observing that some held the opinion that the
capacity of the white race for government was limited, although
accumulated and transmitted through many centuries. He replied that
"the ignorance of the negro was due to the tyranny of the whites," which
appeared in his view to dispose of the question of the former's
incapacity. He seemed over-educated - had retained, not digested his
learning; and beautiful flowers of literature were attached to him by
filaments of memory, as lovely orchids to sapless sticks. Hence he failed
to understand the force of language, and became the victim of his own
metaphors, mistaking them for facts. He had the irritable vanity and
weak nerves of a woman, and was bold to rashness in speculation,
destitute as he was of the ordinary masculine sense of responsibility.
Yet I hold him to have been the purest and most sincere man of his
party. A lover, nay, a devotee of liberty, he thoroughly understood that
it could only be preserved by upholding the supremacy of civil law, and
would not sanction the garrison methods of President Grant. Without
vindictiveness, he forgave his enemies as soon as they were
overthrown, and one of the last efforts of his life was to remove
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from the flag of a common country all records of victories that
perpetuated the memory of civil strife.
Foiled in this direction, I worried the President, as old
Mustard would a stot, until he wrote the permission so long
solicited. By steamer from Baltimore I went down Chesapeake
Bay, and arrived at Fortress Monroe in the early morning.
General Burton, the commander, whose civility was marked, and
who bore himself like a gentleman and soldier, received me on
the dock and took me to his quarters to breakfast, and to await
the time to see Mr. Davis.
It was with some emotion that I reached the casemate in
which Mr. Davis was confined. There were two rooms, in the
outer of which, near the entrance, stood a sentinel, and in the
inner was Jefferson Davis. We met in silence, with grasp of
hands. After an interval he said, "This is kind, but no more than
I expected of you." Pallid, worn, gray, bent, feeble, suffering
from inflammation of the eyes, he was a painful sight to a friend.
He uttered no plaint, and made no allusion to the irons (which
had been removed); said the light kept all night in his room hurt
his eyes a little, and, added to the noise made every two hours
by relieving the sentry, prevented much sleep; but matters had
changed for the better since the arrival of General Burton, who
was all kindness, and strained his orders to the
utmost in his behalf. I told him of my reception at Washington
by the President, Mr. Seward, and others, of the attentions of
Generals Grant and Humphreys, who promoted my wish to see
him, and that with such aid I was confident of obtaining
permission for his wife to stay with him. I could solicit favors for
him, having declined any for myself. Indeed, the very accident
of position, that enabled me to get access to the governing
authorities, made indecent even the supposition of my
acceptance of anything personal while a single man remained
under the ban for serving the Southern cause; and therefore I
had no fear of misconstruction. Hope of meeting his family
cheered him much, and he asked questions about the condition
and prospects of the South, which I answered as favorably as
possible, passing over things that would have grieved him. In
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some way he had learned of attacks on his character and
conduct, made by some Southern curs, thinking to ingratiate
themselves with the ruling powers. I could not deny this, but
remarked that the curse of unexpected defeat and suffering was
to develop the basest passions of the human heart. Had he
escaped out of the country, it was possible he might have been
made a scapegoat by the Southern people, and, great as were
the sufferings that he had endured, they were as nothing to
coward stabs from beloved hands. The attacks mentioned were
few, and too contemptible for notice; for now his calamities had
served to endear him to all. I think that he derived consolation
from this view.
The day passed with much talk of a less disturbing
character, and in the evening I returned to Baltimore and
Washington. After some delay Mr. Davis's family was
permitted to join him, and he speedily recovered strength. Later
I made a journey or two to Richmond, Virginia, on business
connected with his trial, then supposed to be impending.
The slight service, if simple discharge of duty can be so
called, I was enabled to render Mr. Davis, was repaid ten
thousand fold. In the month of March, 1875, my devoted wife
was released from suffering, long and patiently endured,
originating in grief for the loss of her children and exposure
during the war. Smitten by this calamity, to which all that had
gone before seemed as blessings, I stood by her coffin, ere it
was closed, to look for the last time upon features that death had
respected and restored to their girlish beauty. Mr. Davis came
to my side, and stooped reverently to touch the fair brow, when
the tenderness of his heart overcame him and he burst into
tears. His example completely unnerved me for the time, but
was of service in the end. For many succeeding days he came
to me, and was as gentle as a young mother with her suffering
infant. Memory will ever recall Jefferson Davis as he stood with
me by the coffin.
Duty to imprisoned friends and associates discharged, I
returned to New Orleans, and remained for some weeks, when
an untoward event occurred, productive of grave consequences.
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The saints and martyrs who have attained success have rarely
declined to employ the temporal means of sinners. While calling
on Hercules, they put their own shoulders to the wheel, and, in
the midst of prayer, keep their powder dry. To prepare for the
reëlection of President Lincoln in 1864, pretended State
governments had been set up by the Federal military in several
Southern States, where fragments of territory were occupied. In
the event of a close election in the North, the electoral votes in
these manufactured States would be under the control of the
executive authority, and serve to determine the result. For some
years the Southern States were used as thimble-riggers use
peas: now they were under the cup of the Union, and now they
were out. During his reign in New Orleans the Federal General
Banks had prepared a Louisiana pea for the above purpose.
