Events leading to the merger of the Fur and Leather Workers Union with the Amalgamated Meat Cutters
Russell discusses shifts in the leadership of the Fur and Leather Workers Union and their decision to merge with the Amalgamated Meat Cutters in 1955. Russell describes how by the early 1950s, the Fur and Leather Workers were under assault, from the federal government and more moderated factions of the labor movement, because of their progressive take on unionization and their Communist leanings. Ultimately, the executive board (of which Russell was a member) determined that they could best serve the labor movement from working within it. Although the decision led to the resignation of leader Ben Gold, the rest of the executive board voted to merge. Russell attributes the decision to their dedication to progressive thinking and the labor movement.
Citing this Excerpt
Oral History Interview with John Russell, July 25, 1974. Interview E-0014-2. Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) in the Southern Oral History Program Collection, Southern Historical Collection, Wilson Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Full Text of the Excerpt
- JOHN RUSSELL:
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Yes, we did in '54. But in '54, by then there had
been a series of raids and attacks and it was apparent that they were
going to use the hatchet on us, you see.
- WILLIAM FINGER:
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Who was they?
- JOHN RUSSELL:
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They, the federal government, you know, where ever they could. And
thinking began to shift, I'd say, in about '52 or
'53. You know, raid after raid … we beat them off
but it became a question of time as we saw it, you see.
- WILLIAM FINGER:
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CIO raids or AF of L?
- JOHN RUSSELL:
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All kinds … CIO, AF of L … political attacks by the
government, everything, you see. We had guys in jail …
Christ, they went to jail, Potash, and all these fellows, you see. Well,
Potash went earlier than that, but we had guys who went and …
there were guys who could have went … even Gold was under
attack. They were trying to put him in jail, you see. So eventually we
felt, "Alright, if there was any
possibility, maybe we better find some group" …
Well, it wasn't just a question of protection. I
don't think that was the main, the only motivation. I think
that we began to realize that we weren't influencing a hell
of a lot of people outside the labor movement, you know. I mean, outside
of our own union, in the other unions of the AF of L, CIO. And that the
one thing that …
[END OF TAPE 1, SIDE A]
[TAPE 1, SIDE B]
[START OF TAPE 1, SIDE B]
- JOHN RUSSELL:
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… were gone, you see, and that if we were going to do a
service for the American Labor Movement, we had to be somewhere where we
could influence it, you know. And while it is one thing to influence by
example from outside, it's a hell of a lot better to
influence by example inside, plus having something to say about policies
inside, you see. Even if you are an isolated group inside, it would
appear that you are better off, you see.
- WILLIAM FINGER:
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You had less and less power.
- JOHN RUSSELL:
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Less and less power, that's right, and less and less
influence. So, you see as early as '52, there was
… people were beginning to say, "Well, maybe we
ought to think in terms of some reaffiliation …"
- WILLIAM FINGER:
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Would you meet together with the district people, and with the Executive
Board, and talk like this?
- JOHN RUSSELL:
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Oh, I was on the national board. I was on the Executive Board of the
AFL-CIO …
- WILLIAM FINGER:
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So you would talk with Gold and Potashe?
- JOHN RUSSELL:
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Oh sure, yes, and we had special … you know, we had meetings,
Executive Board meetings, formal Executive Board meetings, but that
could mean anything. That could mean meeting with some ACTU guys, some
old socialists, some just plain simple economic trade unionists, you
know, and all kinds of elements. So, you always had other meetings too,
where the guys of progressive thinking could work out their own line of
thought on a deal, and more and more, it became apparent that we were
going to have to go … and there were some who resisted and
Gold was one of the strongest.
- WILLIAM FINGER:
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He resisted?
- JOHN RUSSELL:
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Yeah. He recognized the validity of the thinking, but he also recognized
the consequences of acting on it, you see.
- WILLIAM FINGER:
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In this Brody book, he talks about Gold citing the …
- JOHN RUSSELL:
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Non-Communists … this is what they were after him on, lying
under oath, you know.
- WILLIAM FINGER:
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He was convicted, wasn't he?
- JOHN RUSSELL:
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Yeah, but he never served no time because we got it reversed, I think. We
got it reversed. I forget the exact grounds, but the Constitutional
grounds or something, you see…
- WILLIAM FINGER:
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But he resigned from …
- JOHN RUSSELL:
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In 1955, he finally resigned … I mean …
- WILLIAM FINGER:
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1954.
- JOHN RUSSELL:
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'54, yeah … Virgil was '55, and they
took over in '54. He resigned after making a fantastic
protest, one to make you almost cry. In doing it, you loved him. You
knew how he must be bleeding to give up something he spent his lifetime
building. But, it became the decision and the decision he had to live
by.
- WILLIAM FINGER:
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Did he get isolated from the union after that?
- JOHN RUSSELL:
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Yeah. Now, there were others who had to go, you know, but they knew it
too. They knew it even while they argued for going back into the labor
movement. See, that is what always made me a proud guy to be associated
with these fellows. Gold didn't, it wasn't no
personal fear of having a job that motivated Gold, or anything like
that, nothing that cheap or anything. It just was that he thought we
were wrong in giving up the union … or sacrificing to move
back into the labor movement. The other guys knew they were going to go,
and yet they voted right down the line.
- WILLIAM FINGER:
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To go on in?
- JOHN RUSSELL:
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To go, …
- WILLIAM FINGER:
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Even though they …
- JOHN RUSSELL:
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- WILLIAM FINGER:
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Because of their history …
- JOHN RUSSELL:
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This, to me, was the greatest proof of their loyalty to progressive
thinking, and they lived, I mean, they went out just like they always
lived …