At this time negro suffrage, as yet an unaccomplished
purpose, was in the air, and the objective point of radical effort.
To aid the movement, surviving accomplices of the Banks fraud
were instigated to call a "State Convention" in Louisiana,
though with no more authority so to do than they had to call the
British Parliament. The people of New Orleans regarded the
enterprise as those of London did the proposed meeting of
tailors in Tooley street; and just before this debating society was
to assemble, the Federal commander, General Sheridan, selected
especially to restrain the alleged turbulent population of the city,
started on an excursion to Texas, proving that he attached no
importance to the matter and anticipated no disturbance.
Living in close retirement, I had forgotten all about the
"Convention." Happening to go to the center of the town, from
my residence in the upper suburb, the day on which it met, on
descending from the carriage of the tramway I heard pistol
shots and saw a crowd of roughs, Arabs, and negroes running
across Canal Street. I walked in the direction of the noise to
inquire the cause of excitement, as there was nothing visible to
justify it. The crowd seemed largely composed of boys of from
twelve to fifteen, and negroes. I met no acquaintance, and could
obtain no information, when a negro came flying past,
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pursued by a white boy, certainly not above fifteen years of age,
with a pistol in hand. I stopped the boy without difficulty, and
made him tell what he was up to. He said the niggers were
having a meeting at Mechanics' Institute to take away his vote.
When asked how long he had enjoyed that inestimable right of a
freeman, the boy gave it up, pocketed his "Derringer," and
walked off.
By this time the row appeared to be over, so I went on my
way without seeing the building called Mechanics' Institute, as it
was around the corner near which the boy was stopped.
Speedily the town was filled with excitement, and Baird, the
Federal commander in the absence of Sheridan, occupied the
streets with troops and arrested the movements of citizens.
Many poor negroes had been killed most wantonly, indignation
ran high among decent people, and the perpetrators of the
bloody deeds deserved and would have received swift, stern
punishment had civil law been permitted to act. But this did not
suit the purposes of the radicals, who rejoiced as Torquemada
might have done when the discovery of a score of heretics
furnished him an excuse to torment and destroy a province.
Applying the theory of the detective police, that among the
beneficiaries of crime must be sought the perpetrators, one
would conclude that the radical leaders prompted the
assassination of Lincoln and the murder of negroes; for they
alone derived profit from these acts.
From this time forth the entire white race of the South
devoted itself to the killing of negroes. It appeared to be an
inherent tendency in a slave-driver to murder a negro. It was a
law of his being, as of the monkey's to steal nuts, and could not
be resisted. Thousands upon thousands were slain. Favorite
generals kept lists in their pockets, proving time, place, and
numbers, even to the smallest piccaninny. Nay, such was the
ferocity of the slave-drivers, that unborn infants were ripped
from their mothers' wombs. Probably these sable Macduffs
were invented to avenge the wrongs of their race on tyrants
protected by satanic devices from injury at the hands of Africans
of natural birth. Individual effort could not suffice the rage
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for slaughter, and the ancient order of "assassins" was revived,
with an "Old Man" of the swamps at its head. Thus "Ku-Klux"
originated, and covered the land with a network of crime.
Earnest, credulous women in New England had their feelings
lacerated by these stories, in which they as fondly believed as
their foremothers in Salem witches.
As crocodiles conceal their prey until it becomes savory and
tender and ripe for eating, so the Radicals kept these dark
corpses to serve up to the public when important elections
approached, or some especial villainy was to be enacted by the
Congress. People who had never been south of the Potomac and
Ohio Rivers knew all about this "Ku-Klux"; but I failed, after
many inquiries, to find a single man in the South who ever heard
of it, saving in newspapers. Doubtless there were many acts of
violence. When ignorant negroes, instigated by pestilent
emissaries, went beyond endurance, the whites killed them; and
this was to be expected. The breed to which these whites belong
has for eight centuries been the master of the earth wherever it
has planted its foot. A handful conquered and holds in subjection
the crowded millions of India. Another and smaller bridles the
fierce Caffre tribes of South Africa. Place but a score of them
on the middle course of the Congo, and they will rule unless
exterminated; and all the armies and all the humanitarians can
not change this, until the appointed time arrives for Ham to
dominate Japhet.
Two facts may here be stated. Just in proportion as the
whites recovered control of their local governments, in that
proportion negroes ceased to be killed; and when it was
necessary to Radical success to multiply negro votes, though no
census was taken, formal statistics were published to prove
large immigration of negroes into the very districts of slaughter.
Certainty of death could not restrain the colored lambs, impelled
by an uncontrollable ardor to vote the radical ticket, from
traveling to the wolves. Such devotion deserved the tenderest
consideration of Christian men and women, and all means of
protection and loving care were due to this innocent, credulous
race. A great bureau, the Freedmen's, was established, and in
connection with
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it, at the seat of government, a bank. It was of importance to
teach the freedmen, unused to responsibility, industry and
economy; and the bank was to encourage these virtues by
affording a safe place of deposit for their small savings. To
make assurance doubly sure, the "Christian soldier of the
United States army" was especially selected to keep the
money, and he did - so securely, in point of fact, that it is to be
apprehended the unfortunate depositors will never see it more.
After so brilliant an experience in banking, prudence might have
suggested to this officer the wisdom of retiring from public
view. Fortune is sometimes jealous of great reputations and
fresh laurels. The success of his first speech prevented
"Single-speech Hamilton" from rising again in the House of Commons;
Frederick failed to repeat Rossbach, and Napoleon, Austerlitz;
but the "Christian soldier" rushed on his fate, and met it at the
hands of the Nez Percés. The profound strategy, the skillful
tactics, the ready valor that had extinguished bank balances, all
failed against this wily foe.
While the excitement growing out of the untoward event
mentioned was at its height, President Johnson summoned me to
Washington, where I explained all the circumstances, as far as I
knew them, of the recent murders, and urged him to send
General Hancock to command in New Orleans. He was sent,
and immediately restored order and confidence. A gentleman,
one of the most distinguished and dashing officers of the United
States army, General Hancock recognizes both the great duties
of a soldier of the Republic - to defend its flag and obey its
laws, discharging the last with a fidelity equal to his devotion to
the first in front of battle.
The contest between the Congress and the President now
waxed fierce, and Thaddeus Stevens, from his place in the
House, denounced "the man at the other end of the avenue."
The President had gone back to wise, lawful methods, and
desired to restore the Union under the Constitution; and in this
he was but following the policy declared in his last public
utterance by President Lincoln. Mr. Johnson could establish this
fact by members of his predecessor's Cabinet whom he had
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retained, and thus strengthen his position; but his vanity forbade
him, so he called it "my policy," as if it were something new.
At his instance, I had many interviews with him, and
consulted influential men from different parts of the country. His
Secretary of War was in close alliance with his enemies in the
Congress, and constantly betraying him. This was susceptible of
proof, and I so informed the President, and pointed out that, so
far from assisting the people of the South, he was injuring them
by inaction; for the Congress persecuted them to worry him. He
was President and powerful; they were weak and helpless. In
truth, President Johnson, slave to his own temper and appetites,
was unfit to control others.
General Grant yet appeared to agree with me about
"reconstruction," as it was called; and I was anxious to preserve
good feeling on his part toward the President. In the light of
subsequent events, it is curious to recall the fact that he
complained of Stanton's retention in the Cabinet, because the
latter's greed of power prevented the Commander-in-Chief of
the army from controlling the most minute details without
interference. I urged this on the President as an additional
motive for dismissing his War Secretary and replacing him by
some one agreeable to General Grant; but all in vain. This
official "old man of the sea" kept his seat on the Presidential
neck, never closing crafty eye nor traitorous mouth, and holding
on with the tenacity of an octopus.
Many moderate and whilom influential Republicans
determined to assemble in convention at Philadelphia, and
invited delegates from all parts, North and South, to meet them.
The object was to promote good feeling and an early restoration
of the Union, and give aid to the President in his struggle with
extremists. Averse to appearing before the public, I was
reluctant to go to this Convention; but the President, who felt a
deep interest in its success, insisted, and I went. It was largely
attended, and by men who had founded and long led the Free-soil
party. Ex-members of Lincoln's first Cabinet, Senators and
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members of the Congress, editors of Republican newspapers
(among whom was Henry J. Raymond, the ablest political editor
of the day and an eminent member of Congress as well),
Southern men who had fought for the Confederacy, were there.
Northern Republicans and Democrats, long estranged, buried the
political hatchet and met for a common purpose, to restore the
Union. Negro-worshipers from Massachusetts and slave-drivers
from South Carolina entered the vast hall arm in arm. The great
meeting rose to its feet, and walls and roof shook with applause.
General John A. Dix of New York called the Convention to
order, and, in an eloquent and felicitous speech, stated the
objects of the assembly - to renew fraternal feeling between
the sections, heal the wounds of war, obliterate bitter memories,
and restore the Union of the fathers. Senator Doolittle of
Wisconsin was chosen permanent president, and patriotic
resolutions were adopted by acclamation. All this was of as little
avail as the waving of a lady's fan against a typhoon. Radical
wrath uprose and swept these Northern men out of political
existence, and they were again taught the lesson that is ever
forgotten, namely, that it is an easy task to inflame the passions
of the multitude, an impossible one to arrest them. From selfish
ambition, from thoughtless zeal, from reckless partisanship, from
the low motives governing demagogues in a country of universal
suffrage, men are ever sowing the wind, thinking they can
control the whirlwind; and the story of the Gironde and the
Mountain has been related in vain.
The President was charmed with the Convention. Believing
the people - his god - to be with him, his crest rose, and he
felt every inch a President. Again I urged him to dismiss his War
Secretary and replace Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, now in
disfavor with his own creation, the Radical party, by General
Dix, who was rewarded for his services at Philadelphia by the
appointment of Naval Officer at New York. He was an
exception to the rule above mentioned. A more cautious pilot
than Palinurus, this respectable person is the "Vicar of Bray" of
American politics; and like that eminent divine, his creeds sit
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so lightly as to permit him to take office under all circumstances.
Secretary of the Treasury in the closing weeks of President
Buchanan, he aroused the North by sending his immortal
dispatch to the commander of a revenue cutter: "If any man
attempts to haul down the American flag, shoot him on the
spot." This bespoke the heart of the patriot, loving his country's
banner, and the arm of the hero, ready to defend it; and, clad in
this armor of proof, he has since been invulnerable. The
President took kindly to the proposition concerning General Dix,
and I flattered myself that it would come off, when suddenly the
General was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to France. I
imagine that Mr. Seward had got wind of the project and hurried
Dix out of the way. Thus, in a few days General Dix had the
offer of the Netherlands, Naval Office, and France. "Glamis,
and thane of Cawdor"; and his old age is yet so green, mayhap
"the greatest is behind."
To air his eloquence and enlighten the minds of his dear
people, the President made a tour through the North and West,
in which his conduct and declarations were so extraordinary as
to defeat any hopes of success for "my policy."
A circumstance connected with the Philadelphia Convention
made an impression on me at the time. Mr. Raymond was editor
of the "New York Times," the most powerful Republican
journal in the North. Among many who had gained large wealth
by speculations during the war was Mr. Leonard Jerome, a
Republican in politics. This gentleman spent his fortune so
lavishly that his acquaintances and the public shared its
enjoyment. With other property, Mr. Jerome owned the
controlling interest in the "Times," then very valuable. Dining in
New York with him and Mr. Raymond, the Latter told me it
was useless to support the President, who was daily becoming
more unpopular, and that the circulation and influence of his
paper were rapidly diminishing in consequence of his adherence
to "my policy." Whereupon Mr. Jerome replied: "I know but
little about politics; but if you think it right to stand by the
President, I will pay all losses that the 'Times' may suffer to
the other proprietors." This was unselfish and patriotic; and I
Page 255
record it with the more pleasure, because Mr. Jerome has lost
much of his wealth, and I fear, like many another Timon, some
friends with it.
After this period I saw little of President Johnson, who
fought his fight in his own way, had his hands completely tied,
and barely escaped impeachment; the Congress, meanwhile,
making a whipping-post of the South, and inflicting upon it every
humiliation that malignity could devise.
Page 256
CHAPTER XVI.
RECONSTRUCTION UNDER GRANT.
BEFORE the conventions to nominate candidates for the
Presidency met in 1868, I had much intercourse with General Grant, and
found him ever modest and determined to steer clear of politics, or at
least not permit himself to be used by partisans; and I have no doubt
that he was sincere. But the Radical Satan took him up to the high
places and promised him dominion over all in view. Perhaps none but a
divine being can resist such temptation. He accepted the nomination
from the Radicals, and was elected; and though I received friendly
messages from him, I did not see him until near the close of his first
administration. As ignorant of civil government as of the characters on
the Moabitish stone, President Grant begun badly, and went from bad
to worse. The appointments to office that he made, the associates
whom he gathered around him, were astounding. All his own relatives,
all his wife's relatives, all the relatives of these relatives, to the remotest
cousinhood, were quartered on the public treasury. Never, since King
Jamie crossed the Tweed with the hungry Scotch nation at his heels,
has the like been seen; and the soul of old Newcastle, greatest of
English nepotists, must have turned green with envy. The influence of
this on the public was most disastrous. Already shortened by the war,
the standard of morality, honesty, and right was buried out of sight.
For two or three years I was much in the North, and especially in
New York, where I had dear friends. The war had afforded opportunity
and stimulated appetite for reckless speculation. Vast fortunes had
been acquired by new men, destitute
Page 257
of manners, taste, or principles. The vulgar insolence of wealth held
complete possession of public places and carried by storm the citadels
of society. Indeed, society disappeared. As in the middle ages, to
escape pollution, honorable men and refined women (and there are
many such in the North) fled to sanctuary and desert, or, like early
Christians in the catacombs, met secretly and in fear. The masses sank
into a condition that would disgrace Australian natives, and lost all
power of discrimination.
The Vice-President of the United States accepted bribes, and
perjured himself in vain to escape exposure. President Grant wrote him
a letter to assure him of his continued esteem and confidence, and this
Vice-President has since lectured before "Young Men's Christian
Associations." Plunderings by members of the Congress excited no
attention so long as they were confined to individuals or corporations.
It was only when they voted themselves money out of taxes paid by
the people, that these last growled and frightened some of the
statesmen into returning it. A banker, the pet of the Government,
holding the same especial relation to it that the Bank of England held
to William of Orange, discovered that "a great national debt was a
blessing," and was commended and rewarded therefor. With a palace
on the shores of the Delaware, this banker owned, a summer retreat on
a lovely isle amid the waters of Lake Erie. A pious man, he filled this
with many divines, who blessed all his enterprises. He contributed
largely, too, to the support of an influential Christian journal to aid in
disseminating truth to Jew, Gentile, and heathen. The divines and the
Christian journal were employed to persuade widows and weak men to
purchase his rotten securities, as things too righteous to occasion
loss.
The most eloquent preacher in the land, of a race devoted to
adoration of negroes, as Hannibal to hatred of Rome, compromised the
wife of a member of his congregation. Discovered by the husband, he
groveled before him in humiliation as before "his God" (his own
expression). Brought before the public, he swore that he was
innocent, and denied the meaning of his own written words. The
scandal endured for months and gave an opportunity to the
metropolitan journals to display
Page 258
their enterprise by furnishing daily and minute reports of all
details to their readers. The influence of the preacher was
increased by this. His congregation flocked to him as the
Anabaptists to John of Leyden, and shopkeepers profitably
advertised their wares by doubling their subscriptions to
augment his salary. Far from concealing this wound inflicted on
his domestic honor, the injured husband proclaimed it from the
housetops, clothed himself in it as in a robe of price, and has
successfully used it to become a popular lecturer.
To represent the country at the capital of an ancient
monarchy, a man was selected whom, it is no abuse of language
to declare, Titus Oates after his release from the pillory would
have blushed to recognize. On the eve of his departure, as one
may learn from the newspapers of the day, all that was richest
and best in New York gathered around a banquet in his honor,
congratulated the country to which he was accredited, and
lamented the misfortune of their own that it would be deprived,
even temporarily, of such virtue. Another was sent to an empire
which is assured by our oft-succeeding envoys that it is the
object of our particular affection. To the aristocracy of the realm
this genial person taught the favorite game of the mighty West.
A man of broad views, feeling that diplomatic attentions were
due to commons as well as to crown and nobles, he occasionally
withdrew himself from the social pleasures of the "West End"
to inform the stags of Capel Court of the value of American
mines. Benefactors are ever misjudged. Aristocracy and the
many-antlered have since united to defame him; but Galileo in
the dungeon, Pascal by his solitary lamp, More, Sidney, and
Russell on the scaffold, will console him; and in the broad bosom
of his native Ohio he has found the exception to the rule that
prophets are not without honor but in their own country.
The years of Methuselah and the pen of Juvenal would
not suffice to exhaust the list, or depict the benighted state into
which we had fallen; but it can be asserted of the popular idols
of the day that unveiled, they resemble Mokanna, and can each
exclaim:
Page 259
"Here,
judge if hell, with all its power to damn,
Can
add one curse to the foul thing I am!"
The examples of
thousands of pure and upright people in the
North were as powerless to mitigate the general corruption as
song of seraphim to purify the orgies of harlots and burglars; for
they were not in harmony with the brutal passions of the
masses.
In Boston, July, 1872, as co-trustees of the fund left by the
late Mr. Peabody for the education of the poor in the Southern
States, President Grant and I met for the first time since he had
accepted the nomination from the Radical party. He was a
candidate for reëlection, and much worshiped; and, though
cordial with me, his general manner had something of "I am the
State." Stopping at the same inn, he passed an evening in my
room, to which he came alone; and there, avoiding public affairs,
we smoked and chatted about the Nueces, Rio Grande, Palo
Alto, etc. - things twenty-five years agone, when we were
youngsters beginning life. He was reëlected in November by a
large majority of electoral votes; but the people of Louisiana
elected a Democratic Governor and Assembly. When, in
January following, the time of meeting of the Assembly arrived,
the country, habituated as it was to violent methods, was startled
by the succeeding occurrences.
The night before the Assembly was to meet, the Federal
Judge in the city of New Orleans, a drunken reprobate, obtained
from the commander of the United States troops a portion of his
force, and stationed it in the State House. In the morning the
members elect were refused admittance, and others not elected,
many not even candidates during the election, were allowed to
enter. One Packard, Marshal of the Federal Court, a bitter
partisan and worthy adjunct of such a judge, had provided for an
Assembly to suit himself by giving tickets to his friends, whom
the soldiers passed in, excluding the elected members. The
ring-streaked, spotted, and speckled among the cattle and goats, and
the brown among the sheep, were turned into the supplanters'
folds, which were filled with lowing herds
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and bleating flocks, while Laban had neither horn nor hoof.
There was not a solitary return produced in favor of this
Packard body, nor of the Governor subsequently installed; but
the Radicals asserted that their friends would have been elected
had the people voted as they wished, for every negro and some
whites in the State upheld their party. By this time the charming
credulity of the negroes had abated, and they answered the
statement that slave-drivers were murdering their race in
adjacent regions by saying that slave-drivers, at least, did not tell
them lies nor steal their money.
All the whites and many of the blacks in Louisiana felt
themselves cruelly wronged by the action of the Federal
authorities. Two Assemblies were in session and two Governors
claiming power in New Orleans. Excitement was intense,
business arrested, and collision between the parties imminent.
As the Packard faction was supported by Federal troops, the
situation looked grave, and a number of worthy people urged me
to go to Washington, where my personal relations with the
President might secure me access to him. It was by no means a
desirable mission, but duty seemed to require me to undertake it.
Accompanied by Thomas F. Bayard, Senator from
Delaware, my first step in Washington was to call on the leader
of the Radicals in the Senate, Morton of Indiana, when a long
conversation ensued, from which I derived no encouragement.
Senator Morton was the Couthon of his party, and this single
interview prepared me for one of his dying utterances to warn
the country against the insidious efforts of slave-driving rebels to
regain influence in the Government. The author of the natural
history of Ireland would doubtless have welcomed one
specimen, by describing which he could have filled out a chapter
on snakes; and there is temptation to dwell on the character of
Senator Morton as one of the few Radical leaders who kept his
hands clean of plunder. But it may be observed that one
absorbing passion excludes all others from the human heart; and
the small portion of his being in which disease had left vitality
was set on vengeance. Death has
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recently clutched him, and would not be denied; and he is
bewailed throughout the land as though he had possessed the
knightly tenderness of Sir Philip Sidney and the lofty patriotism
of Chatham.
The President received me pleasantly, gave much time to the
Louisiana difficulty, and, in order to afford himself opportunity
for full information, asked me frequently to dine with his
immediate family, composed of kindly, worthy people. I also
received attention and hospitality from some members of his
Cabinet, who with him seemed desirous to find a remedy for the
wrong. More especially was this true of the Secretary of State,
Hamilton Fish, with whom and whose refined family I had an
acquaintance. Of a distinguished Revolutionary race, possessor
of a good estate, and with charming, cultivated surroundings, this
gentleman seemed the Noah of the political world. Perhaps his
retention in the Cabinet was due to a belief that, under the new
and milder dispensation, the presence of one righteous man
might avert the doom of Gomorrah. An exception existed in the
person of the Attorney-General, a man, as eminent barristers
declare, ignorant of law and self-willed and vulgar. For some
reason he had much influence with the President, who later
appointed him Chief Justice of the United States; but the
Senatorial gorge, indelicate as it had proved, rose at this, as the
easy-shaving barber's did at the coal-heaver, and rejected him.
Weeks elapsed, during which I felt hopeful from the
earnestness manifested in my mission by the President and
several of his Cabinet. Parties were in hostile array in New
Orleans, but my friends were restrained by daily reports of the
situation at Washington. Only my opinion that there was some
ground for hope could be forwarded. Conversations at dinner
tables or in private interviews with the Executive and his
advisers could not, then or since, be repeated; and this of
necessity gave room for misconstruction, as will appear. At
length, on the day before the Congress was by law to adjourn,
the President sent a message to the Senate, informing that body
that, in the event the Congress failed to take action on the
Louisiana matter,
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he should esteem it his duty to uphold the Government
created by the Federal Judge. I left Washington at once, and
did not revisit it for nearly four years.
I believe that President Grant was sincere with me, and
went as far as he felt it safe. No doubt the Senatorial hyenas
brought him to understand these unspoken words: "We have
supported your acts, confirmed your appointments, protected
and whitewashed your friends; but there are bones which we
can not give up without showing our teeth, and Louisiana is one
of them."
The failure to obtain relief for the State of my birth, and
whose soil covered the remains of all most dear, was sad
enough, and the attempt had involved much unpleasant work; but
I had my reward. Downfall of hope, long sustained, was bitter to
the people, especially to the leaders expectant of office; and I
became an object of distrust. "Nothing succeeds like success,"
and nothing fails like failure, and the world is quite right to
denounce it. The British Ministry shot an admiral for failing to
relieve Minorca - to encourage others, as Voltaire remarked.
Byng died silent, without plaint, which was best. The drunken
Federal Judge, author of the outrages, was universally
condemned, with one exception, of which more anon. Both
branches of the Congress, controlled by Radicals, pronounced
his conduct to have been illegal and unjust, and he was driven
from the bench with articles of impeachment hanging over him.
Nevertheless, the Government evolved from his unjudicial
consciousness was upheld by President Grant with Federal
bayonets.
Two years later the people of Louisiana elected an
Assembly, a majority of whose members were opposed to the
fraudulent Governor, Kellogg. The President sent United States
soldiers into the halls of the Assembly to expel members at the
point of the bayonet. Lieutenant-General Sheridan, the military
maid of all (such) work, came especially to superintend this
business, and it was now that he expressed the desire to
exterminate "banditti." The destruction of buildings and food in
the Valley of Virginia, to the confusion of the crows, was his
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Salamanca; but this was his Waterloo, and great was the fame of
the Lieutenant-General of the Radicals.
This Governor Kellogg is the Senator recently seated, of
whom mention has been made, and, if a lesser quantity than zero
be conceivable, with a worse title to the office than he had to
that of Governor of Louisiana. So far as known, he is a
commonplace rogue; but his party has always rallied to his
support, as the "Tenth Legion" to its eagles. Indeed, it is difficult
to understand the qualities or objects that enlist the devotion and
compel the worship of humanity. Travelers in the Orient tell of
majestic fanes, whose mighty walls and countless columns are
rich with elaborate carvings. Hall succeeds hall, each more
beautifully wrought than the other, until the innermost, the holy
of holies, is reached, and there is found enshrined - a shriveled ape.
The sole exception referred to in the case of the drunken
Federal Judge was a lawyer of small repute, who had been
Democratic in his political tendencies. Languishing in obscurity,
he saw and seized his opportunity, and rushed into print in
defense of the Judge and in commendation of the President for
upholding such judicial action. It is of record that this lawyer, in
the society of some men of letters, declared Dante to be the
author of the Decameron; but one may be ignorant of the Italian
poets and thoroughly read in French memoirs. During the war of
the Spanish succession, the Duke of Vendôme, filthiest of
generals, not excepting Suvaroff, commanded the French army
in Italy. To negotiate protection for their States, the Italian
princes sent agents to Vendome; but the agents sent by the
Duke of Parma were so insulted by the bestialities of the French
commander as to go back to their master without negotiating,
and no decent man would consent to return. A starving little
abbé volunteered for the service, and, possessing a special
aptitude for baseness, succeeded in his mission. Thus Alberoni,
afterward Cardinal and Prime Minister of Spain, got his foot on
the first rung of the ladder of fame. The details of the story are
too gross to repeat, and the Memoirs of the Duke of St. Simon
must be consulted for them; but our
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lawyer assuredly had read them. Many may imitate Homer, however
feebly; one genius originated his epics.
Having entered on this lofty career, our Alberoni stuck to it with the
tenacity of a ferret in pursuit of rabbits, and was rewarded, though not at
the time nor to the extent he had reason to expect. The mission to
England was promised him by the reigning powers, when, on the very eve
of securing his prize, a stick was put in the wheels of his progress, and
by a brother's hand. Another legal personage, practicing at the same
bar, that of New York, and a friend, did the deed. "Chloe was false,
Chloe was common, but constant while possessed"; but here Chloe was
without the last quality. In 1868, General Grant's election pending, Chloe
was affiliated with the Democratic party, and had been chosen one of the
captains of its citadel, a sachem of Tammany. Scenting success for
Grant, with the keenness of the vulture for his prey, he attended a
Radical meeting and announced his intention to give twenty thousand
dollars to the Radical election fund. This sum appears to have been the
market value of a seat in the Cabinet, to which ultimately he was called.
When the English mission became vacant by the resignation of the
incumbent, disgusted by British ingratitude, Chloe quitted the Cabinet to
take it, and Alberoni was left wearing weeds. Yet much allowance is due
to family affection, the foundation of social organization. Descended
from a noble stock, though under a somewhat different name, Chloe from
mystic sources learned that his English relatives pined for his society,
and devotion to family ties tempted him to betray his friend.
Subsequently Alberoni was appointed to a more northern country,
where he may find congenial society; for, in a despotism tempered only
by assassination, the knees of all become pliant before power.
It is pleasant to mark the early steps of nascent ambition. In the
time of the great Napoleon every conscript carried the baton of a
marshal in his knapsack; and in our happy land every rogue may be
said to have an appointment to office in his pocket. This is also
pleasant.
Since the spring of 1873, when he gave himself up to the
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worst elements of his party, I have not seen President Grant; but his
career suggests some curious reflections to one who has known him
for thirty-odd years. What the waiting-woman promised in jest, Dame
Fortune has seriously bestowed on this Malvolio, and his political
cross-garterings not only find favor with the Radical Olivia, but are
admired by the Sir Tobys of the European world. Indeed, Fortune has
conceits as quaint as those of Haroun al-Raschid. The beggar, from
profound sleep, awoke in the Caliph's bed. Amazed and frightened by
his surroundings, he slowly gained composure as courtier after
courtier entered, bowing low, to proclaim him King of kings, Light of
the World, Commander of the Faithful; and he speedily came to believe
that the present had always existed, while the real past was an idle
dream. Of a nature kindly and modest, President Grant was assured by
all about him that he was the delight of the Radicals, greatest captain
of the age, and saviour of the nation's life. It was inevitable that he
should begin by believing some of this, and end by believing it all.
Though he had wasted but little time on books since leaving West
Point, where in his day the curriculum was limited, he had found out to
the last shilling the various sums voted by Parliament to the Duke of
Wellington, and spoke of them in a manner indicating his opinion that
he was another example of the ingratitude of republics. The gentle
temper and sense of justice of Othello resisted the insidious wiles of
Iago; but ignorance and inexperience yielded in the end to malignity
and craft. President Grant was brought not only to smother the
Desdemona of his early preferences and intentions, but to feel no
remorse for the deed, and take to his bosom the harridan of radicalism.
As Phalaris did those of Agrigentum opposed to his rule, he finished
by hating Southerners and Democrats.
During the struggle for the Presidency in the autumn of 1876, he
permitted a member of his Cabinet, the Secretary of the Interior, to
become the manager of the Radicals and use all the power of his office,
established for the public service, to promote the success of his party's
candidate.
Monsieur Fourtou, Minister of the Interior, removed
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prefects and mayors to strengthen the power of De Broglie;
whereupon all the newspapers in our land published long essays
to show and lament the ignorance of the French and their want
of experience in republican methods. One might suppose these
articles to have been written by the "seven sleepers," so
forgetful were they of yesterday's occurrences at home; but
beams near at hand are ever blinked in our search of distant
motes. The election over, but the result in dispute, President
Grant, in Philadelphia, alarmed thoughtful people by declaring
that "no man could take the great office of President upon
whose title thereto the faintest shadow of doubt rested," and
then, with all the power of the Government, successfully led the
search for this nonexisting person. To insure fairness in the
count, so that none could carp, he requested eminent statesmen
to visit South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana, the electoral votes
of which were claimed by both parties; but the statesmen were,
without exception, the bitterest and most unscrupulous partisans,
personally interested in securing victory for their candidate, and
have since received their hire. Soldiers were quartered in the
capitals of the three States to aid the equitable statesmen in
reaching a correct result by applying the bayonet if the figures
proved refractory. With equity and force at work, the country
might confidently expect justice; and justice was done - that
justice ever accorded by unscrupulous power to weakess.
But one House of the Congress was controlled by the
Democrats, and these, Herod-like, were seeking to slay the
child, the Nation. To guard against this, President Grant ordered
other troops to Washington and a ship of war to be anchored in
the Potomac, and the child was preserved. Again, the 4th of
March, appointed by law for the installation of Presidents, fell
on Sunday. President Grant is of Scotch descent, and doubtless
learned in the traditions of the land o' cakes. The example of
Kirkpatrick at Dumfries taught him that it was wise to "mak
sicker"; so the incoming man and the Chief Justice were
smuggled into the White House on the sabbath day, and the oath
of office was administered. If the chair of George Washington
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was to be filched, it were best done under cover. The
value of the loot inspired caution.
In Paris, at a banquet, MaÎtre Gambetta recently toasted our
ex-President "as the great commander who had sacredly
obeyed and preserved his country's laws." Whether this was
said in irony or ignorance, had General Grant taken with him to
Paris his late Secretary of the Interior, the accomplished Z.
Chandler, the pair might have furnished suggestions to Marshal
MacMahon and Fourtou that would have changed the dulcet
strains of Maitre Gambetta into dismal howls.
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CHAPTER XVII.
CONCLUSION.
DISMISSING hope of making my small voice heard in
mitigation of the woes of my State, in May, 1873, I went to
Europe and remained many months. Returned to New York, I
found that the characters on the wall, so long invisible, had
blazed forth, and the vast factitious wealth, like the gold of the
dervish, withered and faded in a night. The scenes depicted of
Paris and London, after the collapse of Mississippi schemes and
South Sea bubbles, were here repeated on a greater scale and in
more aggravated form. To most, the loss of wealth was loss of
ancestry, repute, respectability, decency, recognition of their
fellows - all. Small wonder that their withers were fearfully
wrung, and their wails piteous. Enterprise and prosperity were
frozen as in a sea of everlasting ice, and guardians of trusts, like
Ugolino, plunged their robber fangs into the scalps and entrails of
the property confided to them.
A public journal has recently published a detailed list,
showing that there has been plundered by fiduciaries since 1873
the amazing amount of thirty millions of money; and the work
goes on. Scarce a newspaper is printed in whose columns may
not be found some fresh instance of breach of trust. As
poisoning in the time of Brinvilliers, stealing is epidemic, and the
watch-dogs of the flocks are transformed into wolves.
Since the tocsin sounded we have gone from bad to worse.
During the past summer (1877) laborers, striking for increased
wages or to resist diminution thereof, seized and held for many
days the railway lines between East and West, stopping all
traffic. Aided by mobs, they took possession of great towns and
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destroyed vast property. At Pittsburgh, in Pennsylvania, State
troops attempting to restore order were attacked and driven off.
Police and State authorities in most cases proved impotent, and
the arm of Federal power was invoked to stay the evil.
Thousands of the people are without employment, which
they seek in vain; and from our cities issue heart-rending
appeals in behalf of the suffering poor. From the Atlantic as far
to the west as the young State of Nebraska, there has fallen
upon the land a calamity like that afflicting Germany after the
Thirty Years' War. Hordes of idle, vicious tramps penetrate
rural districts in all directions, rendering property and even life
unsafe; and no remedy for this new disease has been
discovered. Let us remember that these things are occurring in a
country of millions upon millions of acres of vacant lands, to be
had almost for the asking, and where, even in the parts first
colonized, density of population bears but a small relation to that
of western Europe. Yet we daily assure ourselves and the world
that we have the best government under the canopy of heaven,
and the happiest land, hope and refuge of humanity.
Purified by fire and sword, the South has escaped many of
these evils; but her enemies have sown the seeds of a pestilence
more deadly than that rising from Pontine marshes. Now that
Federal bayonets have been turned from her bosom, this poison,
the influence of three fourths of a million of negro voters, will
speedily ascend and sap her vigor and intelligence. Greed of
office, curse of democracies, will impel demagogues to grovel
deeper and deeper in the mire in pursuit of ignorant votes. Her
odd breed of statesmen has largely passed away during and
since the civil war, and the few survivors are naturally
distrusted, as responsible for past errors. Numbers of her gentry
fell in battle, and the men now on the stage were youths at the
outbreak of strife, which arrested their education. This last is
also measurably true of the North. Throughout the land the
experience of the active portion of the present generation only
comprises conditions of discord and violence. The story of the
six centuries of sturdy effort by which our English forefathers
wrought out their liberties is unknown, certainly unappreciated.
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Even the struggles of our grandfathers are forgotten, and the names of
Washington, Adams, Hamilton, Jay, Marshall, Madison, and Story
awaken no fresher memories in our minds, no deeper emotions in our
hearts, than do those of Solon, Leonidas, and Pericles. But respect for
the memories and deeds of our ancestors is security for the present,
seed-corn for the future; and, in the language of Burke, "Those will
not look forward to their posterity who never look backward to their
ancestors."
Traditions are mighty influences in restraining peoples. The light
that reaches us from above takes countless ages to traverse the awful
chasm separating us from its parent star; yet it comes straight and true
to our eyes, because each tender wavelet is linked to the other,
receiving and transmitting the luminous ray. Once break the continuity
of the stream, and men will deny its heavenly origin, and seek its
source in the feeble glimmer of earthly corruption.
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INDEX.
THE END.
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